Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 17 May 2011

Vol. 732 No. 3

Dublin and Monaghan Bombings: Motion

Deputy Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin

I move:

That Dáil Éireann, recalling the motion it adopted unanimously on 10 July 2008 which:

noted "the interim and final reports of the sub-Committee of the Joint Committee on Justice, Equality, Defence and Women's Rights on the report of the Independent Commission of Inquiry into the Dublin-Monaghan Bombings and the three related Barron Reports, including the Inquiry into the Bombing of Kay's Tavern, Dundalk, and commends the sub-Committee for its work";

urged "the Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland to allow access by an independent, international judicial figure to all original documents held by the British Government relating to the atrocities that occurred in this jurisdiction and which were inquired into by Judge Barron, for the purposes of assessing said documents with the aim of assisting in the resolution of these crimes"; and

directed "the Clerk of the Dáil to communicate the text of this Resolution, together with copies of the aforementioned reports, to the House of Commons of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, with a request that the matter be considered by the House of Commons";

notes that the question of obtaining access to information held by the British Government on the bombings has been pursued for many years;

requests the Government to continue to raise the matter with the British Government and to press it to comply with the request of Dáil Éireann and reaffirms the support of Members on all sides of this House; and

acknowledges that the cooperation being sought is taking place in the context of transformed relationships on this island and between Ireland and Britain based on mutual respect, on partnership and on friendship.

I wish to share my time.

An Leas-Cheann Comhairle

Is that agreed? Agreed.

Deputy Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin

I welcome the cosigning of this motion by An Taoiseach and the other party leaders. I welcome those relatives of the victims of the Dublin-Monaghan bombings who have joined us in the Visitors Gallery this evening. I welcome also the representatives of Justice for the Forgotten who have accompanied them. I congratulate them sincerely on their dignified campaigning and tenacity.

The purpose of this motion is to reaffirm and reiterate the call made unanimously by the Dáil on 10 July 2008. That resolution, set out again in our motion, urged the British Government to open all relevant files on the atrocities inquired into by Mr. Justice Henry Barron. It should not have been necessary to put this motion before the Dáil. The motion and debate reflected the frustration of the survivors and bereaved of the Dublin-Monaghan bombings of 17 May 1974 and of the other atrocities inquired into. They have waited for almost three years for the British Government to act on that motion. They have also waited for the former Taoiseach to press his British counterpart to act but, on both counts, they have been deeply disappointed.

The motion also reflects the patience and endurance of the survivors and the bereaved. The unanimous call of the Dáil on 10 July 2008 was not a one-off event but the latest step in a long process in which the Oireachtas engaged with the affected families, initiated investigations, established committees, held public hearings and published reports. Through all of this, the Oireachtas received no real co-operation from the British authorities. The reports expressed frustration over this lack of co-operation. It was a logical step, then, for the Dáil to adopt the motion of 10 July 2008 calling on the British Government to act.

I regret that successive taoisigh, in answer to questions from me and others, have attempted to present this issue as a matter for the Clerk of the House and his counterpart, the Clerk of the House of Commons, or for the Whips in this House. The motion of July 2008 called on the British Government to release all the relevant files to an independent international figure, as quoted clearly in the motion before the House.

It would be difficult to count the number of times I have questioned former Taoiseach Bertie Ahern on this matter. Time and again, I urged him to press the case for openness, truth and justice with the British Government. Although not often enough, nor vigorously enough, he did raise the matter with Mr. Tony Blair. The motion of 10 July 2008 gave a strengthened mandate to the Irish Government to pursue this matter but I regret it failed to take it up. Former Taoiseach Brian Cowen showed no embarrassment whatsoever when he admitted he had not raised the issue with the then British Prime Minister, Mr. Gordon Brown, a failure he repeatedly confirmed in this Chamber. The responses of the current Taoiseach, Deputy Enda Kenny, have been less than satisfactory also. While I accept he has not been long in office, none the less this should be a priority in any meeting on Irish-British relations between the Taoiseach and British Prime Minister until the request of the Dáil motion of 2008 is complied with.

It is especially frustrating that successive taoisigh have failed in this regard in the context of the current visit of the Queen of England. Scheduling the first day of that visit on the very anniversary of the Dublin-Monaghan bombings showed gross insensitivity. Clearly, this major outstanding issue, this legacy of the conflict, was far from the minds of those who initiated, planned and organised this visit. I salute the forbearance of the relatives who turned the insult into an opportunity. They have asked that the British Prime Minister, Mr. David Cameron, take this opportunity to agree to release the files. He should do so without further delay.

There are some who argue that all this should be forgotten or set aside. It was forgotten by most except those immediately affected by it. It was set aside. That was why the group representing the survivors and the bereaved was called Justice for the Forgotten. This tragedy was for years the tragedy that was deliberately forgotten by official Ireland. The Garda investigation was closed down within a matter of months. In the aftermath of the tragedy, the then Fine Gael-Labour Government attempted to place responsibility for the bombings on the shoulders of Irish republicans. In fact, it effectively parroted the argument of the Unionist paramilitaries that it was provocation from republicans that led to the bombings. The rationale for the massacre was obvious, however. It was designed to ensure that the Irish Government was put in its place and that the public in this State would be terrified. The spectre of the backlash was created in order to suppress any expression of solidarity with the plight of nationalists in the North, any expression of the legitimate republican demand for an end to partition and British military withdrawal.

Within the British state system, there were clearly forces, closely allied to unionism and loyalist paramilitaries, who had a common interest in toppling the Stormont Executive. If this also destabilised the Labour Government of Harold Wilson, it was well and good as far as many of them were concerned.

There are those who will accuse us of raking over old issues and opening old wounds, but these are unresolved issues of truth and justice. No mistake should be made about that; wounds are still open. It is quite galling that many of those who make such statements did little themselves to aid the search for justice or, worse, actually impeded that search.

Similarly, we are being implored, in the context of the current state visit, to set aside these matters, to move on and even grow up as a nation. These are patronising and insulting attitudes. They might have some shred of credibility if those who uttered them had any kind of track record in challenging the British state on its role in Ireland. However, their record is mostly blank. Many of them would have welcomed the current state visit even at the height of the conflict.

We make no apology for returning to this issue of justice. We do so conscious of the fact that there are victims on all sides of the conflict and many unresolved issues. We have called for an international truth process and we have said that Irish republicans would be prepared to play their part in such a process. However, there is no such process in place. It is only right that those who seek the full facts on events such as the Dublin and Monaghan bombings should be accorded their right to truth by the British Government.

I recall 17 May 1974 very well, when tragedy visited this city and my home town of Monaghan. Seven citizens of Monaghan lost their lives. That left a deep scar on the town and a memory that is still vivid to this day. More than three times that number were killed in Dublin where 26 people lost their lives — ten in Parnell Street, 14 in Talbot Street, two in South Leinster Street and an unborn child.

