Good Friday Agreement: Motion [Private Members]

Deputy Gerry Adams

I move:

That Dáil Éireann:

notes that:

- this year marks the 15th anniversary of the historic Good Friday Agreement in 1998, which was ratified by an overwhelming majority of citizens in referenda held North and South on 22 May 1998;

- this is set out in an internationally binding treaty;

- the Agreement recognises fully the differences between the equally legitimate political aspirations of the Unionist and Nationalist sections of the community in Northern Ireland;

- the Agreement and subsequent agreements, at St. Andrews in 2006 and at Hillsborough Castle in 2010, are premised on the principles of full respect for, and equality of, civil, political, social and cultural rights, of freedom from discrimination for all citizens, and of parity of esteem and of just and equal treatment for the identity, ethos, and aspirations of both communities; and

- it is essential to acknowledge and address the suffering of all the victims of conflict as a necessary element of reconciliation and healing;

recognises the crucial role played by all those, both in Ireland and abroad, who worked to bring the conflict to an end, promote the political process and build reconciliation; and

calls on the Government, as joint and co-equal guarantors of the agreements, to:

- ensure that all the commitments in these agreements are implemented by both governments;

- renew substantive engagement with the British Government to progress outstanding issues, including the establishment of a Bill of Rights for Northern Ireland and an all-Ireland charter of rights and other legislative commitments;

- ensure the realisation of the promised peace dividend and financial package agreed at St. Andrews which the current British Government has failed to deliver;

- expedite the completion of the consideration of the case for additional implementation bodies and areas of co-operation on a North-South basis as agreed; and

- work with the British Government and all parties in re-energising the peace and political processes by promoting engagement and developing a reconciliation process which helps create the circumstances to manage the legacy of the past.

The Good Friday Agreement was a defining moment in recent Irish history.

Acting Chairman (Deputy Bernard J. Durkan)

I understand the Deputy is sharing his time.

Deputy Gerry Adams

I am. I am not quite sure with whom I am sharing time, but I am sure they know.

Acting Chairman (Deputy Bernard J. Durkan)

There are a couple of very eager beavers behind the Deputy.

Deputy Gerry Adams

Comhréiteach stairiúil a bhí ann - a compromise between conflicting political positions following decades of conflict, the roots of which are to be found in the British Government's involvement in our country. For the first time since partition, the Agreement brought peace, stability, hope and the opportunity for a better future for the people of Ireland. It most directly affected the North but it has also positively impacted on this part of the island and on the diaspora. It ushered in 15 years of relative peace. Seasann próiseas síochána na hÉireann mar shampla do áiteanna eile ina bhfuil troid.

Senator George Mitchell, who did such a remarkable job of charting a difficult course through the negotiations, correctly anticipated that agreeing the deal was the easy bit. The hard part was going to be implementing it, and he was right. The twists and turns from 10 April 1998 to May 2013 have been many. At times, the process has collapsed. At other times, it looked as if securocrats, naysayers and begrudgers would succeed and the whole process would unravel. However, with patience and perseverance, difficult issues, including those of weapons and policing, were overcome.

Along the way the UUP was replaced by the DUP as the largest Unionist party. Few imagined Sinn Féin and the DUP ever reaching agreement on the institutions, but that is what happened. Mr. Ian Paisley Sr. and the Deputy First Minister, Mr. Martin McGuinness MLA, demonstrated enormous courage and vision to make power sharing work. Two years ago, an inclusive, democratically elected local government, with all-island interlocking implementation bodies and a Council of Ministers, successfully completed a full term of office.

Of course, this does not mean that everything is working smoothly. Making peace is a process, not an event. However, unlike previous efforts, which were largely imposed by the British with the support of successive Irish governments and which excluded sections of political opinion, the negotiations that created the Good Friday Agreement were genuinely inclusive. The Agreement also addressed the broad range of issues that had been previously ignored. It deals with constitutional issues, political matters and institutional issues. It put in place a mechanism to hold a Border poll to address the issue of partition and to achieve Irish unity democratically and peacefully. It also set up political structures that provide for the sharing of power while including checks and balances to prevent a recurrence of past political abuses.

The underlying ethos of the Agreement is equality, agus cuireadh bearta i bhfeidhm chun comhionannas a bhaint amach. This is reflected in the fact that the word "equality" is mentioned 21 times in the Good Friday Agreement. It is not mentioned at all in previous agreements, for example, in the Sunningdale Agreement. Since then there have been further negotiations, mostly notably at Weston Park, St. Andrews and at Hillsborough Castle.

Regrettably, once the political institutions were stabilised and the hard issues of policing and weapons dealt with, the Government here took its eye off the issue and took its eye off the prize. The British Conservative-Liberal Democrat Government has also not honoured commitments as it should have. Consequently, there are a number of outstanding issues, including a bill of rights for the North, an all-island charter of rights, the establishment of the North-South consultative forum, and the introduction of an Acht na Gaeilge. The British Government has also failed to act on its Weston Park commitment to hold an independent inquiry into the killing of the human rights lawyer, Mr. Pat Finucane. At the same time, the securocrats continue to abuse human rights, most clearly in the continued detention of Ms Marian Price and Mr. Martin Corey. Both governments have also failed to address the need for a victim-centred truth and reconciliation process.

The greatest threat to the Agreement at this time comes from the British Government. The decisions taken by the British Prime Minister, Mr. David Cameron MP, and his colleagues are seriously undermining the Good Friday Agreement and the political institutions. At the centre of this is a failure to support a society moving out of decades of conflict. Citizens and communities need hope and prosperity, which demands economic investment. Citizens whose lives have been blighted by war or by generational sectarianism and division need to see that peace can change their lives and those of their children. That is why all of the parties at St Andrews agreed to a significant peace dividend and investment of £18 billion.

One of the first actions of the current British Government was to renege on this commitment. This decision removed from the Executive the ability to deliver a major capital investment programme which would have had the dual effect of providing much needed employment in the construction industry while bringing our roads, hospitals and schools up to the necessary standard.

The next action of the British Government was to cut the block grant by £4 billion. Within the fiscal constraints of the Executive, the parties managed to raise some additional revenue and tried to offset the worst effects of the cut to the block grant, but this approach clearly stretched its finances to the limit. The British Government has also refused to devolve powers on corporation tax.

Now, the British Conservative-Liberal Democrat Government, in pursuit of austerity, is seeking to impose £1 billion of welfare cuts that will take millions out of the local economy and hurt disadvantaged and vulnerable families. This is unacceptable, as the Deputy First Minister, Mr. Martin McGuinness MLA, recently told the British Prime Minister very directly. He also briefed the Tánaiste on these matters.

Last week, the Deputy First Minister, Mr. Martin McGuinness MLA, and the First Minister, Mr. Peter Robinson MLA, also met the British Secretary of State for Northern Ireland to discuss an economic package for the Executive. It was another bad meeting. Ní féidir le seo leanúint ar aghaidh. The British Government is seriously undermining the work of the Executive and of the political institutions.

Despite all this the Executive has achieved much, including £8 billion of investment and the creation of thousands of jobs through inward investment.

Today Allstate has announced that it will create 650 jobs in the North, which is good work by the Executive and Allstate. However, the Executive's ability to demonstrate that peace can deliver real economic change is being seriously damaged, particularly by cuts to welfare benefits, and this must be challenged. We are challenging the British Government, but the Irish Government is a coequal guarantor of the Good Friday Agreement and subsequent agreements. It urgently needs to intervene and challenge this foolish and short-sighted approach by the British Government. It needs a strategy to keep the London Government to its obligations under the Good Friday Agreement and remove the threat to the Executive and institutions created by its cuts agenda.

