Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 30 Nov 2011

Vol. 748 No. 2

Pre-European Council Meeting on 8-9 December: Statements

The Taoiseach

I am pleased to have this opportunity to brief the House ahead of the next meeting of the European Council in Brussels on 8 and 9 December. The meeting will begin next Thursday evening with a working dinner and will reconvene on Friday morning. The key issue before us will be the economic and financial crisis facing the European Union, and particularly the rapidly evolving situation within the eurozone. We will also address growth-enhancing measures and we will take stock of the implementation of commitments made by the 23 participating member states in the Euro Plus Pact. We will also return to the issue of energy, including energy efficiency, the internal energy market, energy infrastructure and external energy policy, following up on progress since we set key policy orientations last February. The question of nuclear stress tests will also arise in this context.

We will also hold our annual stock take on progress with enlargement. On Friday morning we will participate in a short ceremony during which the Croatian accession treaty will be signed. I very much look forward to this and congratulate again the Croatian Government and people on their work and dedication to bring us to this point. The meeting is also expected to consider the question of Romanian and Bulgarian accession to the Schengen area. We will also address the evolving situation in Iran.

The Polish Presidency will also brief us on progress in discussions on the Union's next multiannual financial framework — the EU's multi-year budget covering the period 2014-20 — and will pass the baton forward to the Danish Presidency that will take office in January.

The economic situation in the eurozone is evolving rapidly. Markets remain highly volatile and it is increasingly evident that calm will only be restored if leaders are prepared to take the clear and decisive action the situation demands. This is a matter of the highest concern and urgency. There is a real and present sense of danger, with many openly suggesting that the very future of the currency as we know it is at stake.

The House will appreciate how damaging this continuing situation is for Ireland. We are engaged in the very difficult task of restoring our economy and returning to growth, and we have been making headway. The current climate of uncertainty puts what we have achieved at risk at a time when we are preparing to make even greater efforts to get back to economic independence, including through the measures in the upcoming budget. Everything we do, when working with partners at the European Council next week, will be driven by that clear objective. A stable eurozone is a vital national interest for Ireland and its future.

However, the question is not just a concern for Ireland. We have seen growth prospects for Europe generally receding and there is concern in the international community that the crisis in Europe will spread beyond our borders and will contribute to a further slowdown in an already difficult global economic situation. The truth is we cannot go on like this.

We need to make decisions, to demonstrate conviction and solidarity and to find a credible basis on which to move beyond the crisis. We agreed a deal in October on banks, on the EFSF, and on restoring debt sustainability to Greece, but it is clear that it has not been sufficient to restore confidence or to achieve the type of international "buy-in" for which we had hoped. We now must examine what kind of deal would enable us to make the breakthrough we need.

There are, effectively, two sides to the equation. We need to reach agreement on immediate steps to overcome the current crisis. Without this, the crisis will continue and risks spiralling beyond our control. In saying this, I fully appreciate the difficulties this presents for some. It is essential that European leaders make and implement clear decisions quickly to prove our shared determination to protect our currency, to support member states that are working towards economic recovery, and to introduce strong rules to ensure fiscal discipline. We also need to take the further steps necessary to ensure that economic co-ordination in the eurozone is improved and that the rules underpinning the currency are strengthened and made more enforceable.

Let me be clear: Ireland supports the creation of stronger economic governance throughout Europe and especially throughout the eurozone. The people are paying the price now for the absence of such rules in the past. I am determined that we will never go back to the practices that drove our economy off a cliff, including reckless spending, poor oversight of banks and an over-reliance on property-related tax revenues. Ireland should not fear this process, we should welcome and embrace it. We are a small, open country and our prospects for recovery are heavily dependent on our ability to export our goods and services, especially to our European partners. For this we need economic stability and growth in our neighbourhood and beyond.

As the Dáil is aware, President Van Rompuy is preparing an interim report to present to next week's European Council. This report will identify possible steps to strengthen economic union, focusing on further strengthening economic convergence within the euro area, improving fiscal discipline and deepening economic union, including exploring the possibility of limited treaty changes. As well as consulting with the Presidents of the Commission and the euro group, President Van Rompuy's office is conducting an intensive round of bilateral consultations at official level with member states this week. Senior Irish officials are actively participating in this process. President Van Rompuy will also meet with Ministers at next Monday's General Affairs Council, at which Ireland will be represented by the Minister of State, Deputy Creighton, before finalising the report he will bring to the European Council.

I have been impressed by the manner in which President Van Rompuy has approached his task. He has been determined to identify what needs to be done first and only then to identify what we must do to achieve it. It is likely that some of the measures he will recommend will require treaty change to effect. We will listen carefully to what he has to say and we will engage positively in the process ahead. While we must ensure that we have the legislative framework we need for the future, we must also acknowledge that treaty change is not something that can be achieved overnight.

Quite properly, the treaties set out a process involving all the relevant institutions and national parliaments which ensures that all proposals for change are given the level of detailed scrutiny they deserve. It cannot realistically be expected to offer a full solution to the immediate and critical problems we face. The first priority to tackle the immediate crisis should be to use the existing instruments and decisions to their full potential so that the markets can be convinced that European leaders are fully committed to defending and protecting their currency. This demands immediate action and a demonstration to the markets that we have the financial firepower necessary to stabilise the situation.

I have stated that this could come from allowing the European Central Bank to play a stronger role. We could envisage other possibilities, including some form of eurobonds. It is the ends and not the means which are critical. We should also agree to take steps towards strengthened co-ordination and discipline which are possible within the existing treaties. The Commission has recently published some important proposals in this regard which merit serious consideration.

Next week's meeting is critical. What we agree at the European Council should be credible and convincing in the eyes of the financial markets and credible in the eyes of the public. In my approach to the meeting I will remind colleagues again that, economically, Ireland remains vulnerable. Recent times have shown that the risk of spill-over from one member state to another is real. While we have returned to modest growth this year after three years in decline, Ireland's recovery is fragile. We will continue to need the support and solidarity of our EU and international partners for some time to come.

For its part, the Government has stressed that delivering on our EU-IMF programme in full and on time while continuing to invest in job creation remain its top priorities. This is what we have done so far and it is what we will continue to do. It is the only path to rebuilding confidence in this country. A stable currency is indispensable to our success.

The meeting will also consider the broader question of the growth enhancing measures we considered at our meeting in October. I expect that we will agree to fast-track a range of measures intended to boost sustainable growth and job creation and that we will invite the council and the European Parliament to facilitate and progress these efforts. In this regard, the proposals identified in the Commission's recently published annual growth survey are highlighted as offering significant potential. This is important work. While we need to address the crisis it is vital we do not become so consumed by it that we neglect what needs to be done to restore growth and generate jobs. I will emphasise the importance of this to my colleagues.