Our focus is not only on 17 May 1974. The investigative process initiated by the Oireachtas which led to the publication of the Barron reports had a wider remit in terms of other incidents. As well as his inquiry into the Dublin and Monaghan bombings of 1974, cases Mr. Justice Barron examined to a greater or lesser degree included the bombing of Belturbet in County Cavan in December 1972 in which two teenage civilians were killed, the Dublin bombings of December 1972 and January 1973 in which three bus workers were killed, the killing of IRA volunteer John Francis Green in County Monaghan in January 1975, the Kay's Tavern Dundalk bombing of December 1975 in which two civilians were killed, the Castleblayney bombing of March 1976 in which Patrick Moen was killed and the killing of civilian Séamus Ludlow in County Louth in May 1976.

In a process arising from the Barron reports, senior counsel Patrick MacEntee carried out a probe of the Garda investigations of the 1974 bombings. While the process from the beginning fell far short of the public inquiry demanded by justice campaigners, it threw a spotlight on these events. It is clear from all the reports that there was collusion between agents of the British state and those who carried out the bombings. All the evidence and experience of that time and of later years point to extensive use of Unionist paramilitaries as a key component of British counter-insurgency strategy in Ireland. Hard evidence for that lies somewhere in the archives of the British state. It must be brought to light.

In other circumstances the British Government has been quick to point out the need for truth and justice and support for the victims of violence and conflict. It was reported last week that a group proposed to travel from the North of Ireland to Libya, reportedly to represent relatives of people killed by the IRA. They were advised by the British Foreign Office to speak to the Libyan Transitional Council in London. The Belfast Newsletter last Friday, 13 May, reported the following comment from the British Foreign Office: “It is clear that if the Libyan people choose a new future for themselves and their country there might be huge opportunities to find out about the support for terrorism that did so much damage to the UK. The [British] government attaches huge importance to acknowledging the suffering of victims and to their legitimate attempts to seek redress.”

Does the British Government recognise the suffering of the victims of collusion in this State? Does it acknowledge the legitimate attempts of the victims of the Dublin and Monaghan bombings, and other fatal, cross-Border acts of collusion, to seek redress? Is the British Government consistent in its position? If it is, let Mr. David Cameron act accordingly. I call on the British Prime Minister to do so tomorrow when he is in Ireland by making a commitment to the Irish people to release the files. If he fails to do so, he must be continually pressed on the matter by the Taoiseach and by all those who have an opportunity to do so, be they representative of the Government or of the Opposition voices in this House as mandated not only on 10 July 2008 but also by this all-party motion that will be passed tomorrow evening. The unanswered questions remain. Now is surely the time for answers.

Deputy Mary Lou McDonald

This morning, survivors and bereaved relatives of those killed in the Dublin and Monaghan bombings of 17 May 1974 and other fatal acts of collusion in this State gathered at the memorial in Talbot Street to remember their loved ones. It was a poignant and dignified ceremony on the 37th anniversary of the greatest loss of life on a single day during the conflict. A total of 34 lives were lost — 26 people, including a pregnant woman, in Dublin and seven in the town of Monaghan. We extend our continuing sympathy to all affected by the tragedies of 17 May 1974. We extend the same sympathy and solidarity to all who have experienced injury and bereavement in the conflict. Sinn Féin has consistently made it clear that it seeks a process of truth recovery, an international process which accords respect to all.

All of this is unfinished business between the people of Ireland and the British Government. It is very important to point out that to raise these issues is not to seek to rake over a dead past or to turn our backs on the future. A clear understanding of the past is required to move on and make political progress. It is disrespectful to the bereaved on all sides when politicians, political commentators and others dismiss their concerns as outmoded or even backward looking. The sense of hurt at such attitudes was expressed on behalf of the relatives at the wreath-laying ceremony this morning.

The statement of the British Prime Minister, Mr. David Cameron, in June last year at the time of the publication of the Saville report on Bloody Sunday was very significant and welcome. He said: "It is right to pursue the truth with vigour and thoroughness. Openness and frankness about the past, however painful, do not make us weaker, they make us stronger." It is important to recall that this statement came at the end of a very long process. The Saville inquiry was so protracted and costly precisely because the various agencies of the British state, not least the British army and the British Ministry of Defence, had sought for so long to prevent a proper inquiry and then to thwart it and delay it.

This was an inquiry into a massacre which had taken place before the eyes of the world and in which the perpetrators, members of the Parachute Regiment of the British army, were plainly visible. It is not surprising, although it is equally unacceptable, that the victims of collusion have faced such a stone wall of silence and refusal on the part of the British Government. The people of Ireland and friends of Ireland were outraged by Bloody Sunday and the British Embassy in Dublin was burned to the ground. People in the Twenty-six Counties were attacked by British forces as well. Seeing the upsurge in support for Irish republicanism in the Twenty-six Counties in 1972, the British crown forces deployed loyalist counter-gangs, the heavily infiltrated Unionist paramilitaries. They bombed Dublin in 1972, 1973 and 1974. The purpose was to strike terror into the people in this State, to make them fear any show of solidarity with the oppressed Nationalist people of the North. This strategy was complemented by the Irish Government, which sought to blame republicans for the bombings and which tightened political censorship and repression in this State.

The Saville report gave hope to the bereaved and to the survivors of Dublin and Monaghan and of the other cross-Border bombings and fatal acts of collusion in this jurisdiction. It was a disgrace, in the context of the Dáil debate on that report last year, with its vindication of the families, that the Irish Government cut the funding for the only victims' group in this State, Justice for the Forgotten. It was equally disgraceful that we had a Taoiseach who failed to raise with the British Prime Minister the unanimous call of this Dáil for the British Government to furnish to an international judicial figure all files in its possession relating to the Dublin and Monaghan bombings and the other fatal acts of collusion in this jurisdiction.

It is almost three years now since the Dáil passed that resolution on 10 July 2008. This motion before the Dáil today reaffirms that call. It mandates the Taoiseach to act with determination on this issue. We know from the history of the Bloody Sunday relatives' campaign how the British system works so assiduously to conceal the information in its possession. However, persistence has paid off and it is required again to vindicate the families who have been campaigning so long and hard under the banner of Justice for the Forgotten.

The Joint Committee on Justice, Equality, Defence and Women's Rights examined Mr. Justice Barron's reports and concluded:"We are dealing with acts of international terrorism that were colluded in by the British security forces." That sentence sums up the gravity of what is at issue. It took nearly 20 years for the families shattered by the May 1974 bombings to come together as a group. The name, "Justice for the Forgotten", conveys the predominant feelings of those families; they had been abandoned by successive Irish Governments and their tragedy has been turned into a footnote of history. Thanks to the campaigning of Justice for the Forgotten, a private inquiry headed by Mr. Justice Liam Hamilton was finally established by the Irish Government in 2000. Following the death of Liam Hamilton, Mr. Justice Henry Barron took over and most of the work of the inquiry took place on his watch. After the judge's initial private inquiry, he issued a report which was then published by a special Oireachtas committee. The committee then held hearings based on the report. Representatives of An Garda Síochána and the Irish Government appeared before the committee but, unlike in a full public inquiry, this format did not allow representatives of Justice for the Forgotten to cross-examine those appearing before the committee.