Deputy Pearse Doherty

Tá áthas orm bheith ag caint mar Theachta Dála as contae atá buailte ar an Teorainn agus mar phoblachtach, agus go bhfuilimid ag plé na ceiste tábhachtaí seo anocht, 15 bliain ar aghaidh ó síníodh an socrú stairiúil sin, Comhaontú Aoine an Chéasta. There is no doubt that much has changed in the 15 years since the Good Friday Agreement was signed. The Agreement was about peace and prosperity. I am delighted that it has brought about peace, which has played a huge part in changing society, North and South. This huge change is a credit to all political leaders who played a very positive role in the Good Friday Agreement and a positive part in the institutions created since. However, the prosperity promised in the Agreement has yet to be realised and 15 years on we must ask whether the economic potential of the Agreement has been unleashed. In other words, have people, North and South, benefited economically from the dynamic of change it set in place? The answer is an obvious "No" and this needs to change. This change would best be brought about in the context of Irish unity and having one economy on the island of Ireland. In the meantime, as we strive to get to that point, there is no excuse for not breaking down the barriers and making an all-Ireland economy work. This means empowering the Assembly to have its own levers to bring about change and set an economic policy decided in Ireland for the benefit of the people who live on the island. However, the Assembly is not being allowed to do what it was established to do; it is being frustrated by the lack of fiscal powers. The model of funding for the North is based on an English model which is not sustainable in the Six Counties. The British Government has recognised the same model which applies to Wales and Scotland is broken.

The full transfer of fiscal powers to the Assembly is a necessary step in allowing politicians elected in the North to deal with the realities for people living there. That is their job and they should be empowered to do it. This is also a vital step in the creation of a real all-Ireland economy which serves the interests of all the Irish people. We need an all-Ireland economy, which requires the Assembly to take on fiscal powers. The unleashing of an all-Ireland economic system could play a major part in the recovery for which the entire island is crying out. It is undeniable that an economy of 6.5 million citizens, consumers and taxpayers would be a stronger basis for creating prosperity than two separate competing economies. A united Ireland would make economic sense. The economic potential of the North and the South in a united Ireland has yet to be properly debated. It is not beneficial to have an island nation of 6.5 million people on the edge of Europe split into two separate tax, currency and legal systems and two separate economies with split populations of 4.6 million and 1.9 million. It is no coincidence that some of the poorest and most disadvantaged counties are on either side of the Border. Businesses, farmers and citizens suffer every day because of the Border. An all-Ireland economy is the way forward and our future lies in taking possession of the tools required to devise and implement fiscal policies to match the needs of the people. It is concentrating on building a strong sustainable all-Ireland economy which, while welcoming foreign direct investment, would allow indigenous businesses to flourish and access export markets independent of Britain's economic interests.

Almost all political voices in the Six Counties want corporation tax transferred to the Assembly, but their united demands have been deflected by the London Government. The question must be asked whether this is the spirit in which the Good Friday Agreement was entered into. Sinn Féin has shown how an all-Ireland jobs plan and economic planning would make sense. We owe it to the people of Dublin, Cork, Dundalk, Crossmaglen and Donegal to run this small island in a co-ordinated way. The alternative is a waste of money in back-to-back services. I am aware that many Members on the backbenches of the Labour Party and Fine Gael have, since the general election, discovered an interest in what happens in the Six Counties. I welcome this interest, but, unfortunately, it is mainly founded on political cynicism and ignorance of the reality in the north of the country. I hope these Members will take the opportunity to support the motion and do something positive for the people living in the North and here in the South. I challenge every Deputy and party to support the motion, to support democratising our economic future by centring it on the island and to support unleashing the economic potential which is latent on our island but kept down by old-school thinking and outdated politics.

Deputy Sandra McLellan

I welcome the opportunity to speak about one of the most significant political events to happen on the island of Ireland in my lifetime. I am, of course, referring to the Good Friday Agreement which was signed 15 years ago this month, on 22 May 1998. By any standards, the Agreement marked a crucial turning point, not only in terms of the relationship between Ireland and Britain but also that between all the people on the island of Ireland. It is internationally recognised as a success and often cited by experts in the field as a model for conflict resolution and power sharing in war-torn societies. At a more ordinary and, perhaps, mundane level, the most significant outcome of the Agreement may be the cessation of violence by the combatants on all sides – loyalists, republicans, the police and the British army. For ordinary people in the North, the ending of widespread violence has dramatically altered everyday life. The North was not, in any sense of the word, a normal society; rather, it was a society and a place that lived in the grip of terror and as a result, its economic and institutional growth was severely stunted.

There has been much academic debate about the nature and extent of discrimination in the Northern statelet. There is, however, general consensus - the facts speak for themselves - about the operation of discrimination in the allocation of housing, employment in the civil service, the operation of the Police Service and many other facets of the functioning of state and government institutions. The Nationalist community, particularly working class Catholics, was the primary target or victim of this state-sanctioned discrimination. Michael Farrell’s seminal work The Orange State captures perfectly the historical roots of class dominance and ethnic supremacy which underpinned discrimination and exclusion in the Northern state prior to the Good Friday Agreement. It is in this context and against this backdrop that the cautious success of the Agreement must be measured. It is often said the past is another country and today when we look back at the North of Ireland of the 1930s, 1970s or 1980s, this phrase is very apt. From the safety and stillness of the present, it appears, to paraphrase Marx, that all that was solid in terms of a society in conflict just melted into the air. To all intents and purposes, gone are the heavily fortified army barracks and police stations. Gone, too, are the oppressive and intimidating check points and road blocks. The state architecture of repression and coercion has all but been dismantled.

While the physical manifestations of war have all but been obliterated from the landscape, institutional change has, however, in many respects taken longer to achieve and can only be described as a work in progress. This is particularly true when it comes to issues to do with equality, justice, discrimination, citizenship and rights. As an historical document, the Good Friday Agreement marks the beginning of a new era, primarily because at its core are the related but separate notions of equality and human rights.

Equality and human rights were central to negotiating the agreement and key elements in selling and indeed advancing the peace process in the North of Ireland. The agreement was enacted in large part in the Northern Ireland Act 1998 to provide a legal framework and obligations on the state to help it make the transition from conflict to sustained peace, while simultaneously helping to bed-down that same peace.

The core principles of the agreement, enacted in section 75 of the Northern Ireland Act 1998, were the duties to promote equality and good relations between people. More specifically, the Act required public bodies to carry out their functions by having particular regard to the desirability of promoting good relations between people of different religious beliefs, political opinions or racial groups. In other words, public bodies are required by law to provide equality of opportunity.

On this the 15th anniversary of the Agreement, there can be little doubt but that equality legislation, the Equality Commission and section 75 of the Northern Ireland Act, have in the intervening years done a lot to end the discrimination that was in many respects the driving force behind the origins of conflict.

There are, however, still worrying and quite significant imbalances in unemployment and deprivation and areas of persistent poverty and neglect that need to be tackled. This may well require more determined and positive action and the targeting of investment and resources.

Furthermore, the establishment of the Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission has proved to be a major building block in the North’s human rights infrastructure. While it is far from perfect, it has nonetheless earned international respect for its efforts, often against great odds, to protect the rights of the most vulnerable in all communities in the North.

It is now recognised that the commission has become one of the key drivers of the entire human rights dimension of the agreement. However, it must be stated that a key responsibility of the commission under the agreement was to advise the UK Government on a bill of rights, which was envisaged as becoming, together with the European Convention on Human Rights, a basic constitutional document for the North. To date, the people of the North of Ireland are still waiting for the much promised bill of rights.

Moreover, the Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission, following the example set by the Dublin Government, has had its budget cut by 25% which could in the long term seriously hamper its capacity to do its job and in the process seriously undermine a key aspect of the Good Friday Agreement. This is particularly worrying when one considers recent figures which show a startling increase in deprivation and child poverty in large urban areas across the North.