The publication of the growth survey hearlds the launch of the next European semester, the second we have undertaken and the first to take place under the strengthened rules provided for in the recently adopted legislative six-pack. The European Council will also track progress on the implementation of commitments under the Euro-Plus Pact by the 23 participating countries, including Ireland. Discussion of employment policies, including those needed to mobilise labour force growth will be informed by the deliberations of the Employment, Social Policy, Health and Consumer Affairs, EPSCO, Council at the end of this week.

In February, the European Council offered orientations on energy policy. Next week we will return to the matter to determine what progress has been made. We will focus on completing the internal energy market, energy efficiency, developing energy infrastructure and external energy policy. We will also consider the initial findings of nuclear stress tests based on a Commission report and the progress report on the security of nuclear power plants.

The European Council will also address the issue of enlargement of the European Union, arguably its most successful policy to date. We will endorse a set of conclusions to be finalised at next Monday's General Affairs Council meeting. These draft conclusions are expected to reflect the progress made by several countries as part of an enlargement package. I look forward to signing the Croatian accession treaty on behalf of Ireland and to welcoming Croatia as an acceding State, entitled to interim privileges until accession makes it a full member state. Ireland has long supported Croatia in its efforts to join the Union and we look forward to welcoming it as the newest member state in July 2013. I look forward to hearing the contributions of Members as we prepare for this critical EU Council meeting next week.

Deputy Micheál Martin

One month ago the leaders of Europe emerged from another emergency summit and announced that they had taken steps that would finally contain the sovereign debt crisis. In only a matter of days this was shown to be a nonsense and the crisis has escalated dramatically since then. There is no longer any room for doubt: a failure by the leaders of Europe and the European Central Bank to change their policies will lead to the end of the euro, probably within weeks. This was believed to be impossible at the start of this year but it is now the subject of urgent contingency planning in every country and every major international company.

The economic and social implications of the disintegration of the euro are almost too great to imagine and could turn a crisis into a catastrophe. The mistakes of the past year and a half have been considerable. Adherence to irrelevant fiscal and monetary orthodoxies has escalated the contagion every time they have been reasserted. In summit after summit we have heard about lines being drawn under the problem and about confidence being restored. Each agreement has failed because the fundamental policies underlying them have failed. This was debatable for a while but it is now almost six months since the need for a radical departure became crystal-clear and six months since we outlined as much in the House.

However, it is not too late to pull back from the brink. There is one final chance to save the euro and to prevent a failure of truly historic proportions. It is still entirely avoidable. Also, it is not too late for the Government to set out a policy and launch the diplomatic initiative that it has been discussing for nine months but which it has failed to actually implement. The Taoiseach's speech today is full of the rhetoric and language so beloved of mandarins throughout Europe but which reveals nothing.

The Taoiseach

It is focused on the problem.

Deputy Micheál Martin

While reading it I found myself wondering whether we were for or against limited change.

The Taoiseach

It is focused on what we need to do now.

Deputy Micheál Martin

Should we tell people what limited change is proposed? We are keeping the people in the dark and then, subsequently, when something is eventually agreed, people are surprised and questioning and so on. If the European leaders continue to go about it this way, it is doomed to fail. The Taoiseach has not engaged in any diplomatic initiative of any consequence.

The Taoiseach

It is focused on the issue before us now.

Deputy Micheál Martin

The most incredible thing about next week's summit is that there is still no indication of any specific proposals which will be on the agenda.

The Taoiseach

I refer Deputy Martin to Leaders' Questions this morning.

Deputy Micheál Martin

I have read the Taoiseach's speech. The officials are impressed with President Van Rompuy because he is listening. I know and the Taoiseach knows that President Van Rompuy has a plan and a framework. He is talking to Chancellor Merkel and President Sarkozy. The Taoiseach knows this but why not inform the House? That is the point. Let us not pretend there is some sort of deliberate listening exercise going on. The telephones are buzzing. People are in conclave and are talking energetically and urgently about this crisis. That is why Monti held discussions with Sarkozy and Merkel last week. We are having no specific discussions in this House or country. People are almost immune from any serious debate about the specifics.

Deputy Lucinda Creighton

The Joint Committee on European Affairs sat for two hours yesterday. No member of Fianna Fáil attended.

Deputy Micheál Martin

The Minister, Deputy Noonan, as he went into the ECOFIN meeting yesterday, said our Government has no idea what will be proposed. If it does, it is going to great lengths to feign ignorance about specific proposals and it is once again refusing to tell the Dáil about them.

The Taoiseach

Where were the members of Fianna Fáil yesterday? There was a no show.

Deputy Micheál Martin

Through a combination of half-rumours and speculation it is agreed everyone knows how serious things are, but that is as far as it goes. There are no papers in general circulation I know of and I have not been alerted to any. There is no inclusive discussion or negotiation. Most of all there, is no attempt to abide by the principle of solidarity which created and built the most successful multinational organisation in world history.

What is deeply worrying is that nearly all public statements from participants have focused on a fiscal reform agenda which is utterly marginal to the crisis in hand. Countries with a much worse fiscal situation than the eurozone are in a much stronger position and no one is talking about them facing default or being pushed out of the market. There must be stronger fiscal rules, but anyone who thinks they alone will restore market confidence is choosing to ignore reality.

In his speech the Taoiseach used terms like "economic union" and "economic convergence". He should define them for the people and Members. What are we actually talking about?

The Taoiseach

Make a proposal.

Deputy Micheál Martin

He should get down to the bread and butter specifics and concrete realities.

The Taoiseach

Make a proposal.

Deputy Micheál Martin

I have. I have made proposals for the past six months and I will make more before I am finished.

The Taoiseach

He did not turn up at the meeting yesterday.

Deputy Micheál Martin

As things stand there is one core problem——

The Taoiseach

He was a no show. Absent friends.

Deputy Micheál Martin

The Taoiseach should not be talking nonsense and allow me the opportunity to make my contribution.

As things stand there is one core problem which has brought Europe to the brink and which must be addressed if the euro is to be saved. The ECB's policies have destroyed market confidence in eurozone sovereign debt. This is not a matter of coming late to this issue. I have raised it constantly over many months and Fianna Fáil tabled a motion specifically about reform of the ECB back in July.