All along, the Barron investigations were hampered by the outright refusal of the British Government to co-operate. In February 2005, the Oireachtas justice committee issued a report which was scathing in its criticism of the lack of co-operation from the British Government. The British Prime Minister, Tony Blair, was found to be acting in conflict with the Good Friday Agreement because of his refusal, in a letter to the then Taoiseach, Bertie Ahern, to establish an inquiry into the Dublin and Monaghan bombings of 1974. The report also criticised British Secretary of State, Paul Murphy, for his spurious claim that a "further major and time-consuming search" through British records was not possible.

However, it was not only the British Government that suppressed the truth. In March 2004, the Oireachtas justice committee, in its final report on Barron, raised very serious questions about why the Garda investigation into the Dublin and Monaghan bombings of May 1974 was so limited and of such short duration. That report stated that it was "extraordinary that the investigation into an atrocity of this scale could or should be wound down so soon". The Barron report was critical of the conduct of the Garda investigation itself. The sub-committee stated that the authorities in this jurisdiction at all levels "could have been far more vigorous in their attempts to identify and bring to justice the perpetrators".

In a process arising out of the Barron reports, senior counsel, Patrick MacEntee, carried out a probe of the Garda investigation of the 1974 bombings. The Garda investigation was closed down within four months of the biggest mass murder in the history of the Twenty-six County State and its total inadequacy has now been well exposed. What has also come out is the extent of collaboration between the Garda Síochána and the RUC at the time. It is clear that both on a political and security level, the Fine Gael and Labour Government of the day, led by the then Taoiseach, Liam Cosgrave, did not want to rock the boat with the British Government by exposing the extent of British forces' collusion in the bombings. The former Taoiseach, Mr. Cosgrave, himself refused to co-operate with the Barron inquiry.

This has been the experience of the survivors and the bereaved in this jurisdiction who for so long, and with very good reason, felt they had been forgotten. We acknowledge the work of Deputies on all sides in successive Dáileanna in taking up these cases and supporting the campaign for truth and justice. We acknowledge also the work of successive Governments, as far as that work went. However, much more should have been done.

Truth recovery needs to be part of the peace process. Now is the time for the Irish Government to pursue the demand for truth and justice with real determination. It is possible to do so while building on the friendly relations between the people of the island of Ireland and the people of the island of Britain. Indeed, we would argue that real and lasting peace cannot be built without honest attempts to resolve these long-standing issues. Now is time for justice for the forgotten. I echo the group's call made today, and let it re-echo from this Chamber: release the files.

Deputy Brian Stanley

This Private Members' motion is a timely reminder of the fact that the British Government still has many questions to answer about its involvement in collusion. We support the demands from victims' families that the truth be told about collusion.

From the very creation of the Six County statelet, there has been a campaign of state-sponsored murder and collusion with Unionist paramilitaries. It has existed at the very highest levels of the British military and political establishment. During 30 years of conflict, Unionist paramilitaries were supplied with information and their actions directed and controlled by special branch and British intelligence services. From the mid-1980s onwards, British intelligence agencies effectively controlled all loyalist paramilitary activity through the use of agents, informers and agents provocateurs. This included the murders of Pat Finucane, Rosemary Nelson and many other Nationalists and republicans, including members of Sinn Féin.

The report of Mr. Justice Henry Barron made a significant statement on the bombing in Belturbet, County Cavan, on 28 December 1972, in which 15 year old Geraldine O'Reilly of Belturbet and 17 year old Patrick Stanley of Clara, County Offaly, were killed. The report names a Fermanagh loyalist, Robert Bridges, as the prime suspect, who at the time was a serving member of the Ulster Defence Regiment, which was a regiment of the British army. The Barron report stated that gardaí requested the RUC in 1975 to question Mr. Bridges about the Belturbet bombing, but the inquiry was "not aware of the result, if any" of these requests. This raises very serious issues for both the British authorities and the Garda. These questions have not yet been answered.

The British Government must be forced to co-operate with inquiries on collusion. The Barron report covers bombings in 1972 and 1973, including two in Dublin in which three bus workers were killed, and Belturbet as well as non-fatal explosions in Clones and Pettigo. The British Government again has refused to co-operate with an inquiry established by the Oireachtas. It abuses its special relationship with the Irish Government to avoid international accountability for the actions of its armed forces in Ireland. The Irish Government should not stand for this and should bring the issue of collusion before the court of world opinion.

The Barron report highlighted the devastating results of British terror in Ireland. From the beginning of the conflict in 1969, the British Government's forces carried out attacks in the Twenty-six Counties directly and through their loyalist paramilitary surrogates. The December 1972 bombing of Dublin was clearly designed to swing public opinion and the Oireachtas towards repressive measures. The Government of the time allowed British terror to succeed when it passed draconian amendments to the Offences against the State Act. The co-ordination of the bombing of Clones, Pettigo and Belturbet, where two teenagers died, were part of the same effort to change policy in this State, and succeeded in doing so.

The British Government failed to co-operate with the first Barron report on the Dublin and Monaghan bombings of 1974.

An Leas-Cheann Comhairle

The Deputy has just one minute and a half remaining.

Deputy Brian Stanley

The British Government refused the invitation of the Oireachtas committee which held hearings on that report. It has failed to act on the call of that committee, unanimously backed by the Oireachtas, to establish a form of inquiry into the Dublin and Monaghan bombings. It has failed to have a resolution to this effect passed in the Houses of Parliament, as recommended by the Oireachtas. It has failed to act on the 2008 all-party motion.

It is well known that the Littlejohn brothers were British agents who carried out actions in this State designed to place the blame on republicans and to provoke a repressive response. The two of them were convicted for their involvement in that and their links with serving members of the Garda Special Branch were also exposed at the time. All of that was only the tip of the iceberg of British covert action in the Twenty-six Counties in the period covered by the Barron report. The British must come clean.

Ms Susan Stanley spoke before the Joint Committee on Justice, Equality, Defence and Women's Rights Sub-Committee on the Barron Report. Her mother was six months pregnant with her when her brother Patrick was killed in Belturbet. Speaking on the day of publication of the second Barron report, she said: "If Bertie Ahern wants to act a puppet to Tony Blair, I won't and neither will my family."

As far as Sinn Féin is concerned, there is a responsibility upon Fine Gael and Labour, which, unfortunately, is not represented here this evening, to act on the motion that they endorsed in 2008 to now call upon the British Government to make all files available regarding the Dublin-Monaghan bombings. The British politicians who sanctioned the policy of collusion have not been held accountable. Just as culpable are those in this State who have consistently put their narrow self-interest above the national interest, the rights of Irish citizens living in the North and the peace process.

The British Government's refusal to co-operate with a range of inquiries into state and state-sponsored violence, even inquiries it itself set up, is symptomatic of a culture of concealment that infects the entire British system. When it set up the Saville inquiry into the events of Bloody Sunday, it obstructed that inquiry for a long period. It also obstructed the Barron inquiry into the Dublin and Monaghan bombings and it has refused to initiate a full and independent inquiry into a number of controversial killings. Fifteen years after the death of Mr. Pat Finucane his family is still waiting for the truth about his death and who sanctioned it. The British Government continues to withhold vital evidence in respect of numerous state and state-linked killings in the North. I call again on the Government and all parties in this House not to tolerate this any longer.

Deputy Dessie Ellis

I dtús báire, ba mhaith liom tacaíocht a thabhairt do na clanna agus gaolta atá ag lorg córais ceart sa Teach seo.

