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Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 10 Oct 2013

Vol. 816 No. 3

Topical Issue Debate

Mental Health Awareness

I apologise for my late arrival. I wish to raise the issue that was highlighted in media reports this morning regarding a practice that in America is called the fainting game or sometimes the choking game and which has been around for some time. Its origins go back to the 1980s, when it swept through America for a period before going into decline. However, more than 80 deaths in America have been attributed to this phenomenon. While it principally is confined to teenagers, some of those who have died from it were somewhat older. Nevertheless, it is a highly disturbing phenomenon and I mention it because, unfortunately, a teenager is seriously ill in hospital in our own jurisdiction at present, having fallen victim to this dangerous practice. It has been described among young people as being some type of a high, to use that awful word, but of course it can prove fatal to those for whom it goes wrong. Like all Members, I hope the teenager in question will recover in full. It is a difficult time for him and for his family and, obviously, Members wish him the best.

However, I wish to make a connection with many things that are going on in the society in which we live, which I prefer to describe as the post-Celtic tiger fall-out syndromes. In the case of young people, most of this centres on the incidence of suicide, as well as excessive use of alcohol and other drugs. Moreover, the report produced by the Rape Crisis Network Ireland that was launched yesterday by the Minister for Children and Youth Affairs, Deputy Fitzgerald, is one of these alarming reports that tells us something about ourselves and forces us to look in the mirror about what this post-Celtic tiger period has meant. As legislators or adults, one might talk about the difficulties for unemployed people or those with difficult mortgages and so on. However, sweeping throughout this country is the connection between the case to which I have just referred regarding the young person in hospital and the issue of suicide, on top of which is the report that came out yesterday. I will cite just one figure from the aforementioned sexual violence report, which is that 35% of perpetrators of sexual abuse against child survivors were themselves under 18 years of age. I daresay this would have been unheard of 20 or 30 years ago. While launching the report yesterday, the Minister, Deputy Fitzgerald, put it very well by stating: "While we have been horrified over historic abuse, this report forces recognition of current abuse and highlights yet again that the horror of abuse remains part of the tragic experience of too many Irish children." Consequently, when talking about rape or suicide, we no longer are talking about adults, as historically we have done.

Thank you, Deputy.

Instead, we are talking about children in the context of the report published yesterday and the example I have just cited regarding the phenomenon of the choking game.

I thank Deputy Maloney for raising this issue and will address the specific points he made. I also heard the media reports this morning to which he referred and join the Deputy in extending Members' thoughts to this family at this difficult time and hoping for the recovery of their son, who is in hospital at present.

It is highly appropriate that the Deputy should raise this issue today, which is World Mental Health Day.

Many of the issues to which he referred could not be raised on a more appropriate day. He has identified many difficulties associated with growing up, particularly for young people on reaching their teenage years. While there is a large number of positive developments open to them in terms of the freedoms and technology that are available, there is a darker side too with regard to the risks and dangers posed to them, as identified by the Deputy.

The key message to be conveyed is the need to foster a culture whereby all those enduring mental health difficulties, including young people, do not hesitate to seek and receive appropriate help. Physical and emotional development during adolescence can obviously bring its own stresses of many kinds. In order to nurture our children, and ensure they maximise their potential to develop into well-adjusted adults, we must respond properly to their social and emotional needs. The foundation for good mental health is obviously laid in the early years. Society as a whole benefits from investing in children and adolescents on many fronts. The Minister of State with responsibility for mental health, Deputy Kathleen Lynch, is acutely aware of the need to prioritise mental health services in this area, including an integrated and effective approach to educational aspects. The vulnerability of youth is demonstrated by the fact that this is when about 75% of mental illnesses first emerge. The community mental health model asserts the principle of placing vulnerable children, or families, at the centre of the care process. If we can identify issues as they emerge, research tells us that early, and often brief, intervention prevents longer-term pain and lost opportunities.

The Government, in line with A Vision for Change, has prioritised mental health services through providing €70 million over the last two years for many new initiatives. This year the HSE will have funding of approximately €730 million for mental health, and a significant proportion of this is directed, in partnership with non-statutory agencies, towards young people. In addition to the services provided by the HSE child and adolescent mental health service, significant work is being done, for example, by organisations such as Jigsaw or through the See Change and Make a Ripple campaigns. A new action plan on bullying was launched on 29 January last by the Minister for Education and Skills and the Minister for Children and Youth Affairs to help prevent and tackle bullying at primary and second level.