Over the last two years it has steadily become clearer that the ECB, or at least the group which wields the most power within the ECB, wants to tackle this unprecedented crisis within rigid policies which were developed for a type of economy which no longer exists. With an arrogance which is out of all proportion to the record of the bank, the ECB has been absolutely steadfast in refusing to see how its policies are destroying the ability of countries to fund their public services.

If the ECB was functioning properly, it would have long ago shown the markets that it was ready to buy sovereign debt at issuance, in other words to be the lender of last resort. Its potential resources would be unlimited and would cause bond yields to fall significantly. The evidence of the United States and Britain confirms this. The actions of the ECB in the secondary market have actually made matters much worse.

The repeated statements of how the funds available are limited have shown a half-hearted commitment. This bond buying has actually encouraged private sources to leave the market. They have been entirely rational in seeing an opportunity to secure their funds and avoid the escalating risk which is being driven by the refusal to enter the primary market.

It is the risk that countries may not be able to raise new debt to repay maturing debt which is driving rates up, and current policy is making this worse. It is highly likely that this avoidable dynamic helped push Ireland and Portugal out of the market in the last 12 months. It is not by accident that countries have faced higher bond costs every time the ECB has reaffirmed its limited commitment to secondary bond purchases and outright opposition to purchasing them at issuance.

This morning's reports from ECOFIN suggest that the ECB is now in the ridiculous position of supporting a major fund to support countries but only if it does not have to give the money. With Italy, Spain and Belgium on the brink of being priced out of the market and the rating of all countries under threat, the ECB is on the verge of being a central bank which killed the currency it was established to run.

The bank is quite right in saying that the legal basis upon which it is founded is restrictive. There is no doubt that it was set up to be vigilant against inflation and it was banned from buying debt directly from member states. Where the ECB and the handful of national leaders who are clinging to a no change policy are entirely wrong is their claim there is nothing more the ECB can do. Within their separate powers under the current treaties the European Council and ECB could take action tomorrow which would restore confidence in the euro.

First, there is the issue of the ECB's inflation mandate. The fundamentalists argue that it can do nothing other than target inflation in the manner in which it is currently doing. This is just not true. Under Article 3 of the treaty on the European Union the ECB is also obliged to be concerned about the general economic objectives of the EU. These include the objective of high levels of employment and growth.

If it wants it can be flexible. It can be equally concerned about deflation. It can change its short and medium-term targets. Funding sovereign debt is inflationary, but how this fits into a short, medium and long-term set of targets is flexible within the current treaties. The euro's gravestone should not record "Committed suicide in the name of an inflation target of below but close to 2%".

The treaties give the ECB independence and require the Council to refrain from undermining this independence. However, those who have been actively attacking the idea of the ECB changing its policies have freedom to speak which others should adopt. Next week the leaders should assert the need for the ECB to recognise the wider economic part of its mandate.

Some fundamentalists have questioned the legality of the current bond-purchasing programme. This needs to be addressed resolutely. Under Article 125(2) of the treaty on the functioning of the European Union, the Council has the right to clarify certain matters in regard to actions of the ECB in cases such as this. This right should be used immediately to state that existing bond-buying programmes are fully legal within the current treaties. The same power should be used to facilitate a mechanism to show that whatever amount is required to back up the issuance of sovereign debt will be made available.

The ECB cannot buy the bonds directly but it can enable an unlimited fund to do so. Whether it is through the IMF or another entity is now largely irrelevant. The October solution of touring the capitals of the world in a whip-around has failed, therefore the ECB will provide the funds or they will not be in place. The ECB can leverage whatever amount it wants and the legal basis is there if it chooses to use it. Any summit agreement next week which fails to include an immediate measure allowing effectively unlimited intervention in the sovereign bond market will mark the end of the euro.

The only thing which has been clear in the Government's approach to Europe in the last three months is what it is against. It is against treaty changes which have to go to a referendum. What it has missed is the more important point, namely that the agenda of significantly increasing central control over fiscal policy is, at best, a longer-term issue which has nothing to do with addressing the crisis at hand. That most of the proposals would require treaty changes which would not be ratified is also true.

At the start of the year a new programme of fiscal co-ordination was agreed and has not yet been through even one cycle. More fundamentally, the fiscal union agenda is another example of a flawed proposal which does not deliver what it promises. A fiscal union cannot be solely about setting overall limits for everyone. A genuine fiscal union would involve a dramatic increase in the central budget and transfers from wealthy countries to poorer ones.

The budget currently under discussion for the European Union for the next few years amounts to 1% of Europe's annual income. No country proposing a so-called fiscal union is proposing to increase the resources they give to the Union. Their proposal would effectively place a barrier to development on all poorer states, obliging them to accept limits but be given no opportunities to grow.

A measure which would genuinely promote confidence in the willingness of the eurozone to coordinate fiscal policy would be a much larger, eurozone-specific budget to fund cohesion and promote growth. It would also provide a serious incentive to comply with fiscal limits.

Since we last discussed a European summit the Taoiseach has ended his policy of not holding bilateral summits with eurozone leaders. His visit to Berlin, as with most things to do with his Government, showed a dedication to putting media spin ahead of hard substance. He disagreed with his hosts on a number of unavoidable matters and sent his staff out to talk up these disagreements, just as he did in March after a far from unusual discussion with President Sarkozy.

What the Taoiseach failed to do in Berlin was to set out a definite agenda or to make a clear appeal to his hosts. He spent more time claiming credit for a budget he voted against than he did providing specifics about urgent policies. In contrast, Mr. Radek Sikorski, Poland's Foreign Minister, used his visit to Berlin on Monday to speak with a directness and urgency we should all applaud. Even though his country is not in the euro, he spoke passionately about its future and appealed to Germany to show leadership. The history of relations between Poland and Germany is a very dark one, so it is impossible not to be struck by his statement, "I fear German power less than I am beginning to fear German inactivity".

I have no doubt the motives of Germany's leaders are sincere. They have a profound attachment to a very specific view of the role of a central bank and of fiscal rules. However, no matter how sincere they are, they are wrong. The country which has done more than any to build up Europe and which has shown a deep solidarity within the Union now stands as its greatest threat. Before next week's summit the Taoiseach owes it to the people of this country to put aside generalities and to be open about what he will demand. Being against anything which requires a referendum is not a policy; it is political rhetoric.