In 2006 the Final Report on the Report of the Independent Commission of Inquiry into the bombing of Kay's Tavern, Dundalk by the Joint Committee on Justice, Equality, Defence and Women's Rights, stated:

The Sub-Committee is left in no doubt that collusion between the British security forces and terrorists was behind many if not all of the atrocities that are considered in this report.

In this and other reports commissioned by the Oireachtas the reality of collusion between British Crown forces and Unionist paramilitaries is highlighted.

For years when Nationalists and republicans pointed out that such collusion was not only taking place but was commonplace, it was dismissed as propaganda. It took long years of campaigning, mainly by the survivors and the bereaved of these acts of collusion, for the truth to begin to be exposed.

The reason my party has tabled this motion on the day of the 37th anniversary of the bombings in this city and in Monaghan is because many of the issues related to that event remain unresolved.

The Dublin victims were ordinary working class people, mostly from the northside of the city, which I am proud to represent. They were effectively forgotten about by the powers that be over many years. In a similar manner, the victims of the Stardust tragedy, also on the northside of this city, were disgracefully neglected. I could not stand here as a Finglas man and not mention my friend Martin Doherty who gave his life to stop a loyalist bomb in the Widow Scallan's pub crowded with more than 300 people 17 years ago next week. His family also await justice.

Through the long years of campaigning not only were the families affected by acts of collusion and their supporters ignored by the political establishment, but they were often made to feel that they were considered by certain elements of the State to be what used to be known as subversives. Thankfully, those days are behind us but there are still many questions that remain to be answered and avenues of investigation that still need to be pursued.

The Barron and MacEntee reports did not bring closure. They strongly indicate that there has still not been full disclosure on the part of either the Irish or the British states of all the intelligence pertaining to the bombings and the subsequent investigation, or, more accurately, lack of investigation.

An Leas-Cheann Comhairle

The Deputy has two minutes remaining.

Deputy Dessie Ellis

On the British side, they have failed to make available any of the information related to the role of loyalists and others who, it is strongly believed, worked for one or other of the security services. At a time when there is much talk of reconciliation it would be fitting if the British were to co-operate in this matter.

With regard to the investigation in this jurisdiction, the Barron report claimed that many of the documents relating to the Dublin and Monaghan bombings have been lost or destroyed. The inquiry was not able to see the security file on the Dublin bombings, for example, and there are no files on the UVF and UDA for 1974 and 1975, while there are files for all other years. According to the Barron report, the commission was not given any explanation for their disappearance nor was it allowed to see the files on the Dublin bombings on 1 December 1972, which led to the introduction of the Offences against the State (Amendment) Act 1972, and which, it is strongly suspected, was carried out by British intelligence agents.

It is also worth remembering that on the day the Offences against the State (Amendment) Act 1972 was introduced, the Government was on the verge of falling were it not for the intervention of the then leader of the Fine Gael Party, former Taoiseach Liam Cosgrave. The bombings in this city on that day prompted him to support the Fianna Fáil Government.

Apart from the missing files, the report states:

The Garda investigation failed to make full use of the information it obtained. ... The Government of the day showed little interest in the bombings.

Why this was so must also be the subject of an inquiry. It is vital that there be an investigation not only into the events referred to in the preface to the report, but also into all incidents that took place within this State from 1969 onwards——

An Leas-Cheann Comhairle

Deputy Ellis must conclude his remarks because DeputyMcLellan is to contribute.

Deputy Dessie Ellis

——cúpla nóiméad eile — where there is strong evidence of involvement by the British military and intelligence services.

It is also necessary to examine the killing of John Francis Green and subsequent evidence given by members of British military intelligence at that time that they were directly involved in that killing.

Furthermore, the Littlejohn brothers, self-proclaimed British agents, were at that time acting at the behest of British intelligence. There are hints of this in the report, with references to British military personnel seen in Dublin at the time of the December 1972 bombings and immediately prior to the May 1974 incidents. Another British officer was found in possession of weapons in Dublin on the day of the bombings.

An Leas-Cheann Comhairle

There are only two minutes left. Would Deputy Ellis conclude his remarks as Deputy McLellan must speak.

Deputy Dessie Ellis

The key——

An Leas-Cheann Comhairle

I am sorry, I must call on Deputy McLellan if she is happy to speak.

Deputy Dessie Ellis

I thank the Leas-Cheann Comhairle.

Deputy Sandra McLellan

I welcome the opportunity to speak on this important matter this evening. It is impossible not to mention the significance of this debate occurring on this date, 17 May 2011, the 37th anniversary of the Dublin and Monaghan bombings and the first day of the British monarch's first visit to the State. The timing is highly insensitive, but that the visit has the potential to play a significant role in uncovering the truth has not been lost on the survivors and the bereaved.

We in Sinn Féin are for a new relationship between the people of Ireland and between the people of Ireland and Britain, a relationship based on equality and mutual respect. Legacy issues pertaining to the troubled shared history of these islands must not be forgotten or ignored. They must be dealt with in an honest, truthful and mature manner. It is of vital importance that the past is dealt with and a mechanism found which treats all victims equally and allows families of victims an avenue of acknowledgement, apology and, above all, truth.

The atrocities that occurred in Dublin and Monaghan on this day 37 years ago serve as a constant reminder of that troubled history. They led to the greatest loss of life in a single day in the recent conflict as 34 innocent people, including an unborn child, were murdered. Many more were maimed and injured mentally and physically. Families were robbed of loved ones. As a mother of three, I cannot imagine the heartache caused at hearing the news that one's child would not be coming home. Every life lost caused so much hurt. I have no doubt the families of the victims of these atrocities are as hurt today as they were 37 years ago.

The report exposed the refusal of the British authorities to co-operate with a commission of inquiry established by the Oireachtas. The sub-committee of the Oireachtas Joint Committee on Justice, Equality, Defence and Women's Rights stated:

[We are] left in no doubt that collusion between the British security forces and terrorists was behind many if not all of the atrocities that are considered in this report. We are horrified that persons who were employed by the British administration to preserve peace and to protect people were engaged in the creation of violence and the butchering of innocent victims.

Minister for Justice and Equality (Deputy Alan Shatter)

I wish to share time with Deputies Robert Dowds and Joe McHugh.

I wish to start by stating that like previous speakers I welcome the bereaved relatives of the victims of the Dublin and Monaghan bombings of 17 May 1974. I know the Taoiseach met them relatively recently and earlier today in the House he repeated his commitment to raise this issue when he meets Prime Minister Cameron when he visits the State this week.

I welcome the opportunity to speak on the motion. This debate takes place on a particularly historic day. We saw history made as a British monarch travelled for the first time to an independent Ireland. I had the privilege of greeting Queen Elizabeth in the Garden of Remembrance and being present when she laid a wreath in memory of Irish patriots who gave their lives to secure Irish freedom from Britain. It was a sight that even a few years ago would have been unimaginable. It is right also to acknowledge the powerful symbolism of our President, Mary McAleese, and Queen Elizabeth standing to attention as the Army band played the national anthems of both our countries. The events of today are a poignant and significant reminder of just how intertwined is the history of our two countries.

