Michael McGrath
Question:6. Deputy Michael McGrath asked the Minister for Defence his plans for Army barracks that are no longer in use; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [6205/13]
Other Questions
Departmental Properties
Willie O'Dea
Question:18. Deputy Willie O'Dea asked the Minister for Defence his intentions with regard to Army barracks that are no longer in use; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [6191/13]
I propose to take Questions Nos. 6 and 18 together.
Since 1998 a total of 14 barracks have been closed under various barrack consolidation programmes. To date, nine of these barracks, Clancy in Dublin, Castleblaney, Ballincollig, Fermoy, Naas, Monaghan, Cavan, Castlebar and a large portion of Longford, have been sold.
On the remaining barracks, agreement has been reached for the sale of Lifford and Rockhill to Donegal County Council. Discussions are ongoing on the possible sale of Clonmel barracks and the remaining part of Longford has been reserved for the Office of Public Works for a local Garda station.
Magee Barracks in Kildare and Columb Barracks in Mullingar remain the property of the Department. All remaining vacated barracks as well as any properties identified as surplus to military requirements will be disposed of by my Department, taking account of the market conditions, so as to maximise the return to the Defence Forces.
What have I got, two minutes?
We have eight minutes overall for the questions and answers, and others may join in the questioning.
I thank the Minister for the response.
Two critical pieces of property exist here, in Columb Barracks in Mullingar and, grounds with which I have particular affinity and about which I have concern, the Magee Barracks in Kildare. What is important about these two pieces of property is their strategic locations in respect of the two significant towns where they are located. We all wish to see Columb Barracks in Mullingar developed for employment generation and we would urge the Minister to continue with whatever initiatives he has in mind there.
Significant local dissatisfaction exists in County Kildare at the fact that the 65 acres of Magee Barracks, which is located centrally within the town, remains undeveloped. Indeed, far from being undeveloped, it has become a focus for ongoing anti-social behaviour. One accepts that to come up with a plan for the strategic development of 65 acres of land in a town the size of Kildare in the current climate is a major challenge. To what extent have the Minister's officials been engaging with Enterprise Ireland, IDA Ireland, the local authorities and other State bodies?
Can I raise with him a question-----
Would Deputy Ó Fearghaíl like to let the Minister answer that and then respond? The questions should be limited to one minute so that there is a conversation.
I thank the Acting Chairman for his guidance.
I would be an enthusiast for the disposal of both barracks if there was an appropriate proposal made in that regard.
There has been a long history of engagement with State agencies on Magee Barracks since its closure in 1998. In 1999, at the request of the then Department of Foreign Affairs, part of the site was made available for use as a temporary accommodation for some 265 Kosovar refugees. In 2000, at the request of the Reception and Integration Agency of the then Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform, part of the site was made available for use as temporary accommodation for asylum seekers. In late 2000, at the request of Kildare County Council, part of the site was made available for use as a temporary halting site for members of the Traveller community.
In July 2003, the then Government decided that the former barracks would be among the State lands released for inclusion in the Sustaining Progress affordable housing initiative. On foot of this announcement, Kildare County Council prepared a local area plan for the site which encompassed a range of uses, including community activities. The Department had been involved in the process of transferring ownership to Kildare County Council and the final contract for sale was sent to solicitors for the local authority in 2009. However, the local authority subsequently contacted the Department to state it no longer wished to proceed with the development and had no interest in taking possession of the property, and the property was returned to the Department of Defence in its entirety. The question of putting the property up for auction is being actively considered.
On Mullingar, some discussions have taken place with potential buyers from the State sector. However, no firm interest has been shown at this time.
When I became Minister, there were particular problems with the site in Kildare which was being accessed and there were difficulties with regard to parts of the property which were in a dilapidated condition. It is regrettable that what is a major site was left for over a decade vacant and used for a variety of purposes with no direct plan being put in place for its development. In the current economic climate, it is obviously a matter of great difficulty in dealing with this but I would very much welcome a re-engagement by Kildare County Council. For example, in Clonmel, the local authorities have come together with my Department and there has been substantial engagement with a view to putting together a plan for the future use of Clonmel barracks. I would very much welcome Kildare County Council showing a similar interest in this site and its potential with a view to some practical arrangements being put in place.
Are there any supplementary questions?
I acknowledge the Minister's role in securing the site although, unfortunately, it continues to be breached. The Department incurred significant expenditure in attempting to secure the site.