In addition, the National Office for Suicide Prevention in partnership with the Department of Education and Skills has developed national guidelines on mental health and suicide prevention for the post-primary school sector. I am conscious also that many reports and other sources have rightly highlighted the need to better tackle the issue raised by the Deputy. The Government will continue to take account fully of these in progressing mental health well-being for young people, in line with evolving service priorities and overall resources.

I thank the Minister of State for his reply. I am glad he referred to the issue of bullying which I omitted to mention. It is an ever-increasing difficulty among school-going children in particular which seems to have reached almost phenomenal rates. Anyone who engages with school teachers will confirm that. There seems to be a spate of it from one end of the country to the other. It is not an urban phenomenon, rather it is widespread. As some reports have indicated, there is a very strong link between the cowardly practice of bullying one's peers and suicide, an issue to which the Minister of State and I have alluded.

A strong point was made by Dr. Rosaleen McElvaney, the author of the Children's Mental Health Coalition report, Someone to Care, a report to which the Minister may have referred. Dr. McElvaney acknowledged the considerable challenges in providing care for children in the mental health sphere. It is a difficult one. She said there is "a clear need for a shared understanding and common language". Dr. McElvaney also said:

For example, many young people are involved with the youth justice system due to mental health difficulties that are left unaddressed. We need a process that diverts them towards community services that address their needs. Earlier intervention and support will lead to better outcomes for all involved.

The Deputy in his contribution made reference to a phase of "looking into the mirror" and about our having to confront things about our society that are both good and bad. There is no doubt that the huge difficulties and challenges our young people face with respect to their mental health is one part of the jigsaw in terms of ensuring we have a society that looks after people who need help while also recognising that essential public services must be funded and in place to deal with the type of difficulties to which the Deputy referred.

The Deputy made reference to A Vision for Change. As he may be aware, A Vision for Change identifies the need for 80 child and adolescent child and psychiatric inpatient beds for the most vulnerable, who need the care and the service they deserve, and we must ensure they can be provided for them in the right place. Currently, 39 such beds are available and there are plans in place to put additional beds and services in place. A further eight beds will be commissioned in Cork and a further five beds will reopen in Galway by the end of the year. A second phase in terms of a child and adolescent unit at St. Vincent's Hospital in Fairview will be put in place to increase capacity from 12 to 18 beds by the end of 2013. Putting in place those services will be an essential part of the broader set of services that must be available to deal with the issue the Deputy identified. It is apt that he should raise it today, World Mental Health Day. I offer our thoughts and sympathies to the family dealing with the terrible difficulty that prompted Deputy Maloney to raise this issue in the House.

Adoption Issues

I address this issue in the context of many people who have approached me on it and which is obviously an increasingly difficult problem for a large number of people. It is the issue of stepfathers or stepmothers voluntarily adopting children but the real issue is where their partner, and in most cases it is the natural mother of the child, is forced to adopt the child also. I will give a simple example, with which the Minister of State will be familiar, of where a mother has a child, she parts with the natural father, she takes on another partner and the other partner volunteers to adopt that child. The child's natural father disappears off the scene but the mother, by law, also has to adopt the child.

The reason I believe that is wrong and should be remedied is because many mothers find this particularly offensive. It causes them an enormous amount of stress because they believe something has been taken away from them. It is difficult to explain often in strictly logical and legal terms and they have to come back and ask the State if they can now adopt their child when all that really is happening is that their new partner is volunteering and wanting to adopt the child. That is not just an emotional intrusion. The process whereby this is done is also an intrusion upon their lives.

Whereas it is both right and fair that the adoptive father - as is the position in the case to which I refer but it could also be an adoptive mother - should be subject to some form of observation, scrutiny and approval, it seems absurd that the birth mother should also be subject to the latter when she has kept the child all along. I am familiar with many cases where social workers came into the house in which all three parties - mother, prospective father and child - live and spent a great deal of time with them. He or she then proceeded to interview them and eventually granted approval to the adoptive father and the natural mother to adopt the child.

The Minister will understand that it is unfair to place people under pressure of this sort. It would not happen unless they were simply and solely deciding to do something which is in the interests of the child, namely, to give him or her another - and an official - parent. He or she would not otherwise have two parents as a result of the circumstances which obtain. I cannot see anything wrong with issuing birth certificates containing the names of all three parents, namely, the natural mother, the natural father and the adoptive father. This is a problem with gives rise to great emotion and which, due to changes in society, is increasing in frequency. It would be very easy to put matters right in respect of by introducing a small number of legal changes.