The President of the European Council, Mr. Van Rompuy, is due to propose reforms to the Union at the summit, but Ireland has tabled no measures for inclusion. We must be resolute in opposing an agenda of fiscal union which is purely about control. Much more than that, we must demand that the crisis at hand be tackled before any other issues are addressed. There will be agreement next week on effectively unlimited funding to buy eurozone bonds, or there will soon be no euro. The crisis will continue to spiral as long as the main policy is about the provision of bailout funds. What we need is funding which prevents bailouts from becoming necessary, funding which confirms that there will be a market for European sovereign debt. The leaders of Europe have thus far shown none of the required urgency, imagination or generosity required to tackle this crisis. For the sake of Europe and its citizens we must all hope this will immediately change.

Deputy Gerry Adams

Beidh an Teachta Mac Lochlainn ag labhairt fosta.

An Leas-Cheann Comhairle

Cúig nóiméad don Teachta Mac Lochlainn?

Deputy Gerry Adams

Déanfaidh mé mo dhícheall bheith críochnaithe i ndeich nóiméad.

The ESRI has predicted that much weaker economic growth than previously anticipated in Europe will seriously affect the Irish economy's performance this year. Yesterday Italian bonds rose to almost 8%, well in excess of the bond rates applying to this State when it was manoeuvred into a bailout last year. Arís agus arís agus arís, i rith na huaire criticiúla seo, tá ceannairí an AE ag dithering agus ag easaontú faoin ghéarchéim le cúpla mí anuas agus cúrsaí ag éirí níos measa.

At the same time, the crisis has brought into sharp focus the State's relationship with the EU. Do we interact with other member states as equals? If so, why all the talk of core states and periphery states? Is it because, in reality, a small number of large member states is deciding what is to happen and the rest of us can like it or lump it? This Government, like its predecessor, has acquiesced in this. That is particularly evident in the response to recent calls for changes to the EU treaties from the German Government in particular. Last week the French and German Governments indicated that they had reached agreement on the need for treaty changes. While these may be presented to the EU summit by Mr. Van Rompuy, there is little doubt who will be the driving force behind them. It will be a Franco-German initiative.

What is the Government's position on these issues? The Taoiseach said in his opening statement, as he has said before, that Ireland supports the creation of stronger economic governance. He also said that Mr. Van Rompuy is preparing a report which will seek to improve fiscal discipline and economic stability, including the possibility of limited treaty change. The Taoiseach referred to strengthening economic convergence within the euro area. He said this process of engagement includes the Government and that senior Irish officials are actively participating in it. What political direction have these officials been given? Do people here not deserve to know the Government's position on these matters?

The Minister of State, Deputy Lucinda Creighton, has indicated that if changes are agreed which require a referendum, that referendum should take place. However, the Taoiseach has given no such assurance. Whatever treaty changes take place, and the Government appears to have agreed that such changes should be made, it seems the Taoiseach and his colleagues are hoping a referendum will not be required. Perhaps the fundamental question in all of this is not about the advice the Comptroller and Auditor General gives the Government or what Mr. Van Rompuy proposes to the summit. Rather, it is the question of whether the Government believes EU fiscal unity is a good idea. Does the Taoiseach support this concept? We are entitled to know the answer, as are our partners in Europe.

We are moving from crisis to crisis, with every new development heralded as a great breakthrough. There has been one false dawn after another. I notice that the copy of the Taoiseach's script which was circulated to Members states, "We agreed a great deal in October", but the Taoiseach omitted the word "great" in delivering his speech. This suggests a degree of honesty. Perhaps the Taoiseach has engaged in some mature reflection. Earlier this morning he defended the imposition of a guillotine which will deny Members the opportunity to debate and propose amendments to legislation. He blamed the troika for that. An even greater illustration of the cold reality of increased surveillance is that elements of the State's budget were discussed by German parliamentarians before being presented to this House. The Taoiseach keeps saying that the budget has not been decided and that everything is up for grabs, but the Germans were informed of a VAT rate increase of 2%, which was later confirmed. That was a huge embarrassment.

The Taoiseach

To clarify, I referred to an increase in the standard rate of VAT. It is on page 8 of the script circulated to Members.

Deputy Gerry Adams

We will have to wait until next Monday and Tuesday to hear what is proposed, when we have the double act of the two Ministers representing the Tory parties of this Government.

As Head of State, as an Irish person, as a citizen, as a human being, the Taoiseach surely does not believe this is a good scenario. It has been demeaning for our parliamentary system and for citizens. Throughout this crisis the German and French Governments have taken upon themselves the role of European leaders and the Taoiseach has acquiesced in this de facto European government. They told the Greek Government not to hold a referendum. They seem to have played a role in the removal of the Italian Government led by Silvio Berlusconi. They are apparently in the process of pushing through agreement on increased centralisation of economic decision making.

I am seeking to make sense of all of this. Does the Taoiseach believe that allowing the leaders of France and Germany to dictate the budgetary process of this State is progress?

The Taoiseach

No, I do not.

Deputy Gerry Adams

He usually responds to such questions by saying his Government did not create this mess and that we must do whatever is necessary to get out of it. We are past all of that. This Government has taken decisions which influence these matters. The ECB is to lend billions of euro to the IMF which it will, in turn, lend to Italy and Spain. We are all agreed that borrowing is part of the cause of the crisis here so it seems to me to be bizarre that even more borrowing is being proposed as a solution.

I will conclude with the point I have made a number of times. This crisis needs to be resolved but Sinn Féin does not believe that further centralisation of fiscal powers in Brussels is the solution. I would like the Taoiseach to agree with us and, if he does, to say so clearly and if he does not agree, to say so.

Deputy Pádraig Mac Lochlainn

I read an article by David McWilliams in the Sunday Business Post last weekend. As is his wont, he summarises in clear and cogent terms the failure of government and of regulation at European level——

Deputy Micheál Martin

He will be touched by Sinn Féin's admiration.

Deputy Pádraig Mac Lochlainn

He is a very good analyst on economic affairs and it is a pity he was not listened to more often. He wrote about the role of government. When an economy over-heats, one expects to see interest rates rising, to see regulation, a calming down and some moderation and some intervention. In a recession one expects to see a government intervening to stimulate the economy to see interest rates falling and banks being encouraged to get the economy moving again. Everything that has been done at European level in recent years has been pro-cyclical, which is crazy. How can an economy grow if the banks are not able to lend and when heavily indebted areas face rising interest rates? How can an economy grow by taking away resources from those whose spending is essential to the economy? It is absolutely bonkers. Economists on both the left and the right of the equation agree on this. There has been a complete failure of economic intervention at European level.