I deplore the fact that Kildare County Council did not achieve ownership of the site when it was offered to it in 2009. It is a disgrace that the local authority did not proceed at that time. I put it to the Minister, given that he is now the owner on behalf of the Irish people, that it is incumbent on him to be proactive in this matter.
I would suggest that Kildare County Council has a role, but so, too, has the Minister for the Environment, Community and Local Government and the Minister for Jobs, Enterprise and Innovation. Gone are the days when we want to see this site developed for affordable housing. That proposition is certainly a dead duck and it is not one about which I was ever wildly enthusiastic. However, it is a site that has considerable potential in terms of job creation and, perhaps, recreational amenity facilities, as it has for educational facilities. The Minister has a role and I would call on him to be proactive in engaging with his ministerial colleagues on the matter.
I thank Deputy Ó Fearghaíl. That was the perfect minute.
It is an important site with significant potential. It is unfortunate that its potential has not been realised more actively.
Since I have become Minister, my Department has done everything possible with regard to the various vacant sites by circulating State agencies and Departments and making it known that sites are available. The site in Kildare has been vacant for a long time. Deputy Ó Fearghaíl's party was in government for the major portion of the time when this site was vacant and did not succeed in doing anything other than having it used for temporary purposes and effecting what I could describe as a degradation of the site because of the different purposes for which it was designated and, ultimately, arrangements that were envisaged to be implemented with Kildare County Council never came to pass. However, I would very much like to see something happen.
We have taken similar steps with Mullingar to the steps we took in Clonmel and in Cavan. Cavan barracks, when it was closed, was taken over by the local VEC, which is already functioning there.
Unfortunately, similar interest was not shown in Mullingar either. I would encourage the local community and the local authority to look at possible uses for what is an historical barracks on an important site. There are some limitations on how it can be used because some of the buildings are designated buildings but it should not be impossible with an active engagement to identify appropriate uses. It is not something the Department of Defence can do on its own. My Department does not have a role in developing these sites.
Defence Forces Operations
Robert Troy
Question:7. Deputy Robert Troy asked the Minister for Defence if in view of recent events in County Louth, his plans to augment the Defence Forces presence in Border areas; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [6202/13]
John McGuinness
Question:25. Deputy John McGuinness asked the Minister for Defence if he will provide a greater Defence Forces presence in Border counties in the wake of recent events; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [6207/13]
I propose to take Questions Nos. 7 and 25 together.
The primary responsibility for the maintenance of law and order rests with An Garda Síochána. The Defence Forces, pursuant to their role of rendering aid to the civil power, assist An Garda Síochána when requested to do so. The Defence Forces, in conjunction with An Garda Síochána, keep the threat level under continual review.
There has been no request from An Garda Síochána for additional assistance such as would warrant a general increase in the level of Defence Forces personnel deployed in the Border regions.
In my capacity as Minister for Justice and Equality, I assure the Deputies that resources will not be an issue and every effort is being made by An Garda Síochána to bring to justice the perpetrators of the most heinous crime that resulted in the very callous and barbaric murder of Detective Garda Adrian Donohoe. The Garda Síochána has not indicated that there is a need for an engagement by the Defence Forces in the manner the Deputy is suggesting and, ultimately, it is a matter for the Garda authorities.
I ask the Minister to keep the matter under continual review. We are all very conscious of the activity of criminal gangs along the Border. We are aware that some of them describe themselves as dissident republicans. We know they are criminals and that their activities are particularly nefarious. Should the need to arise for the military to be involved in supporting the civil power, it is important that it could respond quickly.
There is a level of disappointment in the Border region that we no longer have a military presence between Finner Camp and Dundalk. The Minister will also be aware of the disappointment over the closure of the very modern and well-equipped Dún Uí Néill camp in Cavan. I accept the Minister's assurance that should the need arise, the necessary military participation and involvement will be available.
Of course, I can give the Deputy that assurance.