This, coupled with the ongoing threat of dissents and protracted street violence in Protestant working class areas, makes it all the more important that the Agreement is bedded down. It should appear to those who are marginalised and deprived - who in many respects have received no peace dividend thus far - that the Agreement and the political settlement based on it, can offer them real hope and institutions that can and will function in a new society in the interest of fairness, equality and justice.

This is a time when both the British and Irish Governments should be actively defending the Agreement and not blocking or introducing measures that work against both the aspirations and spirit of the Good Friday Agreement.

The UK Government’s plan for welfare reform is a prime example of policy measures that will have a disproportionate effect on the most vulnerable in the North. This is because of the North’s peculiar history of deeply embedded discrimination, its lack of proper economic development, and the inter-generational nature of deprivation and poverty in the province.

Sinn Féin welcomes the fact that the Agreement has essentially brought peace to the island of Ireland. However, we call on both the Irish and British Governments to fulfil their obligations under the Agreement and we urge them not to introduce measures that push people who are already struggling further into poverty.

While section 75 of the Northern Ireland Act is a crucial building block in ensuring justice and fairness, a society that aspires to any notion of equality must have at its very core real and meaningful policies that deliver economic justice to all of its people.

Deputy Seán Crowe

The Irish peace process has been described as one of the most successful in the world and it has changed the political landscape. It is a process that is still evolving and trying to deal with the legacy of the past and the expectations of the future.

As a member of the Joint Committee on the Implementation of the Good Friday Agreement, I have seen at first hand how the agreement has been beneficial to society and how it needs to be fully implemented. I have listened to the frustrations of communities which believe the process of change is too slow. Many believe it needs to be grabbed by the scruff of the neck and brought forward into the 21st century.

The committee itself is cross-party and cross-Border, involving MPs from the North. It is no threat to anyone or any group. The main weakness of the committee is that elected Unionist politicians have so far refused to take their seats on it, but hopefully this will change in the near future.

The committee provides an opportunity to discuss cross-Border all-Ireland initiatives and outstanding issues of the Good Friday Agreement and the St. Andrews Accord. Some of the most worthwhile work that we have done is leaving Leinster House and visiting different community groups in the North, particularly those communities that live in interface areas.

Engaging with these groups allows relationships to be built, gives under-represented communities the chance to be heard, and gives Members of the Oireachtas a better understanding of the issues many of these communities face on a daily and nightly basis. Many of these groups are frustrated by the inaction of their political representatives, the slowness of change and the continued high rate of poverty that exists in many of their communities. The recent discovery of a case of rickets in a child in west Belfast demeans us all, whether on the Falls Road or the Shankill.

The peace dividend that would supposedly bring jobs and prosperity has not happened. This has the potential to get worse due to the triple-whammy effect of the policies of the Tory-led Government in London. The £4 billion of cuts imposed on the Northern Executive's budget, coupled with a delay in devolving the power of the Executive to control its own fiscal affairs, and the imposition of so-called welfare reforms by London, will undoubtedly affect the most vulnerable in society, be they Unionist, Nationalist, republican or loyalist.

Post-conflict societies and communities need much more strategic, structured support and protection than regular ones. If the British Government continues to impose this brutal austerity on the North, and if the Irish Government says nothing, we will inevitably see the politics of division and sectarianism strengthened.

The recent flag disturbances showed to the world that the fault lines still remain. Equity and parity of esteem are still a long way off. We need to re-energise the peace process and the political process in the North. That will only happen if the Irish and British Governments give it the necessary time, engagement and focus it needs.

Many people fear that the upcoming G8 summit in Fermanagh, and the marching season two days after, have the potential to stretch police resources. The weekend before last, when we were up in Belfast, the constant call was by people who were concerned about how this would affect the marching season.

There needs to be inclusive discussions between the Orange Order and communities that are affected by their marches. Such talks need to be supported by both Governments, politicians of all persuasions, the churches and civic society. The Good Friday Agreement gave us the chance and opportunity to build a new and fairer Ireland. If this Government continues to neglect the North and the outstanding issues of the Agreement, that once in a lifetime opportunity may well be lost and wrecked on the rocks of indifference.

Deputy Michael Colreavy

The Good Friday Agreement was signed in April 1998. It enjoyed the support of the vast majority of people in Ireland, North and South, and is underwritten by the British and Irish Governments. It is enshrined as an international agreement.

The Good Friday Agreement was not solely about ending a war, it was about rebuilding this country North and South. It was about two Governments recognising that communities in the Six Counties and their neighbours in the Twenty-six Counties, particularly those living in the Border area, had been severely disadvantaged ever since the foundation of this State.

If one were to look at an infrastructural map of the island of Ireland in 1998 one can clearly see the Border between six and 26. Even more distinct is the infrastructural border between the east and the west of this island. I am sorry to say that in the 15 years since the signing of the Good Friday Agreement there have been very few improvements and little redressing of the infrastructural imbalances between east and west and North and South. There have been many studies, reports and plans but little improvement in, for example, the Belfast-Sligo road, which leads to Galway, the Belfast-Cavan road and other cross-Border roads. The north west is still regarded as difficult to access by those who might wish to set up a business, work or holiday in the area.

The austerity programmes in both the Six and the Twenty-six Counties are incompatible with the solemn declarations set out in the Good Friday Agreement. How can we reverse disadvantage by reducing the income of the poor and vulnerable? How can we describe ever-increasing State charges on people as a peace dividend? The truth of the matter is that this Government and the British Government are focused on the balance sheet for the end of this year, not on the strategic developments necessary to make a real and lasting contribution to peace and prosperity on this island. What difference has the Good Friday Agreement made to people in our communities who cannot afford the basic essentials; to people, especially young people, in our communities who have had to emigrate; and to people the length and breadth of Ireland whose public services are being dismantled in the name of austerity?

One of the biggest impacts of partition on this part of the country was the separation of the industrial North from the rest of the country. This resulted in the South being underdeveloped in terms of infrastructure, and it ended up with a lagging economy for many years, indeed decades. The only sustainable model for infrastructure in Ireland must be based on an all-island economy.

The Minister for Communications, Energy and Natural Resources, Deputy Rabbitte, is currently working on a North-South energy interconnector between the Six and the Twenty-six Counties and proposes an energy interconnector between Ireland and Britain to facilitate the export of energy generated by wind in the midlands to our neighbouring island so that Britain can help reduce its carbon tax liabilities. Currently the amount of energy received by households across Ireland from renewable supplies is insufficient. What is needed is an all-Ireland strategy on renewable energy. Sinn Féin, in both Leinster House and Stormont, has called for such a renewable energy strategy. The wind does not stop blowing when it reaches the Border, nor does the tide stop at Inishowen. The development of an all-Ireland renewable energy strategy is essential for energy security into the future. With rising oil and gas prices, an all-Ireland economy needs a competitive edge and we are uniquely placed to develop and use renewable energy sources.

What we do not need is fracking, which would endanger the environment and health of people on both sides of the Border. I welcome the fact that the EPA is investigating the possible use of fracking in Ireland and that the investigation is being done on an all-island basis. However, if fracking is allowed on one side of the Border it will not necessarily mean that those on the other side will be protected if fracking is banned there. I said earlier that the wind does not stop when it reaches the Border, nor does the tide stop at Inishowen. Poisoned water does not stop at an artificial Border in this country. We need to take an all-island approach to the protection of human health and therefore the decision on fracking needs to be made on an all-Ireland basis.

Mobile phone companies can legally impose roaming charges on customers who cross the Border or on customers who approach but do not cross the Border. The Taoiseach often says he wants this to be the best small country in the world in which to do business. I support the Taoiseach in this. However, the fact that roaming charges remain is a serious impediment. Ireland, in comparison to other developed countries, has a very poor communications infrastructure. Much of this problem stems from the privatisation of Telecom Éireann. Roaming charges in what is a relatively small country simply do not make sense. If we are to bring our telecommunications service up to speed with the rest of Europe we need to abolish these roaming charges.