In Ireland, regulation failed. Our Central Bank and the Financial Regulator and the Department of Finance and our Government, failed. It was a failure not just by Ireland but also at European level but I ask where has been the collective sharing of responsibility. The leaders of Europe say there has to be burden-sharing in Greece but, incredibly, we have to pay the unsecured bondholders. These are not the people who bought in the primary bond markets rather these are the people who bought in the secondary markets. We have to pay them over €1.2 billion in January and further hundreds of millions of euro later next year.

The Taoiseach and his Ministers know this is bonkers. If the Taoiseach was having a private pint with his friends he would say it was wrong and it is bonkers yet we sit here and read out these speeches. As my party leader pointed out, the speechwriters have written that this is a great deal but it is madness. We say that Herman Van Rompuy is doing a great job but his strings are being pulled by the Franco-German axis with regard to his response to his crisis. Our people are having to endure sustained periods of austerity, they have to watch the return of the blight of emigration to our island and also deal with unemployment. Now, they must watch the news about the eurozone crisis and the continued failure to deal with it by the European Union.

The European banking authority stress-tested 24 banks last July and it was all supposed to have been sorted out but now, Dexia is collapsing. We do not have full, open accountability within the European banking system. For example, we do not have the unleashing of the significant potential of the European Investment Bank which has twice the capacity of the World Bank to get the Irish economy moving. At what point do we in Ireland speak out and say that what is happening is fundamentally wrong?

I ask the Taoiseach if he is going to stand at the podium on the centenary of the 1916 Rising and be mindful of all that is in the Proclamation and of the vision of the men and women of that period, knowing that he has ceded more fiscal powers to that failed process and entity. He inherited the loss of economic sovereignty but he did not fight like a lion to get it back again and he actually ceded more. He allowed people to use this crisis to further their objectives of increased integration. There is no point in the Irish people voting in the general election that may well be held in 2016. In a functioning democracy, political parties argue about whether public services are to be strengthened or weakened, whether privatisation of public services is to be continued. These are the usual debates. However, the people will have a choice which will be pointless because those decisions will have been made already. The capacity to stimulate the economy, the capacity to be brave, to be imaginative, to be creative, will all have been strangled. This House will become a super-council. This is not the legacy we want on the 100th anniversary of the 1916 Easter Rising.

I appeal to the Taoiseach. He knows we are right and that at some point, somebody has to make a stand against this madness. Somebody has to say there is a five hundred pound gorilla in this room and I am no longer going to ignore it; I will say it out loud and I will call it. I urge the Taoiseach to find his roots. When he was elected to this House back in the mid-1970s as a bright young man and with all his hopes and ambitions I am sure he never dreamed that he might be the Taoiseach who gave away our economic sovereignty and betrayed the legacy of 1916. That is the Taoiseach's choice and his legacy. The next two years will tell their own story.

The Taoiseach

I am going to be the one to take it back, to retrieve it.

Deputy Catherine Murphy

I wish to share my time with Deputies Finian McGrath, Donnelly and Ross.

Europe is holding its breath today. There are times in history when the fate of millions depends on the actions of a very few people. The Taoiseach will be representing us next week and we depend on him to put our case as strongly as possible on this very serious occasion. It is extremely worrying that the old fault lines of rancour and discord are re-emerging. The inactivity and the paralysis has left a vacuum which is being filled with caustic and destructive cynicism. If evidence were needed, one should look at the statements of both Jürgen Habermas, Germany's foremost philosopher and of Radek Sikorski, the Polish Foreign Minister to whom Deputy Martin referred in his contribution. Separately and in the strongest terms, they have urged solidarity to prevail against the narrow national interests. This is the approach which the Taoiseach must adopt at the European Council meeting.

Radek Sikorski said:

I demand of Germany that, for your sake and for ours, you help the eurozone survive and prosper. You know full well that nobody else can do it. I will probably be the first Polish Foreign Minister in history to say so, but here it is: I fear German power less than I am beginning to fear German inactivity.

He listed what he termed six harsh realities which Germany needed to deal with. He said that Germany has been and is the biggest beneficiary of the Common Market and the obligation to sustain the Union has fallen to it and it must respond. Germany is not the victim of the periphery's irresponsible economic management.

Its powerhouse banks bought bonds from so-called irresponsible countries' financial institutions in astonishing quantities. Moreover, Germany's borrowing costs have reduced as a result of the crisis and the country will be seriously hurt by a collapse, default or devaluation in a peripheral country's economy. Further, the danger of collapse is much greater than the risk of inflation. Finally, Germany's size and history gives it a special responsibility to preserve peace and democracy.

The foremost German philosopher, Professor Jürgen Habermas, noted in a recent article in Der Spiegel magazine that citizens rather than states have rights. His central point is that solidarity is required. I do not have time to dwell on the article but it is well worth reading. It shows that some in Germany are showing a great deal of thoughtfulness and that the larger issues are being raised.

In an article published in yesterday's edition of The Irish Times, Fintan O’Toole calculated that the combined transfers from all sources from the European Community to Ireland since we joined in 1973 amount to €43 billion. Irish taxpayers transferred €47 billion to Anglo Irish Bank alone despite not having any liability to do so. German banks were exposed to Irish bank loans to the tune of €103 billion under the blanket guarantee. Is it surprising that Germany wanted Irish taxpayers to repay its banks? Not only are we doing so but they are being repaid with interest. The equivalent of all the moneys Ireland received from the European Community in the past 20 years has been transferred to Anglo Irish Bank alone. We need to get angry, not because it is a good negotiating tactic but because we are entitled to be angry. Next week, the Government must act as an equal partner rather than as a subservient spectator. The message it is giving is that it will play the latter role.

Deputy Shane Ross

Hear, hear.

Deputy Catherine Murphy

Listening to the Taoiseach's speech, it was if it were business as usual. This is a unique moment and we need the Taoiseach, who will take to the pitch on our behalf, to remember that the values at stake are those of democracy, solidarity and peace. Addressing the issue will require much more than tinkering at the margins or introducing some technical adjustments.

Deputy Mattie McGrath

I wish the Taoiseach and his Cabinet colleagues well. It is time they put on the green jersey and stood up for Ireland's rightful place in Europe. This country has been plundered. The European Central Bank and other institutions have failed us both in Ireland and in the European context and Irish people are paying the price with their blood. We are in a third world war in which no bullets are being fired. We must not allow our nation to be sabotaged for one hour longer. I encourage the Taoiseach to stand up and represent our country and people as an equal. He must demand rightful recognition of our position.