Overseas Missions
John McGuinness
Question:8. Deputy John McGuinness asked the Minister for Defence if he has any plans for the Defence Forces to undertake any mission in Mali; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [6180/13]
Mick Wallace
Question:10. Deputy Mick Wallace asked the Minister for Defence if Irish troops will participate in the European Union Training Mission due to be launched in Mali in mid-February; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [6092/13]
Thomas P. Broughan
Question:14. Deputy Thomas P. Broughan asked the Minister for Defence if he will report on the possibility of Irish Defence Forces personnel being sent to Mali as part of any EU led peace mission; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [6085/13]
Micheál Martin
Question:20. Deputy Micheál Martin asked the Minister for Defence if there is any prospect of a Defence Forces mission in Mali; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [6197/13]
Joe Higgins
Question:21. Deputy Joe Higgins asked the Minister for Defence if he has any intention or plans of involving Irish forces in the current conflict in Mali. [6095/13]
Mick Wallace
Question:27. Deputy Mick Wallace asked the Minister for Defence if any decision has been taken on the deployment of Irish troops to Mali; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [6091/13]
Pádraig MacLochlainn
Question:36. Deputy Pádraig Mac Lochlainn asked the Minister for Defence if he will provide an update on Irish participation in EUTM Mali; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [6119/13]
I propose to take Questions Nos. 8, 10, 14, 20, 21, 27 and 36 together, all of which relate to Mali.
Is the Minister not also taking Question No. 9?
I will take Question No. 9 separately as it deals with EU battle groups, which has nothing to do with the issue of Mali, as I would have thought the Deputy might know.
I addressed the question of possible Defence Forces participation in the EU Training Mission for Mali in answering the priority question earlier. Force generation for the new mission, which was established by the Council of the European Union on 17 January 2013, is ongoing at EU level. All member states have been invited by the mission commander to provide contributions to the mission. While Ireland is positively disposed towards the mission, no decision has been made at this stage as to whether Ireland will participate in the mission. A number of important factors are under consideration such as participants, potential partners and, most importantly, how the issue of force protection, medical services and medevac will be addressed in Mali. A detailed threat assessment by the Defence Forces will be required. Discussions with partners and the EU on Ireland’s possible contribution to the mission are expected to be concluded shortly. Any participation by Ireland to this mission would most likely be limited to a small contribution of trainers and would be subject to Government approval.
The Minister is assuring us that if participation is to happen it will be in the area of training rather than in the area of force protection. Given that the mission is about teaching the Malian defence force members to respect human rights, does the Minister envisage challenges arising from participation in this mission were it to be agreed by Government and the Houses?
In the context of what I said earlier, we are now past the days when individuals are simply deployed on UN peace missions to train forces without taking what I would describe as a comprehensive approach in dealing with issues relating to the protection of civilians in conflict. The protection of human rights is an essential part of missions because it is now widely recognised that it is very important that these issues are properly addressed. In the event of our possible participation, the numbers will be small, but if we participate, we will contribute in providing trainers. We are discussing a mission whose overall objective goes beyond what I would describe as simple military training but extends into other areas, in particular the protection of civilians in conflict zones, the protection of human rights, the importance of human rights and the importance - if I could emphasise it - of not violating human rights.
Given the total lack of democracy in Mali at the moment and the ongoing discrimination and human rights abuses against Tuareg people in north Mali, is it appropriate for Ireland to be interfering? Should a small independent country, such as Ireland, not stay neutral and not send troops to support one side in a civil war, which is pretty unlikely to be confined to Mali? The French have been very eager to move in, but I am not sure we should be supporting this. France is probably the last country that could sort out Mali's problems, having created quite a few of them in the first place as a former colonial power. The French may have been invited in by the Malian Government, but it is a government brought to power by a military coup last year and not one elected by the Malians. The Malian troops are now trading atrocities and human rights abuses with the rebels. While I have no intention of standing up for the rebels either, I would like to see Ireland stay neutral and out.
I draw the Deputy's attention to what I said earlier, which is that our UN resolution is to provide for a UN mission, which it is, to train the domestic Malian forces so that they are fit for purpose and able to carry out their duties and able to protect that population effectively. It is not the role of Ireland to make decisions or engage in matters that relate to the particular government in an individual country.
I find the Deputy's concept of neutrality interesting. I am not sure what is the moral platform on which one stands back and watches people being brutalised, arms being cut off, women being raped - as has happened in northern Mali - and women being discriminated against and treated as second-class citizens while fundamentalists impose Sharia law and try to turn the population back to the 7th or 8th century, although I believe in the 7th or 8th century there was a more humane form of Islam than that which Sharia law, in its strictest fundamentalist terms, seeks to impose on populations. I see this as a human rights issue and a neutral state participating - as I have said, it is not finalised that we will participate - in a UN sanctioned mission whose objective is to ensure that human life is protected and that individuals are not victims of atrocities. I do not have any respect for a concept of morality where one stands back and watches people being killed, people having their limbs chopped off, women being raped and then pats oneself on the back and claims to be morally superior having simply watched it.