The Good Friday Agreement was not an endpoint but only a beginning. It needs buy-in from the Government in the Twenty-six Counties if we are to reap the full benefits of the Agreement. This means that the Government needs to buy into developing infrastructure on an all-Ireland basis: one electricity grid, one gas network and one strategy for developing renewable energy. Then we would be talking of a proper dividend from the Good Friday Agreement.

Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade (Deputy Eamon Gilmore)

I move amendment No. 1:

To delete all words after “Dáil Éireann” and substitute the following:

“notes that:

— this year marks the 15th anniversary of the historic Good Friday Agreement in 1998, which was ratified by an overwhelming majority of citizens in referendums held North and South on 22 May 1998;

— this is set out in an internationally binding treaty;

— the Agreement recognises the legitimacy of whatever choice is freely exercised by a majority of the people of Northern Ireland with regard to its constitutional status;

— the Agreement and subsequent agreements, at St. Andrews in 2006 and at Hillsborough Castle in 2010, are premised on the principles of full respect for, and equality of, civil, political, social and cultural rights, of freedom from discrimination for all citizens, of parity of esteem, and of just and equal treatment for all the people in the diversity of their identities and traditions;

— a crucial role was played by all those, both in Ireland and abroad, who worked to bring the conflict to an end, promote the political process and build reconciliation; and

— the Government, as joint and co-equal guarantors of the agreements, is committed to continuing to:

— work to ensure that the agreements are fully implemented;

— engage substantively with the British Government and the parties of the Northern Ireland Assembly to progress outstanding issues, including the establishment of a Bill of Rights for Northern Ireland and an all-Ireland charter of rights, a civic forum and an Irish language Act for Northern Ireland;

— observe and implement human rights principles across the range of issues set out in the agreements;

— ensure, through working with the British Government and the parties in the Northern Ireland Assembly, the acknowledgement of the pain that victims and their families have endured and the accommodations they have made for peace;

— ensure strong and deep cross-Border co-operation on policing, security and justice matters;

— closely co-operate with the Northern Ireland Executive in the framework of the North-South Ministerial Council in support of economic recovery and the provision of public services on a shared basis;

— encourage the Northern Ireland Executive to expedite the review of North-South co-operation as set out in the St. Andrews Agreement, including further development of existing areas of co-operation, additional areas of co-operation on a North-South basis and completion of the consideration of the case for additional implementation bodies; and

— encourage the Northern Ireland Executive and the parties of the Northern Ireland Assembly to continue to work together to develop a strategy for building a shared and reconciled society in Northern Ireland, and to ensure that initiatives and policies to tackle sectarianism and segregation are fully delivered thereafter.”

I wish to share my time with the Minister for Arts, Heritage and the Gaeltacht, Deputy Deenihan, and Deputy Deasy.

It is timely and appropriate that this House marks the 15th anniversary of the Good Friday Agreement. On Good Friday of this year, I participated in the reading, at Dublin's Unitarian Church, of the names of the more than 3,500 victims of the Northern Ireland conflict. The reading of the names was a poignant reminder of the lives lost, the families devastated and a society traumatised by a conflict which endured for more than 30 years. We should never forget those victims, nor our shared responsibility to ensure that Northern Ireland never returns to those dark days.

The Good Friday Agreement was instrumental in putting that conflict behind us. It laid the basis for a peaceful society in Northern Ireland. It was a seminal moment in our recent history, a great achievement. More than 2 million people North and South voted to ratify the Agreement in what was the most collective, determined act of political will in our modern history. The Agreement has opened up new possibilities and opportunities for a generation who are growing up in a time of peace. It has exerted a positive influence on all parts of this island and on our society, our economy and our international reputation.

The Assembly and the Northern Ireland Executive have now been operating continuously since 2007. The Assembly term from 2007 to 2011 was the first to see no interruption to its work. The North-South Ministerial Council has established an excellent record of substantial work on North-South co-operation. Thirty-one meetings of the North-South Ministerial Council were held in 2012. This is the highest number held in any year since its formation and reflects the significantly increased activity of the Irish Government across all issues relating to Northern Ireland.

The North-South Interparliamentary Association, which was recently established, held its second plenary meeting in Parliament buildings at Stormont earlier this month. We continue to develop an ever-deeper and more productive partnership with the British Government. The Joint British-Irish Intergovernmental Secretariat in Belfast plays a valuable role both in the British-Irish relationship and in this Government's activities and outreach in support of the peace process.

The Agreement has also had an impact beyond these shores as other parts of the world in conflict have looked to Northern Ireland as an example of what can be achieved. Practical international support for the peace process, especially from the European Union and the United States, was vital in its early days and remains important today. I am particularly pleased that during our EU Presidency we have been able to ensure a commitment to further EU support totalling €150 million for a Peace IV programme. In addition, the United States has remained steadfastly committed to the peace process brokered under Senator George Mitchell. I welcome the announcement last Friday that President Obama will visit Belfast in advance of the G8 summit, which will be a great opportunity to showcase Northern Ireland. Last week's visit by the Elders, whom I met as part of their programme, provided an opportunity for them to listen to youth voices working for reconciliation in Northern Ireland. The Elders were understandably impressed by the remarkable passion of young people to secure a peaceful, inclusive and culturally vibrant future for Northern Ireland.

Peace-building is a process which requires long-term commitment and effort by all actors to achieve real and lasting progress and to create a peaceful and stable society. As former US President John F Kennedy famously said, "Peace is a daily, a weekly, a monthly process, gradually changing opinions, slowly eroding old barriers, quietly building new structures". During the past 15 years, progress was often slower than we would have wished but we have seen this type of incremental progress across a range of areas. Some people have declared that the peace in Northern Ireland is a "cold peace" but I do not share that view. There is a warmth of relationships across these islands which could not have happened without the Agreement. Undoubtedly, however, there are serious challenges ahead. Two weeks ago I met in Belfast with a broadly representative group of young people who were all born or had grown up in Northern Ireland since the Agreement was signed. One young man from North Belfast spoke of how too little has changed for him and his friends in an area marked by sectarian division, high unemployment and paramilitary control.

These, in summary, are some of the gravest challenges to the peace process - sectarianism, disadvantage and paramilitary activities. Let me take each briefly in turn. Sectarianism and the legacy of the conflict and its genesis continue to have a chilling effect across communities in Northern Ireland. These are difficult issues which, if left unchecked, will continue to affect negatively the lives of all the people of Northern Ireland across a range of areas, from education to housing, from sport and culture to security. The difficult but essential steps have yet to be taken by the Executive towards a shared and reconciled society in Northern Ireland. I welcome the announcement of some steps towards addressing this issue, made by the First Minister and Deputy First Minister last week and debated in the Assembly this morning. I look forward to publication of the detailed strategy and to working with the Executive on this important initiative. I also welcome the intention to establish an all-party group, including civil society, with an independent chair to address key contentious issues including parades, protests, flags, symbols, emblems and the past. This work is now overdue, urgent and cannot wait any longer.

The second challenge is one we understand all too well - how to secure new jobs and protect the most vulnerable against the most difficult economic background. There is no easy answer to that. I understand the frustration that comes with having to deal with reduced resources for essential services. However, I am convinced that closer North-South co-operation must be a part of any effective solution. The Government has been pressing for some time now for an open and comprehensive review of co-operation. We have been open-handed in our approach to expanded co-operation, for example, inviting all Executive Ministers to informal EU meetings in their area of responsibility hosted under our Presidency. Later this week Ministers Jonathan Bell MLA and Jennifer McCann MLA will participate along with community representatives at the Battle of the Boyne site in a briefing for the EU Committee of Permanent Representatives. I am hopeful that this open spirit of co-operation will be reciprocated and that we can agree new areas of co-operation when we meet our Executive colleagues in plenary session in July.