As other speakers noted, we are repaying with interest money that was given out willy-nilly. I accept the Government secured a reduction in the interest rate on our loans but we continue to be crucified. The German Parliament learned before the Oireachtas about Irish budgetary proposals. Notwithstanding that Members will learn next week whether the VAT rate will increase by 2% and so forth, to have budgetary matters discussed in the Bundestag before the Oireachtas has sight of them constitutes shameful interference in the affairs of a sovereign country. While one could argue that Ireland has lost its sovereignty, we still have our dignity. Ireland has vision and a passion to recover but will be unable to do while we remain under the cosh of bullies in Europe.

President Van Rompuy is trying to grasp the nettle but he will be like Humpty Dumpty sitting on the wall if the entire edifice collapses, which is the prospect we face. The European project is being talked down, undermined and damaged daily. Perhaps it was flawed from the outset. It served us well for a time and needs to be pulled together by a visionary leader. If Ireland's leaders do not show vision in the forthcoming talks, they will be throwing in the towel. We must speak up, ensure others listen and demand our rightful place.

Deputy Stephen S. Donnelly

I had not planned to speak in this debate but when I heard the Taoiseach's statement I asked my colleagues for some speaking time. The Taoiseach states Ireland supports the creation of stronger economic governance throughout Europe. What does this mean? He states Irish people are paying the price for the absence of such rules in the past and he is determined we will never return to the practices that drove our economy off a cliff. As a representative of some of the people of this country, I am not in favour of the view he expresses. He states Ireland should not fear this process. I fear it because it is a process that was partly responsible for leading us into our current position.

The logic the Taoiseach is laying out is that we are not capable of governing ourselves. In other words, having made grave mistakes in the past and fearing what Governments may do in future, we will tie our hands and lock ourselves into rules controlled by a central authority or set of powers in Europe to ensure we do not repeat our mistakes. We Irish people are capable of governing ourselves. While the previous Government made some horrendous mistakes, the electorate threw it out of office and installed the Taoiseach.

Since my election to the Dáil I have become increasingly concerned about a growing view that we are not capable of governing ourselves. According to those who share this mindset, we should be grateful that the International Monetary Fund is here and should allow the Europeans make the rules. We already have rules under the Maastricht treaty which were never enforced. The Taoiseach uses the language of "enforceability". The whole logic he lays out is that he, his Cabinet and the Oireachtas are not capable and should not be trusted. We — the Taoiseach, his Cabinet, the Oireachtas and Irish citizens — know better than the ECB and the Germans how to run our country. I accept the process is an imperfect one in which Governments make mistakes and are tempted into making foolhardy promises before elections.

Ireland is in an IMF bailout because of the rules imposed on us by central European authorities. I ask the Taoiseach to go to Europe and represent the view that we, rather than Europeans, should govern this country.

Deputy Shane Ross

I share the views expressed by Deputies on this side, particularly those expressed in reaction to the Taoiseach's speech. His statement could have been written by someone in the European Commission, President Sarkozy, Chancellor Merkel or someone else in Europe.

The Taoiseach

I am interested in the Deputy's position on the problem we have now. As a respected economist, I would like to hear his view on what decision should be taken next Wednesday and Thursday.

Deputy Micheál Martin

The Taoiseach should allow Deputy Ross to speak.

Deputy Shane Ross

The Taoiseach's speech reads as if it were written by a eurocrat rather than someone from Ireland. It reads as an apologia for a Government that will go into next week's meeting and hoist the white flag. It reads as if it were written by someone who will not wear the green jersey, as I urge him to do, when he attends the European Council meeting on 9 December. It is important that we stop apologising for what happened in the past. We must declare that we are an independent nation which will not lie down and accept the premise that fiscal union is coming. As I stated during Leaders' Questions yesterday, we must not become embroiled in a fiscal union debate and surrender. If we do so, the independence that was temporarily sacrificed by the last Government — the Taoiseach said in his speech that he wants to "get back to economic independence" — will be permanently surrendered rather than temporarily sacrificed. Fiscal union would mean that the taxation and economic independence of this country would go somewhere else.

Deputy Stephen S. Donnelly

That is right.

Deputy Shane Ross

It would go to an external European body. We do not know what that body is, or where it is. It also means the possibility of a European finance minister.

Deputy Lucinda Creighton

How does the Deputy know that is what it means?

Deputy Shane Ross

This idea has been floated. We should have heard the Taoiseach's ideas on this in his speech.

Deputy Lucinda Creighton

The Deputy is plucking assumptions from thin air.

Deputy Shane Ross

What is Ireland's view on that? The Taoiseach's speech lacked any commitment to any policies or detail of any sort.

Deputy Micheál Martin

That is the point.

Deputy Shane Ross

It is full of aspirations. It is full of rhubarb. I can read some of it to the Taoiseach. It is full of talk about "solidarity" with our European partners. I do not want the Taoiseach to go out there to show solidarity with our European partners.

Deputy Lucinda Creighton

That is depressing.

Deputy Shane Ross

I want the Taoiseach to go out there to represent Ireland, in the interests of the Irish people.

Deputy Mattie McGrath

Hear, hear.

Deputy Shane Ross

I want President Sarkozy and Chancellor Merkel to say "this is a man we respect and we listen to".

Deputy Mattie McGrath

Hear, hear.

The Taoiseach

Deputy Ross should give me his view on the political decisions that have to be made to deal with the eurozone crisis.

Deputy Shane Ross

I want the Taoiseach to go out there and say, "If you do not play ball with us, we will not agree to fiscal union".

The Taoiseach

I ask the Deputy to give me his view.

Deputy Shane Ross

That is what is important.

The Taoiseach

What is the Deputy's view on the problem as it stands now?

Deputy Shane Ross

I expect the Taoiseach to surrender to European diktats from Chancellor Merkel and President Sarkozy on 9 December next.

The Taoiseach

I have asked the Deputy for his own view.

Deputy Shane Ross

The Taoiseach can explain in his reply why that will happen.

The Taoiseach

The Deputy can waffle on if he wants, but I would prefer to hear his view.

Deputy Shane Ross

The Taoiseach will have an opportunity to reply.

The Taoiseach

The Deputy has not made a single proposal.

Deputy Shane Ross

In his reply, he can tell us why President Sarkozy and Chancellor Merkel are constantly dictating to us what is good for Ireland.

Deputy Mattie McGrath

The Taoiseach should stand up for us.

The Taoiseach

Is it the ECB, the IMF or the EFSF? Which is it?

Deputy Micheál Martin

The Taoiseach has not made any proposals himself.

Deputy Shane Ross

It is time for the Taoiseach to go out there——

The Taoiseach

Does the Deputy have a view?