I am not talking about moral superiority and I do not approve of any of the violence on behalf of the jihad rebels at all. I am not a fan of war of any type. We have seen the disasters of interventions in Afghanistan and Iraq. Military intervention by outside forces exacerbates the problems. The past decade has demonstrated beyond doubt that such interventions do not necessarily solve crises, let alone deal with the causes of terrorism, but deepen them and generate new conflicts. More military interventions will bolster authoritarian regimes and their rhetoric further poisons community relations in the intervening states. It seems to be a price we have paid repeatedly. If Africans were left to solve their problems, the death toll would be lower at the end of the day.
The Deputy seems to be of the views that when there is a UN-mandated mission this State should not participate.
This State has an honoured tradition of participating in missions of a peacekeeping nature and missions that can contribute to conflict resolution and the protection of civilian life. It is particularly interesting that the Deputy fails to make any reference to the UN mandate. I do not know if he believes that our Defence Forces should ever participate in peacekeeping missions or that we should play no role in the outside world and never seek to provide any assistance to anyone. Not only is this a UN mission, but all 27 European countries, all of which are democracies, taking account of what is happening in Mali, recognise the need to contribute to the UN mission and to engage and try to provide the type of training necessary to ensure that the Malian army is properly trained, does not engage in human rights abuses and that civilians are protected. I believe we should give careful consideration to whether we participate in this mission. As I stated, no final decision has been made. On the basis of the approach taken by the Deputy, we would not participate in any UN missions in any location in the world. The reality is the only parts of the world which require UN peacekeeping or conflict resolution engagements are troubled parts of the world wherein, sadly and tragically, there is and has been violence and lives have been lost. The purpose of a UN mission is to seek to facilitate addressing that particular difficulty.
I am all for keeping the peace. However, I believe what we are seeing is a growing militarised European Union. The production and export of arms is growing in Europe, with countries becoming dependent on them and too often making decisions which promote their arms industries, which is worrying.
Last week, an interesting conference was held in Dublin. One of the participants at that conference was from the African Union. There is a general recognition that there are great difficulties in Mali and a need to provide assistance there to protect individuals. The Deputy appears to be of the odd view that the European Union is becoming increasingly militarised despite that every European Union state is spending less on its defence forces than was the case in previous years, is reducing the numbers within its defence forces and European Union member states of the United Nations are participating a great deal less in UN missions by providing troops to assist in such missions. The reality is that there is far greater participation in UN missions in Africa by African states and by states in other parts of the world. The Deputy is speaking not from a position of knowledge, but of presumption and perception, which is not borne out by the facts.
As I stated earlier, Ireland has a proud record of participating in UN missions. Our Defence Forces, where ever they go, enhance their reputation and that of our State. I believe it is appropriate that we give active consideration to participating in this particular mission.
Arms exports in Europe are growing.
The Minister's narrative might be convincing if there was any consistency in it when he decries human rights abuses, violence against women and so on inevitably attached to the word "Muslim" or "Islamic". Where is the consistency when this type of abuse is perpetrated daily in a regime like Saudi Arabia to which the European Union, the United States and so on sell arms weekly? There is no problem in that and no military intervention there, even when it is crushing a democratic movement in Bahrain, because that particularly brutal Islamist regime happens to serve the interests of the Western powers in the region. This exposes the claim that these interventions are prompted by humanitarian concerns. There is a nasty civil war going on in Mali but the Malian state and Malian military are not the good guys in this. The Tuareg people have legitimate national aspirations which they have expressed in four different rebellions since 1960. They are an impoverished nomadic people who have suffered badly at the hands of that rotten regime. Let us not forget that the French, who are leading the military intervention in Mali, also backed the dictatorship of Ben Ali until it was overthrown in the revolution of the people. Also, they happen to be sitting on a lot of gold and uranium.
The United States has forces in 35 countries in Africa. There is a scramble going on for the mineral resources of Africa and the Islamist bogeyman is being used as a justification for military intervention. Irish troops should not be involved in a 21st century scramble for Africa.
There are only four minutes remaining for supplementary questions. I ask the Minister to be brief.