I thank Deputy Ross for raising this issue. I am committed, in conjunction with my Government colleagues, to bringing forward amending legislation to address current anomalies with respect to adoption by step-parents. As the Deputy indicated, those anomalies include the requirement - as part of step-parent adoption - for a natural parent to adopt his or her own child, including compliance with the requirements associated with the adoption process. In other words and as the Deputy highlighted, such parents must undergo the adoption procedure as if the child were a stranger to them. It is almost like starting out afresh. A further anomaly relates to the creation of a wholly new birth certificate recognising the newly-adoptive parents and possibly removing the recognition of a birth parent, very often the father.

These provisions originated in legislation in 1952 and were further consolidated, but not addressed, in the Adoption Act 2010, which was brought forward by the previous Government. The 2010 Act is complex and there a number of issues - including that under discussion - which have arisen since its enactment. I have indicated previously that I believe it timely to consider a review of some of the policy matters that arose in the Act. In addition to the issue of step-parent adoption, a number of other matters must be considered in the context of a review of the Adoption Act. These include the rights of birth mothers and birth fathers and issues relating to the right to an assessment. There is an automatic right to assessment in this country and the number of people being assessed far exceeds the number of children suitable or available for adoption. This means there is a major imbalance. Other issues which have arisen relate to the age of prospective adoptive parents, the tenure of declarations of eligibility and suitability, etc.

I appreciate the difficulties and frustration the anomalies relating to step-parent adoption pose for many families. I should point out that a cornerstone of the Adoption Act 2010 is the consent of the natural parents, which is a legal basis of all adoptions. This underpins the process for the subsequent adoption of a child by a new family unit. However, I understand that this places natural parents in a difficult position in the area of step-parent adoptions. I am of the view that the law must be changed in order that birth parents will no longer be obliged to adopt their own children in order to facilitate adoption by step-parents. It is not appropriate that we continue to subject birth parents to outdated legal conventions when it comes to step-parent adoption.

Based on my concerns, a number of months ago I sought clarification on the constitutional and legal position in respect of this matter. We had been informed that a number of constitutional issues apply. However, I am now confident - on the basis of legal advice I sought and received - that there are no constitutional barriers to legislative change in this area. Many people will welcome that fact. I accept that some complex legal and policy issues remain and that these need to be resolved within the broader framework of the family law relating to parentage and guardianship. Where the natural father is still alive and where there may be ongoing contact or whatever, guardianship - if the position relating to it were to be made more flexible - might be the more appropriate legal option for step-parents in certain circumstances. This would tie in with a more open approach to adoption. However, I appreciate that certain couples would prefer adoption as opposed to guardianship.

I am working with the Minister for Justice and Equality, Deputy Shatter, who will be bringing forward a Bill in the near future. Some of the issues I have just outlined will be addressed in that legislation. I am preparing adoption legislation which arises on foot of the result in the referendum on children's rights. The legislation would provide an appropriate mechanism by means of which the matter under discussion might be dealt with.

I thank the Minister for her reply, which is enlightened in sentiment but perhaps somewhat unclear in the context of intention and timing. I am delighted that there are no constitutional difficulties in respect of this matter. I did not anticipate any such difficulties. When I heard the words "complex" and "review", I become concerned that nothing is going to happen or that a matter will be placed on the long finger to such a degree that it will fall to a future generation or Government to address it. In that context, I understand that problems arise in the context of addressing the overall issue of adoption.

I am not asking the Minister to immediately address all the anomalies thrown up by the 2010 Act. I am simply requesting that she give a commitment to the effect that action will be taken in order that it will no longer be necessary for natural parents to be obliged to adopt their own children. What I am seeking is nothing more complicated than that. I do not believe what I am suggesting would have any complex knock-on effects in respect of other matters. I am merely representing the person in the position I have outlined who finds it emotionally offensive and practically difficult to do that about which we are talking. Perhaps the Minister might provide a commitment to the effect that the particular item to which I refer and which is causing so much trouble could be addressed in isolation and prior to all other matters. What is so offensive is that a mother or a father should be obliged to go before the Adoption Board and ask to adopt her or his own child. The provision in this regard should be deleted from the adoption legislation.