I know the vast majority of people in our State welcome Queen Elizabeth and Prince Philip as our visitors and guests and also welcome the enormous changes that have taken place on this island. The spirit of reconciliation and friendship can be starkly contrasted with the violent and destructive conduct displayed by a small number of unrepresentative and self-appointed groups who wish to turn back the clock to a past no reasonable or thinking person wishes to revisit. It is regrettable that the threat posed by this small number of individuals who have no respect for the democratic will of the Irish people required that a major security operation be mounted for the protection of our distinguished visitors and to ensure today's events and those planned for the rest of this week occur without disruption. I have little doubt there are thousands of Dubliners who would have preferred to be on our streets on this historic day to welcome our visitors rather than have only the opportunity to view the day's events on their television screens. It is entirely unacceptable that the threat posed by the conduct of a tiny minority prevented this being possible.

On Dorset Street in Dublin this afternoon, we witnessed thugs throwing rocks, bottles and missiles at members of the Garda Síochána. An Garda Síochána and our Defence Forces have also had to rapidly respond in recent days to reports relating to various devices being placed in different locations and to hoax bomb threats. I want, in particular, to put on the record my congratulations and thanks to the Garda Commissioner and the Chief of Staff and all of the members of An Garda Síochána and the Defence Forces who have prepared for this historic occasion and with great competence and dignity fulfilled their duty. All Members of the House should express their pride in both An Garda Síochána and the Defence Forces and in the manner in which they have conducted themselves.

The subject of tonight's debate is of course another reminder of the tangled and tragic history of our two islands. In 1974, 37 years ago today, and just a few hundred yards from where we speak, three bombs exploded as people around Dublin were making their way home from work and looking forward to the weekend. I well remember the mayhem and carnage that night as I was sitting in a library in Trinity College and heard the bombs go off and witnessed their aftermath. Around 90 minutes after the Dublin bombs exploded, another bomb exploded outside Greacen's pub in Monaghan town. Some 33 people lost their lives and an unborn baby was denied the chance to live. More than 100 people suffered injuries. The families who were bereaved, and those who were injured, bear some scars which can be seen and others which they have borne with quiet dignity since that day. Thirty-seven years have passed and in some cases the pain may have eased, but it has not gone away. They still rightly have questions about what happened to their loved ones, about why it happened and how it happened. Other families who lost relatives in other attacks in the years between 1972 and 1986 were also left with questions which remained unanswered.

As the House is aware, the painstaking and detailed work of the late Mr. Justice Henry Barron provided the families with some of the answers they sought and, as was mentioned, a joint committee of the Oireachtas provided the families with an opportunity to have their voices heard. Anyone who heard their accounts or has read them since could not fail to be moved. A considerable amount of light was shed on what happened but vital questions remain unanswered.

As this motion recalls, in July 2008, the House unanimously urged the British Government to allow access to documents. To date this has not happened. I know many Deputies in the House have raised this issue with our counterparts in Westminster and they will continue to do so. Since this Government took office, the Tánaiste has raised the issue with the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland at their first meeting in Dublin last month. As I mentioned, the Taoiseach will also raise this matter with Prime Minister Cameron tomorrow, as he has done in previous meetings.

Speaking in this House on 21 May 1974, the then Taoiseach, Liam Cosgrave, stated, "nothing I can say will adequately describe the feelings of shock and horror caused by the destruction of human life and hope." Unfortunately the shock and horror witnessed in Dublin and Monaghan on 17 May 1974 did not start on that day and did not end until 1998. Too many families across this island and in Britain suffered the loss of a loved one. Too many people were seriously maimed and injured and have never fully recovered. More than 3,600 people's lives were cut short. In 1998, in referenda North and South on the Good Friday Agreement, the overwhelming majority of the people who share this island said loudly and clearly that the violence had to stop. They said that no other families should suffer the pain and misery of losing a loved one.

Dealing with the legacy of the past is not an easy task and no simple formula of words can put things right. Families from all sectors of the community on this island and in Britain suffered loss. Many families still have questions that they want answered. Mechanisms are currently in operation in the North which are attempting to provide some of these answers for families but we must be aware that no single mechanism or solution will be acceptable or effective for all families. The Government recommits itself to working with our partners in the British Government and with our colleagues in the newly constituted Northern Ireland Executive to address the legacy of the Troubles. It will not be easy or quick, but it is a challenge that we must and do accept.

This week's visit of the Head of State of our nearest neighbour is an historic occasion. Let me say clearly, on behalf of the Government and the great majority of the Irish people, how very welcome she is.

It would be wrong to imagine that the huge symbolism of today's wreath-laying ceremony in the Garden of Remembrance and tomorrow's ceremony at Islandbridge can dispel completely the complex legacy of the Troubles.

The party which has sought to raise this matter during Private Members' business tonight will know more than most that the bitterness which still lingers at many of the deadly activities in which the Provisional IRA engaged is unlikely to be dispelled in some cases for generations. It is easy for us to advocate reconciliation and forgiveness, but the pain of the bereaved has, understandably in some cases, made a stone of the heart. There are concerns, too, about the behaviour of other parties to the conflict, in particular that the full truth behind horrific events has not been fully established.

As we move forward towards a better future for all the people who share this island and those who live on the neighbouring island, we will not forget those who died and were injured and mourn them. In the Good Friday Agreement we recognised that "victims have a right to remember as well as to contribute to a changed society". As Members of this House, we have a duty to remember. In that remembering of those who died and in our recognition of those who mourn we have a duty to continue to contribute to a changed society. The visit taking place this week is a contribution to that changed society.

Last month we saw the family and friends of a young police officer, Ronan Kerr, mourning the loss of a cherished son and brother. I was present at that funeral, as were many others from all parts of this island. The Taoiseach, who attended the funeral, met Ronan's mother, Nuala, and extended the heartfelt sympathy of all of us to her. The funeral cortege showed the world images of a new reality in Northern Ireland. GAA members bore the coffin of a fellow player and passed it on to his fellow police officers. The dignified, yet harrowing pictures of the family as it dealt with its loss were difficult to watch but important to see.

In their invitation to members of the public to join them at their annual wreath-laying ceremony at the memorial on Talbot Street the families of those who were killed 37 years ago asked that no flags, banners or emblems be displayed. I believe they wish their fellow citizens to join them in quiet remembrance of 34 lives lost, not to make a political statement but to show that those lives are not forgotten, that their pain is recognised and that their story is heard. On that monument names are carved in stone for all to see, but the pain that the families bear is not always so visible.

In the Good Friday Agreement all the participants recognised that "the achievement of a peaceful and just society would be the true memorial to the victims of violence". We have made significant strides in recent years, in recent days even. The newly appointed Executive in Stormont followed an election in which the people in the North clearly rejected the violent alternative to a shared and better future. The previous Assembly served its full term of four years during which we saw the devolution of policing and justice powers to Northern Ireland. A tiny minority do not accept the clearly expressed will of the electorate and continue to ignore the clear and unambiguous message given in 1998 by voters all over this island that violence was not the way forward.