The third challenge, namely, the continued role played by paramilitaries in some communities, is one about which we must never become complacent. Unfortunately, members of the security forces still have to remain vigilant, given the murders in recent years of Garda Adrian Donohue, Prison Officer David Black and PSNI officers Stephen Carroll and Ronan Kerr. These and other attacks and attempted attacks have rightly been condemned by people across the political spectrum. Thankfully, co-operation between the Garda Síochána and the PSNI has never been better and both police forces continue to record success in intercepting attempted attacks by so-called dissident groups claiming to be Irish republicans. I understand that the Minister for Defence, Deputy Alan Shatter, will address some of these issues when he speaks in the debate tomorrow evening.

Underlying these challenges is a fourth one, reflected in the views of the young people I met in Belfast last month who questioned the ability of politics to transcend division and create a genuinely shared society for their children. Their scepticism is a just and timely challenge to the partisan and divisive character that has sometimes characterised Assembly debates. For that reason, before turning to the motion before the House, I wish to acknowledge and pay tribute to the bipartisan approach which the Oireachtas has always taken to matters related to the peace process. In that context I commend the excellent work of the Oireachtas Joint Committee on the implementation of the Good Friday Agreement, under the chairmanship of Deputy Joe McHugh. The important work of that committee illustrates the value of an all-party consensus approach to Northern Ireland issues. This has most recently been demonstrated on the ongoing all-party approach to the Finucane case and to prisoner cases.

I realise there is much thoughtful public discourse underway already in terms of how best to address these most difficult of issues. The 15th anniversary of the Agreement invites us to take stock of how far we have come and of how far we still have to go. The Government's amendment to the motion is one I hope we can all agree. It amends the motion tabled by Sinn Féin in a number of important respects. First, it acknowledges the enormous progress achieved over the last 15 years in Northern Ireland. The primary political institutions of the Agreement are firmly in place and are transforming the totality of political relationships within Northern Ireland, between North and South and between Ireland and Great Britain. Second, it reflects the particular responsibility of the Northern Ireland Executive and those in leadership positions in the Executive to play their part in ensuring full implementation of the Agreement and in tackling sectarianism and segregation. It is not months but years since the Government tabled proposals for a North-South consultative forum, sought an early and thorough review on North-South co-operation and tabled specific proposals to eliminate duplication and improve service provision with reduced resources. A response is awaited on each of these.

Third, it reflects the deep and continuous commitment of this Government to implementing and developing the peace process and to uniting in harmony and friendship all the people who share this island in all their identities and traditions. Fourth, it gives due importance to the principle of consent with regard to the constitutional status of Northern Ireland. The Good Friday Agreement recognised that it is for the people of the island of Ireland to bring about a united Ireland, or to maintain Northern Ireland's status within the United Kingdom, subject to the Agreement and consent of a majority of the people of Northern Ireland. Finally, it reflects more fully some of the unimplemented aspects of the agreements - a bill of rights for Northern Ireland, an Irish language Act and a civic forum. These are not merely boxes to be ticked. Each can make an important contribution to the fair and well-functioning society in Northern Ireland that this House has worked so long to achieve.

I commend the Government's amendment to the motion to the House and hope that all parties will work with the Government in taking this work forward, as we build on the achievements of our predecessors. In doing so, it is important that we work together. The strength of the Government's position as co-guarantor of the agreements derives largely from the all-party approach that has always been taken on the issue of Northern Ireland and the peace process. I hope that will not change. I hope nobody present has an agenda to make Northern Ireland and the peace process into a domestic political issue. This Government is working the agreements and is fully engaged in the process with Northern Ireland. We are open to suggestions, to help and to assistance in carrying that work forward. We work closely with the First Minister and Deputy First Minister, whom I meet regularly, as we do with the Executive. I also meet regularly with the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, Theresa Villiers. Great progress has been made, although difficulties, frustrations and differences of opinion are encountered at times, and our best prospect for overcoming obstacles is by working in unity and on a cross-party basis in this House.

Minister for Arts, Heritage and the Gaeltacht (Deputy Jimmy Deenihan)

I welcome the opportunity to speak on this important topic and to support the Government's amendment to the motion. I thank Sinn Féin for tabling the motion given that next Wednesday, 22 May, will mark the 15th anniversary of the ratification by referendum of the Good Friday Agreement. The Good Friday Agreement is arguably the most important agreement of our time. In 1998, it represented an historic breakthrough in the Northern Ireland peace process by committing all participants to exclusively democratic and peaceful means of resolving differences.

The Agreement underlines the legitimacy of seeking a united Ireland while also recognising the legitimate wish of a majority of people in Northern Ireland to remain part of the United Kingdom. Most important, it enshrines the principle of consent by stating: "It is for the people of the island of Ireland alone, by agreement between the two parts respectively and without external impediment, to exercise their right of self-determination on the basis of consent, freely and concurrently given, North and South, to bring about a united Ireland, if that is their wish, accepting that this right must be achieved and exercised with and subject to the agreement and consent of a majority of the people of Northern Ireland."

As Minister for Arts, Heritage and the Gaeltacht, I am in ongoing engagement with my counterpart, the Minister of Culture, Arts and Leisure, Carál Ní Chuilín, MLA. We have jointly launched a number of initiatives in Belfast and Armagh, and we plan to launch many more during our terms of office. My Department and the Northern Ireland Department of Culture, Arts and Leisure co-sponsor two North-South implementation bodies, namely, Waterways Ireland and An Foras Teanga. Waterways Ireland, which is the largest of the North-South implementation bodies, carries out important work. One of the projects it is currently progressing is the restoration and reopening of the Ulster Canal between Clones and Upper Lough Erne. Planning permission has been granted by Cavan County Council, Monaghan County Council, Clones Town Council and, more recently, the Northern Ireland Department of the Environment planning service. I have established an interagency group to explore funding options for advancing the Ulster Canal project, including existing funding streams and leveraging funding from other sources. The group comprises county managers from Monaghan and Cavan county councils, the director of leisure development and arts from Fermanagh District Council, representatives from the Northern Ireland Tourist Board, Fáilte Ireland, the Strategic Investment Board, Waterways Ireland and senior officials from the Department of Culture, Arts and Leisure and the Department of Arts, Heritage and the Gaeltacht. The next meeting of the interagency group will take place later this week. This interagency approach has been effective elsewhere and I suggest it could be used for similar projects in future.

An Foras Teanga comprises two separate agencies. The first is Foras na Gaeilge, which has the principal responsibility of promoting the Irish language in every aspect of life throughout the island of Ireland. The second is the Ulster Scots Agency, which has the principal responsibility of promoting the Ulster Scots language and culture both within Northern Ireland and throughout the island of Ireland. In my role as Minister for Arts, Heritage and the Gaeltacht and especially in the context of the North-South bodies co-sponsored by my Department, I attend North-South Ministerial Councils and other events on both sides of the Border, as well as events related to these bodies and cultural or heritage developments on the island.

I am acutely aware of the importance of the Good Friday Agreement and see at first hand the positive impact it has had for the people who live and work on this island. The agreement has effectively transformed political relations in Northern Ireland, on the island and between Ireland and Britain. Relations between the Republic and the UK have never been stronger and the relationship between Northern Ireland and the Republic has never been better. What is happening now certainly was not happening 20 years ago. While I understand why people are concerned about the lack of progress, it has in fact been significant. I have been in this House 30 years but I never thought I would see the day when we would be able to travel freely to Belfast or any other part of Northern Ireland without fear or intimidation. I love visiting Belfast. It is a wonderful city with a special atmosphere thanks to the Good Friday Agreement and all the people, including Deputy Adams, who were involved in putting it together. We would not be enjoying peace on this island but for the Good Friday Agreement. The Government has reiterated its commitment to working with the British Government, the Northern Ireland Executive and the parties in the Northern Ireland Assembly to ensure is fully implemented. The Tánaiste gave his commitment that progress will not be allowed to slow or held back.