If it were that simple, I would proceed in the manner outlined by Deputy Ross. I am considering the precise implications of changing the position. I understand why he might advocate that we should just bring an end to what is happening, particularly as it would not have implications for any other approaches to adoption and consent. However, I am of the view that there are implications for other aspects of the adoption process. I am teasing out precisely what are those implications. I want to change the position in legislation and I will do so as soon as possible. I am informed that if we were to make the change the Deputy suggests, it would have a knock-on effect on other aspects of the legislation. As stated, however, the new parentage Bill, which is due to be introduced either prior to the end of this year or earlier next year, will provide an opportunity to make some changes. I will deal with this issue in the context of the adoption legislation I propose to introduce.

I thank the Minister.

Northern Ireland Issues

I thank the Leas-Cheann Comhairle for the opportunity to raise this important issue.

The latest claim of responsibility by so-called dissident republicans for the murder of a man found in north Belfast yesterday is a dark reminder of the grave threats that unfortunately still hang over Northern Ireland. I am very loth to use the description "dissidents" to identify the criminals involved or to debase the term "republican" by associating it with them. Yesterday's grim discovery was sharp proof of the brutal criminality by a small number who continue to stalk Northern Ireland. Similarly, the brutal murder in Derry today is another source of serious concern, and I note comments attributed to the SDLP Assembly Member, Pat Ramsey, on The Irish Times website which read as follows: "there is no doubt whatsoever that dissidents were involved".

These murders come at a critical juncture in the peace process. The arrival of Ambassador Haass and Dr. Megan O'Sullivan represents a real opportunity to give the process a badly needed shot in the arm and, indeed, a new impetus. The politics of division embraced by Sinn Féin and the DUP has crippled necessary further progress on that valuable peace process. They both appear to be content with playing to their respective galleries for partisan gain. That is not the leadership which would be expected from an executive. This atmosphere of mutual stagnation is a fertile breeding ground for dissident activity and the kind of loyalist thuggery we saw during the flag protests.

In a fragile society like Northern Ireland, if the institutions fail to bring about real benefits on the bread and butter issues of politics, it inevitably creates a climate for violence by a small number in some communities. The simmering threat by violent groups that occasionally flares up, as we saw yesterday, is a major concern and must be addressed by the Northern Ireland Executive supported by the Irish and British Governments. The crippling impact loyalist groups had on Belfast city centre at the end of last year and in the early months of this year and the devastating impact it had on the local economy is a testament to the unfinished business of the peace process.

It goes without saying that progress achieved in the Good Friday Agreement and, indeed, in the St. Andrews Agreement has been of enormous benefit to us all on this island. As we know, the Republic of Ireland is a key stakeholder in that process. In its submission to the Haass panel, Fianna Fáil affirmed the need to ensure the Republic, in co-operation with Britain, continues to act as guarantor for the process and continues to assist in driving it on. The brutal murder discovered yesterday should spur on the important work with which we are charged. The Government simply cannot afford to neglect Northern Ireland nor can the British Government.

The Government should take action to deal with a number of specific issues. One is to ensure the ongoing co-operation of the Garda and PSNI. That is a working relationship we have all seen improve dramatically over the past decade. The resource restraints being placed on the Garda should not interfere with its vital work in tackling the terrorist threat in Northern Ireland. The second is supporting the Haass panel and encouraging it not to go short simply for the sake of a deal. This is a chance to confront the unfinished business of the peace process. It is an opportunity to move Northern Ireland further along that path and to realise that the peace process is about more than just the absence of violence. However, that is not to underestimate in any way the importance of ridding our society of that violence.

The Government has to step up to its historic responsibilities, and the current juncture is a real chance to do so. Yesterday's discovery should act as a further motivation to rise to these challenges.

I join the Tánaiste in offering sincere sympathies to the families of the two men murdered in north Belfast and in Derry. We both utterly condemn these vicious, brutal and cowardly murders, as has Deputy Smith.

As the Tánaiste stated earlier, the people of Belfast and Derry and, indeed, people all over Ireland have moved on. There is no justification for crimes against the community. While investigations are at an early stage, it seems clear that criminal terrorists in the guise of so-called dissident republicans were involved. I noted the Deputy's reluctance to use the words "dissident" and "republican" in his description of them, with which I entirely agree. As is clear to us all, the only motivation for these murders is self-interest as opposed to any broader agenda for the communities in Northern Ireland or in our State. My colleagues in this House are at one with me in expressing horror at what has happened. These people have no mandate and their actions lead nowhere.

The Deputy will know that these so-called dissident republicans are criminal terrorists who will readily use lethal violence in pursuit of their own, often personal, ends. They have more than just a passing acquaintance with organised crime to fund their activities and lifestyles, and they have no regard for life or law.