The families of those killed in Dublin and Monaghan on 17 May 1974 gathered in Dublin this morning to remember their loved ones and others who had lost their lives on this side of the Border. As they did so, a bomb disposal van belonging to the Defence Forces sped down Amiens Street on its way to deal with a device — a chilling reminder that the carnage wrought in Dublin and Monaghan in 1974 is something that others would seek to wreak on this city today. I trust that everyone in this House will condemn those who sought to disrupt today's events and seek to drag us back to a violent past.

This all-party motion represents an opportunity for us as elected representatives in the Dáil to send a clear message to our counterparts at Westminster. It is welcome that it is an all-party motion and not a matter of contention in this House; in a sense it replicates the principle in a motion previously tabled on an all-party basis and supported by all sides in this House. In so doing I hope we can also send a clear message of solidarity to the families who gathered in Dublin earlier today, some of whom are represented in the Visitors Gallery.

Deputy Robert Dowds

On behalf of the Labour Party, I welcome the relatives of those who lost their lives in the Dublin and Monaghan bombings in 1974 who are in the Visitors Gallery. I remember that day because I was fortunate enough to be ill. I heard the bombs go off, but I was not where I was meant to be — right beside where one of the bombs went off. Therefore, I empathise with the feelings of those who suffered on that day.

Obviously, I speak in favour of the motion on the Dublin and Monaghan bombings. With the relatives who remember the victims, I also salute my colleague, Deputy Joe Costello, and the late Tony Gregory who consistently remembered this anniversary when many us tended to forget it.

It is to be regretted that the British Government has not complied with the request for access to the documents it holds on the atrocities committed on 17 May 1974 in which 33 innocent people and one unborn person perished. For the sake of the families of those whose loved ones were killed on the day and those who live with injuries from that day, it would be good to have closure to these appalling events. Access to the documents would shed some light on what happened and put to bed the issue of whether there was collusion between British forces and loyalist terrorist groups. While such information might not have as stunning an impact as David Cameron's unexpected full apology for the events of Bloody Sunday in Derry, it would have a major impact for the better. It might even lead to a further apology from the United Kingdom. I understand the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade, Deputy Eamon Gilmore, has had conversations with the British Foreign Secretary, Mr. William Hague, and gather there is open dialogue. I understand he has also met representatives of Justice for the Forgotten. They are hopeful signs which I hope will yield success for those looking for answers.

I concur with the Minister about the trouble on the streets today, the details of which are only coming to my attention. It is greatly to be regretted because the British monarch is the Head of State of our nearest neighbour. While we have a tangled relationship with our neighbouring country, it is appropriate that she should be welcomed wholeheartedly on her first visit to the Republic. It is very important that we send the message that past disputes between our two countries are buried. I look forward to a time when a visit by the British monarch will be treated in the same way as a visit by the Queen of Denmark in order that those who wish to view what is going on can do so easily and those who do not can ignore the event.

It is appropriate the motion has been included in the Order of Business today given the date that is in it. I say to its movers that, in many respects, the Dublin and Monaghan bombings were a response to the deadly activities of Sinn Féin and the IRA in the 1970s. I am very glad Sinn Féin has moved towards a situation where others and I in constitutional parties can work closely with it.

Deputy Joe McHugh

I acknowledge the presence in the Visitors Gallery of relatives of the victims of the Dublin and Monaghan bombings on 17 May 1974, a day when the greatest loss of life in a single day of the Troubles occurred. I also commend Justice for the Forgotten on its ongoing efforts. I first made contact with it when I was a Member of the Seanad in 2002. The progress of its members and their journey has been a difficult one in dealing with their personal losses and trying to create a positive agenda of reconciliation and truth, not just in respect of the specific incidents but for a plethora of incidents over the years. I acknowledge the comments by the Taoiseach, who said he will make this a matter of priority in communication with the British Prime Minister this week. The Minister for Justice and Equality has reiterated the commitment by the Government to continue the ongoing dialogue to ensure we get access to records.

The major question is how to address all the pain. How do we address the hurt on all sides, including the Bloody Sunday incident in Derry, the Omagh bombing or Greysteel in a cumulative way and address in an individualised way the individual hurt in circumstances that are so different? The consultative group of Dr. Robin Eames and Denis Bradley aspired to bring together all of these elements and set out a series of targets and strategies. Unfortunately, that report will only be remembered for the recognition payment of €12,000, which was a sensitive element of the report that was not accepted. This points to the fact that this is not just about remuneration but goes much deeper. Whether we are looking at an independent legacy commission or, as Deputy Adams pointed out, a truth commission, a formula must be devised that is totally inclusive, open and transparent.

The symbolism of today's visit may be overstated but I do not overstate it because it is part of an ongoing journey of reconciliation. It is an acknowledgement of all the work across all of this island over recent years. I refer to the peace and reconciliation forum and the major work at community level through Co-operation Ireland, the International Fund for Ireland, INTERREG and all the bodies working with the single intention of having a more peaceful community and creating a reconciliation forum to create the environment where people from different backgrounds can live together and accept the diversity that is so rich in this country.

I acknowledge the work that has led to today. What is significant about today is that it is part of an ongoing journey of reconciliation between the United Kingdom, the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland. To build upon this is the next chapter. I am conscious that complacency could creep into the east-west and North-South collaboration. Such advanced movements have been made since 1998 with the Good Friday Agreement and matters having evolved to the point that we can move on. I am a firm believer that to know where we are going, we need to acknowledge and accept what has happened in the past.

With that in mind, I wish to record the massive challenges in respect of sectarianism. That is still in existence and a number of new peace walls have been built since the Good Friday Agreement. There are too many peace walls between interface areas and that type of sectarianism is a challenge. It manifests itself in many ways, including in sports through the Northern Ireland football team and Rangers and Celtic matches. That sectarianism is the next big challenge as a community on a cross-Border and east-west basis.

The next Joint Committee on the Implementation of the Good Friday Agreement must be all-inclusive. For five years, as some newer Members may be aware even though they were not part of this House, we did not have Unionist representation on that joint committee. We must work together on a cross-party basis to ensure it happens. Deputy Ó Caoláin is on record as being in agreement with that point. The British-Irish Parliamentary Assembly is another forum that should have targets and an agenda rather than meeting two or three times a year and discussing issues relevant to the day. Perhaps we should have more proactive engagement on that level because it is contained in the Good Friday Agreement for east-west co-operation and collaboration. I acknowledge the symbolism of today's state visit from the Queen. It is part of an ongoing journey of collaboration and co-operation. I look forward to continued collaboration on a North-South and east-west basis.

Deputy Seán Ó Fearghaíl

I propose to share time with Deputy Brendan Smith. In the limited time available to us, we are happy to have the opportunity to address this important motion and to indicate the Fianna Fáil position on it. We welcome those in the Distinguished Visitors Gallery. I commend the Sinn Féin Deputies on tabling this motion. It is a welcome development that we have unanimity on the form of this motion. It is appropriate we discuss the Dublin and Monaghan bombings today, given the circumstances that prevail, and that we remember those who lost their lives in that appalling tragedy.

Some 37 years ago today, after a series of no-warning car bombs exploded on the streets of Dublin and Monaghan, 34 people, including an unborn baby, lost their lives and more than 300 people were injured. Many of them bear the scars today. It was a day of absolute carnage and horror. It was the greatest loss of life in a single day in the whole period of the modern Troubles on this island, which saw many events that brought shame and disgrace on us all.