I have a great personal interest in the language and we are prepared to offer any advice or support we can based on our own experience. The Minister of State at my Department with responsibility for the Gaeltacht, Deputy Dinny McGinley, has offered his advice on several occasions. This is an area in which we can make considerable progress. I was heartened to visit Coláiste Feirste while on a recent trip to Belfast. An joint arts project has been developed by both communities and there is great interest in the Irish language among the Unionist community. This is a very positive development.

The Good Friday Agreement commits us to a spirit of tolerance and mutual trust. It is only through tolerance that we will understand the differing views and experiences that combine to produce the shared history of all who live on the island of Ireland. I am acutely aware of the importance of tolerance and mutual respect in my role of leading and guiding the decade of centenaries commemorative programme for the Government. In this role I chair an all-party Oireachtas group on centenary commemorations, which is advised by an expert group of historians headed by Dr. Maurice Manning and assisted by Dr. Martin Mansergh. Deputy Ó Snodaigh is an active participant in that group. The primary focus of our commemorative programme is to follow events as they happened 100 years ago up to the centenary of the 1916 rising. From that point, we will then follow the events that unfolded up to the Civil War. The period between 1912 and 1923 was one of immense change for Ireland. In a mere decade the social and political landscape changed completely. Throughout 1912 and 1913 the debate on home rule had taken place in the House of Commons and House of Lords. Alongside the great agreements reached in recent times, including the Downing Street declaration and the Good Friday Agreement, we should not forget that the Home Rule Bill stands as one of the defining moments in the relationship between Ireland and the United Kingdom. To understand the Government of Ireland Act 1920, the Treaty of 1921, the Anglo-Irish Agreement, the joint declaration and the Good Friday Agreement, we must also understand home rule because this is when the divisions appeared on this island. I advise Members to read the debates that took place in the House of Commons, including what was said by Redmond, Carson, Craig and Dillon.

The debate set future boundaries. Students of history need to understand fully what took place during the Home Rule debate if they are to fully understand subsequent events.

Later this year, we will commemorate the centenary of the foundation of the Irish Volunteers and suffragette movement as well as the Dublin lockout. Three major commemorative events have taken place in Northern Ireland. We had an event to commemorate the centenary of the Balmoral review, Ulster Day, which marks the signing of the Covenant, and an event to commemorate the centenary of the establishment of the Ulster Volunteers in January 1913. All the commemorations passed peacefully and without violence. Next year will provide an opportunity for the Republic and Northern Ireland to commemorate their shared history in the First World War. Moves are afoot in both communities in Northern Ireland and here in the Republic to have shared commemorations of 1914 next year.

The Good Friday Agreement provides a unique opportunity to make further progress on this island and work closer together as a community. Without the Agreement, the House would not be discussing this motion. Notwithstanding claims to the contrary, I believe we have made major progress on the island.

Deputy John Deasy

I could not help noticing some contradictions buried in the motion. Sinn Féin is trying to give the impression that it is the honest broker trying to deliver on an agreement that was made 15 years ago and that it is somehow the party that wishes to move on and leave the past behind. It seeks to do so, however, purely on its terms. The line in the motion that caught my attention was a call on the Government to "renew substantive engagement with the British government". The political party that has proven itself in the past 15 years to be uninterested in substantive engagement is the party that tabled the motion.

The Minister referred to Home Rule. Sinn Féin's elected members, including the Deputy First Minister, Martin McGuinness, constantly speak of remembering and recognising the Irishmen who fought in the First World War. However, when the Queen visited Islandbridge a couple of years ago Mr. McGuinness boycotted the event.

Deputy Gerry Adams

To which Queen is the Deputy referring?

Deputy John Deasy

Where was the substantive engagement in his refusal to attend? Sinn Féin, in opposing the visit of the Queen, stated it would cause great offence to many Irish citizens. That was not the case. Where was the renewal of substantive engagement when the Queen visited?

If one digs a little deeper, one finds double-speak gushing from the motion. The text refers to "respect and equality for all citizens". The Sinn Féin press statement issued when the Queen visited stated the following: "The values she represents have no place in Ireland. Values of privilege, deference and inequality". These are not words of engagement. It is a common theme running through virtually everything Sinn Féin does that it will boycott anything that does not suit it.

Who cares if the party's policy in the North is the polar opposite of its policy in the South? Its priority is to ensure policies fit into the politics of opposition, rather than engagement or addressing reality.

Deputy Aengus Ó Snodaigh

The Deputy should get back into his bubble.

Deputy John Deasy

The classic example of differing policies North and South is Sinn Féin's opposition to the household charge in this State. In Northern Ireland, the party supports taxes on the household, where people pay at least £500 per annum in rates. Sinn Féin is part and parcel of an administration in the North that will introduce water rates at the start of next year. Its position on water rates in the South is the reverse of its position in the North. It is difficult to take seriously a politician or political party when such unbelievable contradictions pop up all over the place.

Sinn Féin suits itself when it comes to real and substantive engagement and tries to have it both ways at all times. It is the party of obstructionism, having refused in recent years to nominate members to the Northern Ireland Policing Board or endorse the Police Service of Northern Ireland.

Deputy Aengus Ó Snodaigh

The Deputy is stuck in 1998.

Deputy John Deasy

It refuses to co-operate properly with tribunals established in this State and wants loyalist flags taken down in Belfast while refusing to take down its flags in Armagh. It refuses to name members who have committed crimes North and South of the Border, take its seats in Westminster or engage substantively with the House of Commons or British Government. The motion, however, refers to working "with the British government and all parties in re-energising the peace and political processes". All I see in this motion is contradiction. It has been tabled to maintain Sinn Féin's credentials and to be seen to be doing something on the North.

Deputy Sandra McLellan

What did the Deputy ever do?

Deputy John Deasy

Given Sinn Féin's track record of obstruction and negativity, its calls for substantive engagement are difficult to take. I would like some proof of its substantive engagement because I have not seen any thus far.

Deputy Brendan Smith

We have tabled an amendment as follows:

To delete all words after “Dáil Éireann” and substitute the following:

"notes that:

— the Good Friday Agreement marked a seminal moment in Anglo-Irish relations and vindication of the efforts of constitutional nationalism after decades of bloody conflict; and

— the aspirations of the Agreement were the achievement of a real substantive peace and reconciliation, not simply the absence of violence on this island;

calls on:

— the Government to provide a renewed impetus to relations with the Northern Ireland Executive, North-South bodies and British Government in a sustained effort to fully pursue the objectives and aspirations of the Good Friday Agreement;

— the Northern Ireland Executive to re-assess the failed approach of divided politics and focus its political energies on maximising the full benefits of the Good Friday Agreement settlement; and

— all parties to the conflict to provide a full and accurate account of their role in the violence that scarred this island as part of the process of reconciliation and understanding for all those who have suffered and lost loved ones including the families of the disappeared; and

recognises the immense potential for the full implementation of the Good Friday Agreement to provide a real peace dividend across all communities who share this island."

Everyone in this House will remember the remarkable sense of optimism and hope across this island on Good Friday 1998. The bitter and bloody feud of so many years, which had claimed so many lives, was at last coming to an end. The dark chapter in Irish history was being closed, opening a new era of inter-communal and Anglo-Irish relations. It was the culmination of tireless and courageous work by a generation of constitutional Nationalists whose commitment to a peaceful settlement never wavered. I commend all who contributed to the achievement of the Good Friday Agreement.

Fifteen years on from that special moment in Irish history, we are left with the thwarted ambition of a divided Executive, as is evident in commentary from politicians and political analysts in Northern Ireland, the spectacle of parties dividing the spoils and putting up walls around them and complacent Governments. There is, unfortunately, an overarching sense of lost opportunity seeping into Northern society. This sentiment needs to be addressed very quickly because peace was too hard won and is too fragile to be taken for granted.