I will be brief. I have no idea why Deputy Boyd Barrett is shouting at me. I am not responsible for all of the conflicts that are taking place in Africa, many of which are tragic. I am merely dealing with the issue raised, which relates to the United Nations resolution that trainers should be provided to the Malian armed forces. As I said previously, we are considering allowing a small number of our Defence Forces to participate in that mission.
I am annoyed because the Minister in his initial response to my question as to why Question No. 9 had not been grouped with these questions gave the rather disingenuous response that it was about battle groups when it also relates to military missions to Africa. The Minister knew precisely to what I was referring. The Minister is not being honest in terms of the manner in which he is dealing with the points being raised.
The point being made is that this is not some sort of good guy-bad guy conflict in respect of which we should be training the military of the Malian State because they are the good guys in this. Atrocities against the Tuareg people have substantially escalated - I accept there have been atrocities on all sides - since the French military intervention commenced. It is worsening the situation and will drive ordinary Malians into the hands of the more obscurantist elements. This is not simply an issue of good guy-bad guy. This is a nasty civil war, in respect of which the French have their own agenda. We should not be involved in the scramble by imperial powers in African countries because the losers will be the ordinary people of Mali and Africa generally.
There is only one and a half minutes remaining.
As the Deputy proceeds with his ideological diatribe, what he chooses to ignore is the atrocities taking place in northern Mali, which have been well depicted not alone in media articles but starkly on our television screens, including interviews with individuals who are the victims of atrocities and whose limbs were missing. We know that a fundamentalist group claiming to have links with al-Qaeda is engaged in substantial criminality in the region and is bringing individuals to stadiums, cutting off their limbs in front of spectators and then bringing in doctors to provide medical attention after the limbs have been chopped off.
If the Deputy believes that the United Nations should ignore things like this, that it is in the interests of the people living in that area that they be subjected to that sort of fundamentalist atrocity and wishes to be blind to the fact that there is a problem with fundamentalist Islam, that is his choice.
They chop heads off every Friday in Saudi Arabia.
I am dealing with the question I was asked, which was about Mali. I am dealing with Mali and I will continue to do so. If the Deputy wants to take a tour of every country in the world in which there are human rights issues that need to be addressed, we can do it on another occasion. My remit as Minister for Defence this evening is to deal with the issue raised of whether we will participate in a UN mission in Mali and is such warranted. A number of European Union states have taken the view they will participate. We are giving active consideration to participating. It is unfortunate that when the Deputy addresses areas of great international difficulty, he always has a blind spot whereby he ignores some of the atrocities committed in areas-----
I said atrocities were being committed.
-----he believes we should stand back and look at and do nothing about while the human misery is perpetrated and continues.
I had a blind spot there and missed the timing. We must move on.
Human Rights Watch has raised serious concerns about atrocities by Malian troops also.
I accept there are such reports which is a concern. This is why trainers may be able to address this. This is the importance of human rights teaching on dealing with people, so civilians are not brought unnecessarily into conflict. This is where the European Union, by participating in a UN mission, can make a positive contribution as opposed to sitting back and watching.
They should leave their guns at home.
EU Battle Groups
Richard Boyd Barrett
Question:9. Deputy Richard Boyd Barrett asked the Minister for Defence his plans for Irish military personnel to join any upcoming EU battle groups or military missions to Africa; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [6078/13]
John Halligan
Question:30. Deputy John Halligan asked the Minister for Defence his plans for Irish military personnel to join any upcoming EU battle groups or military missions to Africa; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [6079/13]
I propose to take Questions Nos. 9 and 30 together.
Two invitations have been received by Ireland to participate in future EU battle groups. One invitation has been received to participate in the Nordic battle group 2015, together with Sweden acting as framework nation, Finland, Norway and Estonia. The second force generation conference was held in Sweden in early December 2012. The proposed contribution to this battle group will be a reconnaissance company with associated HQ staff appointments and supporting elements. The model envisaged for the battle group gives command of a multinational reconnaissance group HQ to Ireland, resulting in a raised profile.
The second invitation received is to participate in the EU battle group 2016, with Germany acting as framework nation, Luxembourg, Austria, the Czech Republic and the Netherlands. Discussions are ongoing with the participants on Ireland's potential contribution to this battle group. Any participation by Ireland in the Nordic and EU battle groups in 2015 and 2016 will be subject to formal Government approval at the appropriate time.