Deputy Mattie McGrath

Of course he has a view.

The Taoiseach

What is his view on the ECB, the IMF and the EFSF?

Deputy Mattie McGrath

The Taoiseach needs to stand up and represent this country.

Deputy Shane Ross

It is time for the Taoiseach to tell us where he stands on the treaty changes which are now in the air and being proposed.

The Taoiseach

That is for the future.

Deputy Shane Ross

Where does Ireland stand on them?

The Taoiseach

We need to deal with the problem now.

Deputy Shane Ross

Where does Ireland stand on the referendums that are about to be dictated to us from Europe?

Deputy Mattie McGrath

We will not be allowed to have a say.

Deputy Shane Ross

Are we in favour of treaty changes that involve us plunging into fiscal union?

The Taoiseach

The Deputy should deal with the problem we will face next week.

Deputy Shane Ross

In such circumstances, we would have to give up our sovereignty forever.

The Taoiseach

What about next week?

Deputy Shane Ross

That is what faces us next week.

The Taoiseach

The crisis is now.

Deputy Shane Ross

Having read this speech, I have no confidence that it was written in Dublin.

The Taoiseach

The crisis is now.

Deputy Shane Ross

It reads like it was written in Europe.

The Taoiseach

The Deputy had an opportunity to make a proposal about the crisis as it stands now.

Deputy Mattie McGrath

The Taoiseach had his chance to do likewise.

The Taoiseach

He did not do so.

Deputy Stephen S. Donnelly

What about quantitative easing?

The Taoiseach

I am disappointed in him.

Minister of State at the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (Deputy Lucinda Creighton)

At least the Chamber has been enlightened. We now understand that Deputy Ross does not believe in European solidarity or in any of the positive solutions that may be put on the table next week.

Deputy Shane Ross

None of them were mentioned in the Taoiseach's speech.

Deputy Mattie McGrath

It was baloney.

Deputy Lucinda Creighton

If I understand him correctly, he wants the Taoiseach to oppose everything when he represents the Government in Brussels next week and to return home with nothing.

Deputy Mattie McGrath

He wants the Taoiseach to stand up for the country.

Deputy Lucinda Creighton

That is Deputy Ross's solution. I am sorry to disappoint him by saying the Government intends to engage far more constructively and find a common solution to this European crisis. We are determined to solve the problems that are having direct impacts on our citizens.

I thank all the Deputies who have tried to engage constructively during this crucial debate. There is no doubt that the meetings which will take place next week will be of huge significance for our country, our citizens and, particularly, our currency. When I listen to Deputies on the other side of the House, I am sometimes led to believe that the eurozone is a foreign country that somehow does not have anything to do with this State or its citizens. Nobody seems to be interested in discussing the impact of the potential collapse of the currency.

Deputy Mattie McGrath

Of course we are.

Deputy Lucinda Creighton

They do not seem interested in the disastrous consequences that its collapse would have for this State and its citizens.

Deputy Mattie McGrath

That is not true.

Deputy Lucinda Creighton

We are determined to find a clear path forward. As the Taoiseach has said, some proposals will be brought to the table next week for an initial discussion among heads of state and government. From that point on, there will be a long period during which states can outline their positions, make suggestions and express their views on how we should proceed. The first thing we intend to do is identify where exactly the challenges lie and what exactly we want to achieve. We will then embark on the process of trying to agree a way forward in the broad areas of economic governance and fiscal co-ordination.

The more important and immediate challenge is to identify a way of calming the turbulence in the markets that has affected our currency over recent months and has reached a worrying and alarming stage. Deputy Martin and others have suggested that the Government has not set out a path or communicated its views. I know the Deputy's initial period in opposition was difficult——

Deputy Micheál Martin

No, it was not.

Deputy Lucinda Creighton

——because he was trying to play the statesman and work constructively with the Government.

Deputy Micheál Martin

I was not playing anything.

Deputy Lucinda Creighton

It is clear that he has abandoned that approach and has resorted to opposition for opposition's sake.

Deputy Micheál Martin

This is a serious crisis.

Deputy Lucinda Creighton

It is interesting that there has been more engagement from Sinn Féin——

Deputy Micheál Martin

Can the Deputy do better than that?

Deputy Lucinda Creighton

——which seems to be providing the only real opposition in this House.

Deputy Micheál Martin

We are in a eurozone crisis.

Deputy Lucinda Creighton

The only engagement on all aspects of European affairs, particularly in relation to the euro crisis, has come from Sinn Féin.

Deputy Micheál Martin

That is not true.

Deputy Lucinda Creighton

A very good meeting of the Joint Committee on European Affairs took place yesterday. Less than 20 minutes ago, Deputy Martin referred to the committee as "nonsense".

Deputy Micheál Martin

I did not.

Deputy Lucinda Creighton

I would like to make an important point.

Deputy Micheál Martin

I certainly did not.

Deputy Lucinda Creighton

You did.

Deputy Micheál Martin

The Minister of State is playing politics.

Deputy Lucinda Creighton

He said it was "nonsense".

Deputy Micheál Martin

I said the Government's articulation of what happened was "nonsense".

Deputy Lucinda Creighton

That is precisely what the Deputy said on the record of this House.

Deputy Micheál Martin

This is pathetic.

Deputy Lucinda Creighton

Perhaps the Deputy should keep an eye on his colleagues.

Deputy Micheál Martin

The Minister of State should read the speeches I have made over the last six months.

Deputy Lucinda Creighton

Yesterday's meeting of the Joint Committee on European Affairs lasted two hours. One Fianna Fáil Deputy showed up for about ten minutes. He made a fleeting contribution, which did not contain any constructive suggestions, before he left.

Deputy Mattie McGrath

Where are all the Fine Gael Deputies today?

Deputy Lucinda Creighton

He did not stay for the rest of the debate.

Deputy Micheál Martin

This is silly stuff.

Deputy Lucinda Creighton

Other Opposition Members, particularly Deputy Mac Lochlainn and Senator Reilly of Sinn Féin——

Deputy Micheál Martin

This is childish.

Deputy Lucinda Creighton

——engaged constructively in a meaningful discussion about the implications of the euro crisis and the need to find solutions.

Deputy Mattie McGrath

Where are the Minister of State's colleagues?

Deputy Lucinda Creighton

We discussed potential solutions in detail. Deputy Martin's party was not even represented at the meeting. He would want to take a look inside——

Deputy Micheál Martin

With the greatest of respect, that is a pathetic response.

Deputy Lucinda Creighton

It is not pathetic.