The Northern Ireland - indeed, the entire island - envisaged by the Good Friday Agreement was not simply about the absence of violence but about achieving a real substantive peace on this island. The work towards a genuine reconciliation between the communities who share this country has not been realised by the Northern Executive and the necessary programme of work has not been progressed adequately. The failure of the Northern Executive to move on sufficiently from the failed and divided politics of the past and focus on the bread and butter issues that impact upon the people of Northern Ireland is disappointing, to say the least. The sight of disillusioned loyalists embarking on a leaderless show of anger in the recent flag protests that crippled Belfast and affected other towns is symptomatic of a malaise that runs deep in Northern politics and must be removed. The various Ministries seem content to divide up the spoils of office, rather than genuinely co-operate to address the profound challenges Northern Ireland faces.

Deputy Crowe referred earlier to the meetings we had with many communities, particularly those in loyalist areas. The members of these communities are of the view that they have not benefited from a peace dividend. The level of educational attainment in the communities to which I refer is very low and the standard of public services provided to them is inadequate. All of these issues have an impact on the communities involved and they must be addressed. That to which I refer was not what the Good Friday Agreement promised in the spring of 1998. Sinn Féin knows that, and the people of Northern Ireland are only too well aware of it. Those to whom I refer seem all too happy with politics as usual and they conveniently blame those on the other side or, when it suits, perfidious Albion, while never living up to the responsibility of office and the challenge of policy. As the Minister, Deputy Deenihan, stated earlier, there are responsibilities that come with holding office. In addition, there is always the challenge presented by policy. The prospect of truth and reconciliation and a wholehearted acknowledgement and understanding of the suffering endured by all sides during the brutal years of conflict remains distant. The historical gymnastics of some high-profile members of Sinn Féin in respect of their past would make members of the old Soviet Politburo blush.

The campaign for the truth does not seem to extend to the families of those who were disappeared by the IRA during the Troubles. No less than any victims of British aggression or loyalist collusion, these families deserve the truth. At a minimum, all victims deserve the truth. In that context, the failure of the British Government to hold a public inquiry into the murder of Patrick Finucane is not acceptable. The British Government is actually breaking an international agreement in this regard.

In our jurisdiction, a dispiriting development has also occurred. The focus, energy and commitment which previous Governments displayed in respect of the peace process have not been shown by this Administration. I am aware, from cross-Border and constituency work, that one member of the Cabinet who is actively engaged in this is the Minister for Arts, Heritage and the Gaeltacht, Deputy Deenihan. In the early 1990s, he and I served on the then British-Irish Interparliamentary Body. At that stage, when relations between Members of the Houses of Parliament at Westminster and Members of the Oireachtas were extremely bad, no one was very optimistic about the prospect of achieving something like the Good Friday Agreement. Thankfully, much progress has been made in the meantime. All of us who are involved in politics cannot fail to acknowledge the peace process or the Agreement reached in 1998, which was overwhelmingly endorsed by all the people on this island. On 22 May 1998, we had the privilege of voting in a 32-county context on the same question. We were the first generation since 1918 to have this opportunity.

The Government must provide the leadership required to restore momentum that is much-needed. No one expects there to be the same type of intensive contact that existed when the Agreement was being negotiated. However, diligence and effort are required. The Tánaiste and Taoiseach can refer to the number of set-piece meetings that have taken place. Such meetings, the communiqués relating to which are prepared in advance, do not provide a complete picture in respect of ongoing activity and engagement. I accept, however, that these meetings have a critical role to play. The Government must take up the challenge of the peace process and fully re-engage with the various parties, the Northern Ireland Executive and the British Government. The peace process needs new momentum. The Government must re-engage, consistently and constantly, in respect of both Northern Ireland and all-Ireland issues, maximise the potential of existing North-South bodies - a matter to which the Minister, Deputy Deenihan referred - and expand the important agenda of all-island economic development.

I welcome the opportunity to make a short contribution to the debate on this issue. Our party leader, Deputy Martin, has constantly raised such issues during the past 18 months. He has also referred to the workings of the Northern Ireland Assembly and the Executive. We cannot afford to take risks in respect of this matter. All of us who remember the sense of opportunity and hope on Good Friday in 1998 should feel ourselves being pushed by the hand of history into not squandering the achievement reached on that day. We have the opportunity to derive maximum advantage from an agreement that can benefit everyone on this island. There is no substitute for hard work and direct engagement with all the parties in the North in order to ensure that the Good Friday Agreement delivers on its potential for all the people who live on this island.

A small but important initiative in respect of this matter could be undertaken by the Government. The latter's failure to mark the anniversary of the Good Friday Agreement in any meaningful way shows its partisan reluctance to acknowledge any achievement that reflects well on others - there were many people who made noble contributions to the achievement of the Agreement - and is in contrast to the actions of wider civil society, which used the 15th anniversary to reflect on where the Agreement has worked and on the areas in respect of which it has, as yet, failed to deliver. The Government missed the opportunity presented by the 15th anniversary to explore how the Agreement can still deliver real change for people in their daily lives. However, it is not too late. The Good Friday Agreement was truly a national milestone. The greater the focus placed on it in the political sphere and in civil society, the better will be our chances of progressing all outstanding issues.

This island cannot afford to allow the Northern Ireland Executive and Assembly not to focus on the issues that are of concern to people - jobs, health and education - on a daily basis. Reinforcing suspicion, division and confrontation will only promote disillusionment among people rather than fulfilling the promise of peace and reconciliation and the resultant benefits. There is no doubt that benefits have been realised and progress achieved since the signing of the Good Friday Agreement in April 1998. However, it behoves everyone, particularly the parties in power in the Northern Ireland Executive and the Government in this jurisdiction, to work with all political interests to ensure that we derive for our people all the opportunities presented by and realise the full potential of the Agreement. The Good Friday Agreement is critical for everyone on this entire island.

Deputy Éamon Ó Cuív

I am surprised that the motion does not mention justice issues, particularly those which relate to prisoners in the North of Ireland. Deputy Ó Snodaigh is well aware of the matter to which I refer because he visited a number of prisons in that jurisdiction in the company of some Deputies and Senators who have shown great interest in these issues in recent times. I will try to outline the nature of the issues to which I refer and also of the injustices that have been perpetrated. I recognise that the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade and the Taoiseach have made representations in respect of these issues. It is important, however, to place on the public record the facts about what is happening.

I wish, first, to refer to the case of Marian McGlinchey - also known as Marian Price - and Martin Corey. Both of these individuals were released on licence many years ago. Marian was actually released in the very early 1980s. In the past two years, they were both arrested and imprisoned. Neither they nor we know what the allegations against them are. It seems extraordinary that, at this remove, someone can be put in prison and not be informed as to the nature of the evidence against them. These people were arrested and imprisoned on the order of the British Secretary of State. There is no limit to the amount of time that can be taken to hear their cases. If parole is refused, neither will be informed of the grounds for this. It is impossible to refute evidence if one does not know the nature of it. If this was happening in any other part of the world, motions of condemnation of a state which allowed such a justice system to obtain would be tabled all over the place.

Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan and I visited Marian Price in hospital yesterday. Ms Price has been in hospital for nearly a year and last week she was moved to an acute unit. She is suffering from a multitude of ailments and her immune system is breaking down as a result of the various medicines with which she is being treated. I am concerned about the ongoing incarceration of these two people.

Unfortunately, I do not have time to go into his case. Both cases are effectively detention without trial and will do more to destabilise the peace process than anything else of which one can dream.

Why were Mr. Gary Adams and Mr. Gerry McGeough, the so-called on-the-runs, picked to be put in prison? As Mr. McGeough was released after two years, it is obvious that the system does not view him as a threat to society. A part of the delay in Mr. Adams's case has to do with who he was with when he was in prison. It is extraordinary that someone could be refused parole because he or she was put into a certain part of a prison. I assure the Minister that the choice of who to associate with in prison is not that great.