The Minister for Justice and Equality and the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland held one of their regular meetings on 23 September to discuss matters of mutual interest, including the security situation and ongoing efforts to combat terrorism. The threats to peace posed by dissident groups are undoubtedly serious. Since 2009, a series of violent attacks by these dissident groups has taken place, resulting in injuries and in the deaths of two British Army personnel, two PSNI officers and a member of the Northern Ireland Prison Service.

The deaths of Sappers Quinsey and Azimkar, Constable Carroll, Constable Kerr and Mr. David Black, the routine so-called punishment attacks and murders of civilians along with the continuing threats against the Police Service of Northern Ireland are viewed with widespread revulsion across society on the island of Ireland. It is clear that these people enjoy no popular support within the community. They have nothing to offer the people and they have been overwhelmingly rejected.

The Deputy asked this Government to live up to its role and obligations in the North. I assure him of our continued commitment to do so. The Tánaiste has continued to engage in intensive discussions with political, civic and community leaders in recent months. In his regular discussions with the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, he has emphasised the Government's role as co-guarantor of the Good Friday Agreement. Both Governments have restated their support for the Executive's work towards creating a shared society and prosperous economy in Northern Ireland, as outlined in the Executive's Together: Building a United Community strategy.

During his recent visit to Belfast, and in forthcoming visits to Derry, Armagh and Belfast, the Tánaiste has met, and will continue to meet, community and business leaders in support of their ongoing work towards a reconciled and prosperous future for everyone on this island. In his contacts with political leaders in Northern Ireland, he has urged them to seize the opportunity presented by the Haass talks to deal with the contentious issues of flags, parades and the past.

The Deputy can be assured of the continued commitment of the Government to ensure the Garda Commissioner and the PSNI Chief Constable place strong emphasis on the close and high quality co-operation between the two police services which is essential to face down this paramilitary threat.

I share the Minister of State's revulsion and the comments he made on behalf of the Tánaiste in regard to these desperate murders. I happened to be in my office at 1 o'clock today and I listened to Tommy Gorman report from Northern Ireland. I did not think we would be back to the days when we would have to listen to a report about two murders linked to the activity of those terror groups. We need constantly to send out a very clear message that we need to be vigilant and diligent in regard to the peace process. While it does not in any way excuse violence or terrorism, there are some communities, in particular in the urban areas, which need investment in education, in upskilling their people and in jobs, but that is not easy.

I do not say that to excuse violence or terrorism in any way. As we are debating Northern Ireland today, we should be focusing on the major investment conference that takes place in Belfast tomorrow. I did not think we would have to speak about a matter of major concern like the appalling deaths of two people at the hands of so-called dissidents. The Garda Síochána and the PSNI should receive absolute and total co-operation from every right-minded person on this island as they hunt down the murderers and bring them to justice.

I have taken careful note of Deputy Smith's remarks. As he said, there is no rationale for acts of terrorism like the killings of recent days. Like the Deputy, I did not think I would have to speak about two murders in the week of a conference that has been organised to try to create a prosperous and inclusive society and ensure Northern Ireland will have the kind of bright future we all want for it. The Deputy referred to a number of areas in which the Government needs to engage. I can categorically assure him that we strongly support the process in Northern Ireland. He spoke about the need for close co-operation between the PSNI and the Garda Síochána and said the two police forces need the right support to do all of their work. As I indicated in my opening statement, both forces and both Governments could not be more supportive of the need for tight and integrated co-operation to deal with the criminality that is at the heart of the difficulties mentioned by the Deputy.

I have heard Deputy Smith raise the Haass process on a number of occasions in this House. I was present last week when the Tánaiste outlined the Government's support for it. The Tánaiste and his Government colleagues have engaged in dialogue as part of that process. We are doing all we can to ensure it is successful and inclusive. The Deputy spoke about the need for broader and continued Government engagement in Northern Ireland. When the Tánaiste responded to this point earlier today, he made it clear that he has planned a number of visits to the North, as one would expect. As a sign of my commitment and that of the Department of the Taoiseach to this issue, I will visit Stormont next Wednesday to talk about the broader issue of Europe, with specific reference to the Government's commitment to supporting European investment in the North.

Of course the Deputy is correct when he suggests that the best antidote to this kind of terror and criminality is a prosperous and secure future for all the communities in the North. In addition to the work being done by the PSNI and the Garda to deal with the terrible murders that have been mentioned, it should be emphasised that the Government, Deputy Smith and all the other Deputies in this House will continue to do all we can to ensure investment is in place to prevent people from being tempted by the kinds of incentives referred to by the Deputy.