Deputy Micheál Martin

The Government has not made any proposals with regard to the deep and profound crisis in the eurozone.

Deputy Lucinda Creighton

If Deputy Martin respects the parliamentary procedures in this House——

Deputy Micheál Martin

I have been here for the last hour and a half to contribute as I do every time we discuss a summit or meeting.

Deputy Lucinda Creighton

——and the committee system in the Oireachtas——

Deputy Micheál Martin

This is pathetic nonsense.

Deputy Lucinda Creighton

——he might take a look at the structures in his own party.

Deputy Micheál Martin

The Minister of State knows that Members have a lot going on in these Houses.

Deputy Lucinda Creighton

The Deputy should start thinking——

Deputy Micheál Martin

There is a lot of activity in these Houses.

Deputy Lucinda Creighton

——about how he can contribute constructively and positively to this debate.

Deputy Micheál Martin

The Minister of State is playing silly and petty politics with a serious crisis.

Deputy Lucinda Creighton

This is far too important to play petty politics with it.

Deputy Micheál Martin

That is what the Minister of State is doing.

Deputy Lucinda Creighton

Deputy Martin likes to fling accusations across the floor of the House when he thinks somebody from the media might be present. He prefers to play to the gallery, rather than getting down to the nitty-gritty of working on constructive engagement——

Deputy Micheál Martin

We are trying to engage.

Deputy Lucinda Creighton

——as we did at the Joint Committee on European Affairs yesterday.

Deputy Micheál Martin

I asked the Taoiseach to meet us, but he refused to do so on two occasions.

Deputy Lucinda Creighton

The Deputy's party did not even bother to participate.

Deputy Micheál Martin

I am trying to be as constructive as I can. The Government will not meet us or tell us what is on the agenda. It will not tell us what is being proposed? How dare the Minister of State come in here and say no proposals are coming from this side of the House?

Deputy Lucinda Creighton

No proposals have been made.

Deputy Micheál Martin

I am fed up of being inside here and hearing nothing from the Government about anything to do with European affairs.

Deputy Lucinda Creighton

Why does the Deputy not ask his spokespersons to attend committee meetings——

Deputy Micheál Martin

How dare the Minister of State come in here with that kind of nonsense?

Deputy Lucinda Creighton

——and participate in the detailed debates that happen?

Deputy Mattie McGrath

Do not mind committee meetings.

Deputy Micheál Martin

The Government has told us nothing about what is going on. It told us nothing last month. It told us nothing the month before. It is pathetic nonsense.

Deputy Mattie McGrath

This is the House.

Deputy Lucinda Creighton

Why do you not bother to talk to your Deputies and make sure they attend?

Deputy Micheál Martin

I am waiting for proposals.

An Leas-Cheann Comhairle

I ask the Minister of State to address her remarks through the Chair.

Deputy Micheál Martin

This is not a Fine Gael meeting in Dublin 4.

An Leas-Cheann Comhairle

Deputy Martin, please.

Deputy Micheál Martin

This is a serious Dáil session on the most important summit, potentially, in the history of the euro.

An Leas-Cheann Comhairle

I ask the Minister of State to conclude her reply.

Deputy Micheál Martin

The Minister of State is giving us this kind of pathetic nonsense.

Deputy Lucinda Creighton

Here we go again with "pathetic nonsense".

Deputy Micheál Martin

That is what it is.

Deputy Phil Hogan

Deputy Martin never read his brief.

Deputy Micheál Martin

Come on now, Phil.

Deputy Lucinda Creighton

Fianna Fáil cannot even be bothered to send Deputies to meetings of the Joint Committee on European Affairs.

Deputy Phil Hogan

Deputy Martin cost us a fortune when he failed to read his brief.

Deputy Dara Murphy

Fianna Fáil Ministers did not attend meetings they were supposed to attend when they were in government. Deputy Martin should not forget that.

Deputy Micheál Martin

The Deputy is wrong.

Deputy Dara Murphy

No.

Deputy Lucinda Creighton

He is not wrong.

Deputy Micheál Martin

According to an Austrian study, we had the fifth highest rate among the 27 member states over the last ten years.

Deputy Dara Murphy

Our reputation is being restored by the Taoiseach and his Ministers.

Deputy Mattie McGrath

We should not talk about the past.

Deputy Dara Murphy

It was damaged when Deputy Martin was in government.

Deputy Mattie McGrath

We are where we are.

Deputy Phil Hogan

Fair play.

Deputy Mattie McGrath

The future is what is important.

Deputy Lucinda Creighton

The bottom line is that this Government has a clear agenda. Our priority is to find a solution to the immediate crisis.

Deputy Micheál Martin

Thanks be to God.

Deputy Lucinda Creighton

The Taoiseach brought our suggestions to the Chancellor in Berlin two weeks ago. He did likewise during his engagements with President Van Rompuy.

Deputy Micheál Martin

He has had no such engagements.

Deputy Lucinda Creighton

I will do the same at next week's meeting of the General Affairs Council. Our number one focus and priority is to ensure there is a structured ECB intervention in order to provide a proper, meaningful and credible backstop to the major crisis that is swirling around us.

Deputy Micheál Martin

We have been telling you that in here for six months. I welcome the Government's belated conversion to our thinking.

Deputy Lucinda Creighton

It is not a belated conversion.

Deputy Micheál Martin

It is.

Deputy Stephen S. Donnelly

Yes, it is.

Deputy Lucinda Creighton

We have been working on this agenda——

Deputy Micheál Martin

The Minister of State should go back over her speeches.

Deputy Lucinda Creighton

——since the Government took office.

An Leas-Cheann Comhairle

Order, please.

Deputy Mattie McGrath

It is a last-minute job.

Deputy Phil Hogan

It is not.

Deputy Micheál Martin

The Minister of State should go back over her speeches for the past nine months and tell me how it is not a belated conversion.

Deputy Lucinda Creighton

If Fianna Fáil Party Deputies engaged more in European affairs committee meetings, Deputy Martin would know exactly what the Government has done.

An Leas-Cheann Comhairle

That concludes statements on the European Council meeting on 8 and 9 December 2011.

Deputy Micheál Martin

I have been saying this for the past six months in this Chamber and the Minister of State ridiculed me. Only a month ago, the Minister of State claimed we had made a great breakthrough.

Deputy Lucinda Creighton

We seem to have touched a raw nerve on the other side of the House.

Deputy Micheál Martin

I want a debate but the Minister of State will not even take questions now.

An Leas-Cheann Comhairle

Order, please.