Separate from battle group participation, Ireland has received an invitation to participate in the European Union training mission in Mali, EUTM Mali, which will provide military training and advice to the Malian armed forces to improve their military capacity and their effectiveness in guaranteeing the country's territorial integrity. I have already addressed the question of possible Defence Force participation in EUTM Mali. While Ireland is positively disposed towards this mission, no decision has yet been made. Any decision on participation will be a matter ultimately to be determined by government.
Perhaps it was an innocent mistake on the Minister's part, but the reference in the question was to our military involvement in Africa. It is worth saying, and I have a later question which we probably will not reach, that there is an alarming drift towards greater involvement by this country since the Government has come into office in military affairs and supporting a militarist agenda, including, for example, the invitation to NATO's deputy assistant secretary general for political affairs and security policy to address a defence seminar as part of one of the first events in the EU Presidency. It was not mentioned that he is linked to NATO; mention was made of the UN and the EU, but he is one of the main spokespeople for NATO. This is indicative of the alarming closer synergy and relationship between NATO and the European Union which is not being acknowledged. It was not mentioned when he was speaking.
It is in this context that we are concerned about so-called humanitarian missions which are often sold as humanitarian but involved in these missions are states and powers - in the case of Mali it is France and in the case of Africa generally it is the United States - who have interests and who tend to be extremely selective in what dictatorships and terrorists they oppose and which Islamic extremists they find problematic and which others they do not find quite so problematic. It is not invention or conspiracy on our part. President Jimmy Carter's main military adviser and his foreign secretary, Brzezinski, wrote a book in which he outlined in detail how the Carter Administration backed the Taliban and the establishment of what later became al-Qaeda, because it suited it in the strategic battle during the Cold War against the Soviet Union. As he put it, what is stirring up a few mullahs compared to the defeat of the Soviet empire. I put it to the Minister that the same carry on is going on in Mali and Africa generally, and a neutral country such as Ireland should not even consider being involved in this type of intervention.
The Deputy really does have an awful lot of bogeymen in his head.
Did Brzezinski not say that?
I will deal with the only issue of substance the Deputy raised. As part of Ireland's Presidency of the EU Council in 2013 a seminar was organised to discuss and examine how more effective co-operation and the building of partnerships across regional organisations and between these organisations and the United Nations could be fostered. This was undertaken to enhance the effectiveness of UN mandated peacekeeping operations, something I regard as being of particular importance. A wide range of speakers-----
Why was James Appathurai there?
I do not know whether the Deputy wants me to reply.
A wide range of speakers was invited to attend the seminar, including from the European Union, the United Nations, the African Union, NATO and academia. Close co-operation between NATO and the United Nations and its agencies is an important element in the development of an international comprehensive approach to crisis management and operations.
It is important to note UN Security Council resolutions have provided the mandate for NATO's operations in the western Balkans and Afghanistan in which Ireland participated. More recently, NATO's operation to protect civilians and civilian populated areas under threat of attack in Libya in 2011 was carried out in support of UN Security Council resolution 1973. NATO has also provided support to UN sponsored operations including logistical assistance; the African Union's UN endorsed peacekeeping operations in Darfur, Sudan and Somalia; support for UN disaster relief operations in Pakistan following the massive earthquake in 2005; and escorting merchant ships carrying World Food Programme humanitarian supplies off the coast of Somalia. It might come as some surprise to the Deputy that NATO is an organisation which is quite different now and has evolved from the one he would have probably disliked because he would have favoured the Soviet Union in those days.
I never favoured the Soviet Union.
Like the EU and the African Union, NATO shares a commitment with the United Nations to maintaining international peace and security. The two organisations have been co-operating in this area since the early 1990s, which the Deputy seems to have missed. In view of this, I decided to invite a speaker to provide the discussion with the view from NATO and how it actively enhanced co-operation with the United Nations. Without the attendance of a representative from NATO, the debate and those attending would have missed an opportunity to hear first hand the views of the organisation. I spoke at the opening of the seminar and I attended and listened to a number of sessions.
I am of the view that the attendance of all the regional organisations including NATO was very worthwhile. Attendees heard the full range of views of the organisations concerned and how these organisations can enhance their co-operation in engaging in UN missions in the interests of conflict prevention, peacekeeping and humanitarian assistance.
Bang goes our neutrality.
The debate has come to a close. I thank the Minister and Members for their questions and answers. I also thank the staff of the Houses.
Written Answers follow Adjournment.
The Dáil adjourned at 7.10 p.m. until 10.30 a.m. on Friday, 8 February 2013.