Regarding the so-called dissidents, a dirty protest continued for more than one year. When it concluded last year, undertakings were given in respect of change. Judging by what we were told during our visit to HM Prison Maghaberry yesterday, no change has occurred. It further transpired that many of the people in question were in prison on indefinite remand for court cases that were still awaited. The remand period can continue in such cases. This is detention without trial.

The arrests and convictions of Mr. Adams and Mr. McGeough were contrary to an international agreement between the Irish and British Governments, namely the Weston Park Agreement. I am amazed that this has not been mentioned on the Sinn Féin motion's "To Do" list.

Deputy Aengus Ó Snodaigh

Nor in Fianna Fáil's motion, for that matter.

Deputy Éamon Ó Cuív

It was decided today that I would contribute on this debate.

Deputy Aengus Ó Snodaigh

I am just telling the Deputy - it is not mentioned in his party's motion.

An Leas-Cheann Comhairle

Please, Deputy Ó Cuív only has one and a half minutes left.

Deputy Éamon Ó Cuív

It was decided that I would devote half of Fianna Fáil's limited time to the prisoner issue.

Deputy Aengus Ó Snodaigh

Fianna Fáil should have included it in its own motion. It should not wait for us.

Deputy Éamon Ó Cuív

I hope that Sinn Féin will also devote half of its time to this issue.

Serious abuses have occurred in the case of Mr. Brendan McConville and Mr. John Paul Wootton. It was due to be started in the appeal court before the prosecution stated that it had further evidence. It now appears that the prosecution was collecting intelligence on discussions held between another witness who would confound the prosecution's evidence and his solicitor. Matters have become so serious that an application has been made to the Northern Ireland Court of Appeal to ask the Criminal Cases Review Commission to direct the police investigation, something that is possible in Northern Ireland.

When dealing with the issue of the North, it is equally important that we build relationships with the loyalist community. The politics of condemnation and keeping away from groups with which we do not agree is neither Christian nor a good way of bringing about peace. This week, I will meet representatives of the Orange Order. Last year, I visited the parade at which issues arose. I am glad that the order is willing to meet me to discuss the matter. By explaining the position from the other side, we can resolve issues. We must reassure those of different beliefs and persuasions that we can build a new Ireland, one in which respect for each community's beliefs is vital, and that we will not try to do away with traditions as long as they are followed in a way that does not threaten other communities.

Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan

Táimíd an-bhuíoch go bhfuil síocháin againn agus ba mhaith liom aitheantas a thabhairt do gach éinne a ghlac páirt. Undoubtedly, the North is a different place because of the peace process and the Good Friday Agreement. I wish to remember those who lost and gave their lives, the many who suffered, those who compromised and engaged in the process and the leaders involved, for example, Bertie Ahern, Tony Blair and Mo Mowlam, as well as those who worked behind the scenes and Nationalist and Unionist leaders and communities.

I am a member of the foreign affairs committee. When we meet people from conflict areas, they take great heart from the Northern peace process. After generations of bloodshed, bitterness and deep division, peace was achieved. No one wants to see it undermined, but that is what is happening. Lasting peace cannot be achieved without justice, something that is being undermined in the North. I have raised the issue of prisoners at Maghaberry prison in Priority Questions and Topical Issues. With a group of Deputies, I visited the prisoners several times. Their human rights are being abused. I am not referring to their political views. How could a dirty protest continue for 18 months without anyone paying the prisoners a blind bit of notice? We have been told that the agreement is not being implemented in the prison.

Regarding Ms Marian Price, how could a royal prerogative of mercy that received significant coverage when given be lost so suddenly? She is the only female being held in isolation in a male jail. Her medical treatment leaves much to be desired. These are abuses of her human rights. Her hearing with the Parole Commissioners is repeatedly postponed. She has been held for two years on the basis of allegations.

Equally disturbing is the case of Mr. Martin Corey, who has been in jail for three years having had his licence revoked on the basis of allegations. Following a judicial review, the judge opted to release him, but the Secretary of State prevented that from happening. He is long overdue a parole review. It will not be held until July. This is internment without trial. In a democracy, due process should be followed. Level a charge, bring a person to court and let him or her have a say. If there is a conviction, it can be appealed. Otherwise, the person serves time. So-called evidence is being produced, but it will be closed. Barristers and solicitors will effectively be going into the case blindfolded.

The sword of Damocles is hanging over others who are out on licence. We have had the Birmingham Six and the Guildford Four. We now have the Craigavon Two, men who are being held following a series of allegations, dubious circumstantial evidence and serious issues relating to the PSNI and the covert surveillance of civilians. These injustices are putting the peace process in jeopardy. Do we never learn from history? Are we trying to create more martyrs and fill the ranks of dissident groups?

I believe in people's democratic right to a fair trial. People in the North are being denied this right. Those being held on grounds of dubious allegations are not the problem. Rather, they would be a part of the solution if the situation was being addressed correctly and fairly.

Deputy Finian McGrath

I thank the Leas-Cheann Comhairle for the opportunity to contribute on this important motion on the historic Good Friday Agreement. I commend Sinn Féin on arranging this topical and urgent debate. This issue and the division of our country should never be allowed to slip from the political agenda. We all have a duty to ensure that the peace process does not remain still and to bring the people of this island together.

At Arbour Hill on Sunday of last week, I had the honour and privilege of being the guest speaker at the 1916-21 Club. I felt humbled to be asked. It was great to follow in the tradition of Tone, Connolly and Pearse. The great men and women of the 1916-21 period should never be forgotten. There must always be time to reflect on their ideals and actions as well as on our country's future.

The 1916-21 Club was founded in the 1940s. Its motivation was to heal to divisions created by the Civil War. Protagonists from both sides were invited to join. The Association of the Old Dublin Brigade Óglaigh na hÉireann was open to surviving members of the War of Independence. The club incorporated the association in the early 1980s as its membership declined. I refer to the club because its objectives are to honour and remember the dead who fought for Irish freedom and for everyone working towards its achievement.

The second objective is to cultivate in our time a spirit of nationality and unity that marked the 1916 to 1921 period and to contribute to the cause of an Ireland - united, independent and sovereign. Another objective is to work for the reconciliation of all Irish people in the context of a united nation, in the belief that it is only such a united people who can effect a lasting and real peace with the British. A further objective is to promote Irish tradition and cultures. Those are their objectives and everyone, including those who speak in tonight's debate, has a role to play - Catholic, Protestant, Jew, Muslim, Hindu, all other religions and none. As an Independent Deputy, I fit clearly into the dissenting tradition. Tone called for unity between Catholic, Protestant and dissenter. Sadly, we do not see enough of it in this current Dáil. Many Members of the Dáil have turned their backs on that great tradition but those of us present should pledge our allegiance to the ideals of 1916 which are about equality, justice and love of country, particularly in these difficult times. I am also in favour of standing with the weaker sections of society, for example, the 400,000 unemployed, the disabled and the dispossessed. The objectives are about supporting the men and women of no property. How relevant all of that is to society today.

I call on the Government to ensure the commitments in the agreements are implemented by both Governments. The Government must renew the substantive engagement with the British Government to progress the outstanding issues, including the establishment of the bill of rights and an all-Ireland charter of rights, in addition to other legislative commitments. I also call on the Government to ensure the realisation of the promised peace dividend and financial package agreed at St. Andrews, which the current British Government has failed to deliver.

Debate adjourned.

The Dáil adjourned at 9.35 p.m. until 10.30 a.m. on Wednesday, 15 May 2013.

Dáil Éireann debate - Tuesday, 14 May 2013

Good Friday Agreement: Motion [Private Members]

Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 14 May 2013