What occurred in Dublin and Monaghan was no tragic accident. It was a premeditated and callous act of mass murder. It was a heinous act of terrorism that no one old enough to remember that black day will ever forget. That nightmare is still printed on the minds of many innocent Irish citizens. The victims — those who lost their lives and those who sustained injuries — as well as their families, have suffered greatly because of an evil and senseless act of terrorism.

As a State, a people and a community, we have a responsibility to show solidarity with these innocent victims and do our utmost to bring about closure for them after many years. No one has been prosecuted for the atrocities committed in Dublin and Monaghan. Some 37 years on, we do not have the truth. We are in a new era that has seen a transformation of relations on this island and with the neighbouring island. Today's visit of Queen Elizabeth II underlines that fact and I welcome her arrival here. It is of enormous significance and is a visit entitled to our total and absolute support. This new era is one of reconciliation, good will and trust. It is in this spirit that we believe the British Government should now act and ensure disclosure of its files on the Dublin and Monaghan bombings.

The Irish Government commissioned an investigation into the bombings, led by Mr. Justice Liam Hamilton of the Supreme Court and, subsequently, by Mr. Justice Henry Barron. Both men are now deceased. The report criticised the British Government's "surprising" refusal to allow access to its files. I say without hesitation that it is totally wrong and shameful that the British Government continues to sit on and not share any information it may have on these atrocities. It is not acceptable. The issue must be addressed. It is our sovereign duty to raise this on behalf of the innocent citizens who were caught in this atrocity, and we must continue to insist that it be addressed.

The Ulster Volunteer Force claimed responsibility for the attacks in the early 1990s but the murky hand of British intelligence has long been suspected of involvement. Mr. Justice Barron's report was presented to an Oireachtas joint committee on justice, which formed a sub-committee to deal with the matter. I was very pleased to be a member of that sub-committee. Among the findings of the sub-committee were that we were dealing with acts of international terrorism where there was collusion by the British security forces. This is undoubtedly a black mark against the British state, and one with which it has an obligation to deal.

Fianna Fáil commends the courageous campaign for truth waged relentlessly for many years by the Justice for the Forgotten group. Fianna Fáil is happy to have contributed to the cost of publication of an open letter published yesterday in The Irish Times calling on Queen Elizabeth II to use her influence in this matter. Justice for the Forgotten has appealed to the British Prime Minister, through Queen Elizabeth II, to mark the occasion of this welcome and historic visit with a genuinely significant gesture of reconciliation by opening the files withheld from Mr. Justice Henry Barron. In Fianna Fáil we believe this should be done promptly without precondition or delay.

We agree with Justice for the Forgotten that should the royal visit include confirmation that British files relating to these atrocities are to be made available, it would in itself represent a further significant boost to the peace process. It would underpin and build on the goodwill and strengthening of reconciliation that has sprung from the courageous and welcome manner in which the British Prime Minister Mr. Cameron addressed the issue of Bloody Sunday on coming into government. We should all remember that the Good Friday Agreement obliges all of us "never to forget those who have died or who have been injured in the Troubles." The victims deserve closure and most of all they deserve to know the truth.

The British Government does not have the moral right to be impervious to this call for justice and this evening's motion has its genesis in an all-party motion put before the Houses by a predecessor of mine as Fianna Fáil Whip, then Minister of State at the Department of the Taoiseach, Mr. Pat Carey. The motion was passed unanimously by the Dáil on 10 July 2008 and it is no harm to commit it to the record again this evening. The motion urged "The Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland should allow access by an independent, international judicial figure to all original documents held by the British Government relating to the atrocities that occurred in this jurisdiction and which were inquired into by Mr. Justice Barron, for the purposes of assessing said documents with the aim of assisting in the resolution of these crimes;". It continued and directed "the Clerk of the Dáil to communicate the text of this Resolution, together with copies of the aforementioned reports, to the House of Commons of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, with a request that the matter be considered by the House of Commons".

The British Government has continued to ignore this reasonable request for access to information held by it and that is not good enough. It is intolerable and disrespectful to this sovereign Parliament and it is something this House will not give up on. Members on all sides of the House are unanimous in the matter. In supporting today's motion, we strongly urge the British Government once again to open the files that were withheld from Mr. Justice Henry Barron's inquiries into the Dublin and Monaghan bombings and all other cross-Border bombings perpetrated in this jurisdiction.

Fianna Fáil will continue to work constructively to assist the victims and families of those who lost their lives in Dublin and Monaghan in 1974 and we will do our utmost to help bring closure to those affected by this terrible atrocity. Our leader, Deputy Micheál Martin, raised this matter in the Dáil on a number of occasions directly with the Taoiseach and by parliamentary question; more recently he wrote to the British ambassador, Mr. Julian King, urging him to address the matter with his government on our behalf.

The loss of life from these bombings was the highest from any event during the Troubles but nobody has ever been prosecuted. The Dáil unanimously passed a motion calling on the British Government to make its files on the bombings available, as Deputy Martin indicated in his letter to the ambassador. Deputy Martin continued "Confirmation of a decision to open the files in conjunction with the Queen's visit would be a significant gesture of reconciliation, would build on the very positive and productive work that has already been done in this area to date, and would only serve to strengthen the ties between our two countries." Deputy Martin concluded the letter by indicating that he looks forward to discussing the matter with the ambassador, and I am sure that will happen in due course.

We cannot turn back the clock but we can show solidarity with the victims by helping them in their pursuit of truth. The peace process has taught us that we will not build peace by sweeping the truth under the carpet as this only creates mistrust, suspicion and anger. We must face the reality of what happened on this island during the Troubles; if we deny the past or cover it up, we will never be able to learn from it and move on. The peace process underlines the importance of openness, co-operation, mutual respect and trust. These are virtues that will foster and strengthen peace and reconciliation. The Queen's visit over the next few days is part of the process and it is in this spirit that we point out that it is high time the British Government made the files available.

Deputy Brendan Smith

This is an important debate and I am glad to be able to contribute to it. It is important for so many families which have suffered so much for so many decades. It is also important for Irish society. I hope the British Government will take proper and immediate account of the contents of this motion, which has the full support of the Oireachtas.

In July 2008 we had the opportunity in this House to agree a motion that was forwarded to the British House of Commons. That motion followed the interim and final reports of a sub-committee of the Oireachtas joint committee on justice. The work of that sub-committee concerned itself with the report of the independent commission of inquiry into the Dublin and Monaghan bombings and the three related Barron reports. This debate concerns atrocities which were perpetrated on innocent people. The bombings in Monaghan and Dublin caused the greatest loss of life in a single day during that period known to all of us as the Troubles. The least all of us can do is to remember those who lost their lives and others who have suffered so much through injury and the loss of loved ones. These people have vigorously sought the truth surrounding those tragedies.

Families must know the truth about what happened and that is the reason it is essential for progress to be made on the request made by this House in July 2008 as referred to by my colleague. I realise that the pain of many families will not be eased in any way without the finalisation of all appropriate reports and investigations and the administration of justice. Unanswered questions continue to contribute to that pain.

The Oireachtas sub-committee, under the chairmanship of former Deputy Seán Ardagh — and on which Deputies Ó Feargháil and Finian McGrath were very active — did excellent work. I recall listening to those debates and remember in particular the testimonies made to the sub-committee by many family members. In a previous Dáil debate on the sub-committee's report, I stated that it was very regrettable and unacceptable that those awful tragedies of 1974 were not comprehensively investigated at a much earlier time. In 1998, the then victim's commissioner, the late Tánaiste Mr. John Wilson, recommended that an inquiry be undertaken into those tragedies. Those victims and their families had every reason to believe that the State abandoned them for many years and they have endured such pain and loss.

Subsequently the inquiry process commenced and the former Chief Justice, Mr. Hamilton, and Mr. Justice Barron carried out detailed and thorough work. I commend the work of the Justice for the Forgotten group, as its efforts over many years have been painstaking and deserve great credit.

Mr. Justice Barron compiled a comprehensive report and it is obvious to all that not minimum but maximum co-operation from the British authorities is required to ensure the truth is achieved. One telling comment from Mr. Justice Barron is:

Correspondence with the Northern Ireland office undoubtedly produced some useful information but its value was reduced by the reluctance to make original documents available and the refusal to supply other information on security grounds. While the inquiry fully understands the position taken by the British Government on these matters, it must be said that the scope of this report is limited as a result.

Such comments from Mr. Justice Barron clearly demonstrate that the necessary co-operation was not forthcoming from the British authorities. I refer again to the work of the sub-committee; listening to people who gave evidence before that sub-committee repeatedly brought home to us the terrible pain and suffering inflicted upon so many and the absolute futility of violence.

The essential aim of any inquiry must be to find the truth. I requested the then Taoiseach, Bertie Ahern, to include the Belturbet bombing of December 1972 in the Barron report. Two young people were killed in Belturbet on that fateful night but, unfortunately, nobody has ever been brought to justice for those terrible murders. The Belturbet bombing needs to be fully investigated and access provided to all relevant papers. The O'Reilly and Stanley families continue to suffer the injustice of losing loved ones at a young age. I have known the O'Reilly family from Belturbet for many years and became acquainted with Joe Stanley and his family from Clara, County Offaly, more recently. From speaking to Mr. Stanley on Talbot Street today, it is clear that the least these people deserve is a full investigation into these atrocious crimes.

Deputy Finian McGrath

I wish to share time with Deputy Seamus Healy, by agreement.

An Leas-Cheann Comhairle

The Deputies have four minutes and 30 seconds each.

Deputy Finian McGrath

I welcome the opportunity to speak on this important motion of support for the families of the Dublin and Monaghan bombings and of Kay's Tavern in Dundalk. I was a member of the sub-committee established to deal with the report of the independent commission of inquiry. Having listened to the evidence presented, I believe beyond any doubt that the British security services were up to their necks in these bombings and murders. I do not say that lightly and I made my views known to the British ambassador when I refused an invitation to meet the Queen.

It is time for the British Government to treat the families of these bombings with respect and honesty by opening the files on these horrific bombings. I urge Mr. Cameron to open the files withheld from Mr. Justice Henry Barron during his inquiries into the Dublin and Monaghan bombings and the other cross-Border bombings perpetrated in this jurisdiction. All requests, including a cross-party resolution adopted by the Dáil on 10 July 2008, have fallen on deaf ears and deeply troublesome questions remain unanswered. This would be a serious matter for any parliament in western Europe. The Oireachtas Joint Committee on Justice, Equality, Defence and Women's Rights, which examined the Barron report, concluded that it was dealing with acts of international terrorism in which British security forces colluded.

I commend the families and Justice for the Forgotten for their hard work and dignified campaigning over the years. It is time for our Government to be more proactive and for the Taoiseach to end the dithering and wishy-washy statements to the media. It is not good enough and I want them to take a stronger line on the matter. It is time the Government pursued the truth with vigour in order to stop the hurt these families are experiencing. I ask Deputies to reflect on what they would feel if this had happened to their own families. Sitting on the fence is not an option for Members of the Oireachtas. I urge them to stand up for truth, justice and, above all, these families by asking the British Government to open these files.

Those of us who firmly believe in a democratic and independent Ireland strongly support the Justice for the Forgotten organisation and the families. I also commend the Pat Finucane Centre for all its work and support. It offered a great service to the families, the country and the people of this island, whether Catholic, Protestant or dissenter. Its pursuit of truth and justice is an example to the Oireachtas and the very least we can do tonight is support this motion and once again ask the British Government to hand over the files.

Earlier we discussed the peace process. The peace process is a healing process and it requires openness, truth and justice. I will never forget my experience on the sub-committee and the work we did on the Barron report in terms of meeting the relatives and listening to their stories. I dissented from the views expressed by other members of the sub-committee because I wanted a full independent inquiry with strong statutory powers. Politicians of the time did not shine on this issue. There was a hidden view that they did not want to rock the boat or upset the British Government. People tried to hide the issue of collusion under the carpet but the report clearly reveals that collusion played an important part in what happened in Dublin and Monaghan. Mr. Cameron apologised to the people of Derry for Bloody Sunday and I ask him to speak to the people of Dublin and Monaghan.

I welcome the families of Justice for the Forgotten and give them my commitment that I will fight to the end for truth and justice on this matter.

Deputy Seamus Healy

I welcome the opportunity to support this motion and commend the relatives of the victims and members of Justice for the Forgotten on the trojan work they have done to keep this matter before the public. For the past 37 years they have commemorated the victims on an annual basis. We should acknowledge the continued grief and distress experienced by the relatives and families of the victims of the various bombings. Many of them feel abandoned and they have an overwhelming desire for justice and closure. This all-party motion is important in that regard and it must be pursued by the Government until the British authorities make the relevant files available.

Many of us are aware of this ongoing grief and distress through our association with some of the families concerned. In my own case, I am acquainted with the Bradshaw family from Fethard, County Tipperary. George Bradshaw lost his life in the first of these bombings in December 1972. He was a young, 30 year old bus driver with a wife and two children. His colleague, Tommy Duffy, who was a 24 year old bus conductor, also lost his life in that bombing.

It is a disgrace that the British authorities refused to co-operate with the Barron investigation or the sub-committee which reviewed Mr. Justice Barron's report. The sub-committee concluded that it was dealing with acts of international terrorism in which British security forces had colluded. That finding was not made lightly. The sub-committee also referred to the Good Friday Agreement, which states: "The participants believe that it is essential to acknowledge and address the suffering of the victims of violence as a necessary element of reconciliation." It seems impossible to reconcile the stance of the British authorities with that element of the Agreement.

As Justice for the Forgotten has pointed out, the coincidence of this visit with the 37th anniversary of the Dublin and Monaghan bombings offers an opportunity for the British Prime Minister, David Cameron, to repeat what he did on 15 June 2010 in regard to Bloody Sunday. On that occasion he said in the House of Commons:

It is right to pursue the truth with vigour and thoroughness . . . Openness and frankness about the past, however painful, do not make us weaker, they make us stronger.

Debate adjourned.