Job Losses

I thank the Leas-Cheann Comhairle for allowing me to raise this important topic. I am glad the Minister, Deputy Bruton, is in attendance in the Chamber to hear my concerns in this regard. Over the years, the manufacturing sector has contributed substantially and positively to the Irish economy. It has provided good and honest employment to thousands of workers and their families. I believe the manufacturing sector was neglected during the Celtic tiger years, unfortunately. Competitiveness was lost and priority was given to an unsustainable construction sector. We lost our focus on manufacturing.

As the Minister knows, Waterford city and the rest of the south east have traditionally had a strong manufacturing base due to the presence of companies like Waterford Crystal, Waterford Stanley, ABB, Teva, Honeywell, Bausch and Lomb and GlaxoSmithKline. Many hundreds of small and medium sized enterprises in the region have been and are very productive in the manufacturing sector. The thousands of jobs provided by these companies have sustained the lives of workers and their families, and in turn the local economy, for many years. That is why we cannot give up on this essential sector. It needs continued Government focus and support.

Bausch and Lomb continues to employ over 1,700 people in Waterford city. GlaxoSmithKline employs over 750 people in its Dungarvan plant. Teva employs more than 450 people and Waterford Stanley employs more than 100 people. Small and medium sized enterprises in the area continue to employ thousands of people in the manufacturing sector. We heard the sad news on Tuesday that Honeywell, which is a strong traditional company in Waterford, had announced a redundancy programme for 74 of its employees. The only positive thing I can take from this devastating news for these employees and their families is that the company is committed to retaining 700 jobs in the city. The redundant workers must be given every assistance and support at this difficult time. More important, they need to be given some hope that they have a real prospect of finding new employment opportunities.

Today, I carry a message directly from the people of Waterford to the floor of this Chamber and to the Minister. Waterford city and the south east region are in urgent need of Government assistance and intervention to achieve economic recovery. We all know the region has suffered and continues to suffer disproportionately by comparison with the rest of the country. It is very difficult and frustrating to note that more than 3,000 manufacturing jobs have been lost in Waterford and the south east region over the last six years. I know that the Minister and IDA Ireland are doing their best and have been very active over the past couple of years. IDA Ireland visits to Waterford have increased substantially. According to figures I have seen, there were 11 such visits in 2011, 26 in 2012 and 12 to date in 2013. We need delivery on that now. We need to see some foreign direct investment in Waterford city.

The Government and the Minister have been proactive. We have seen some positive progress since we came into government, having taken the reins of power during the worst economic crisis this country has ever seen. I would like to compare the employment situation in the south east in June 2011 with the position in June 2013. The number of people in employment in the region increased by approximately 3,000 during that period. I welcome that increase. The unemployment rate in the region has decreased from a high of over 20% to the current figure of 18.3%, which is still far too high in comparison with the State unemployment figure of 13.3% last month. The live register in Waterford is now at its lowest level since April 2009. This is further progress.

I have mentioned some positive statistics, but I emphasise that we are starting from a very low employment base. The job losses in Honeywell highlight the fact that the recovery in Waterford and the south east is extremely fragile. Additional help is now required to address the higher than normal unemployment rates being experienced in Waterford and the rest of the south-east region. Direct Government intervention is required to help us at this stage.

I thank Deputy Coffey for raising this important issue. I would like to express my sympathy to those workers who are affected by Honeywell's decision. Obviously, I share the Deputy's concern about the loss of jobs at Honeywell. As the Deputy knows, this turbo-technology company notified IDA Ireland on 8 October that due to forecasted reductions in demand for its products, it intends to begin a voluntary redundancy programme to reduce its current workforce by up to 34 positions by the end of November.

Honeywell currently employs 375 people in Waterford. It has informed its employees of its plans to make these redundancies. It manufactures and supplies turbo-wheels to Honeywell turbo-charger assembly sites in Italy, the Czech Republic, Romania and Slovakia. These sites sell to automotive engine manufacturers globally. Honeywell's parent company, Honeywell International Inc., is a diversified technology and manufacturing company that serves customers worldwide with aerospace products and services, control sensing and security technologies, automotive products including turbo-chargers, specialty chemicals, electronic and advanced materials and process technology for refining petrochemicals.

Honeywell in Waterford has had to review its business structures to increase its competitiveness as the global automotive industry has become increasingly more competitive. Car demand is weak in Europe at present, with many automotive companies realigning production with current demand. The company will now enter a consultation process with the workforce in Waterford. It is expected that the redundancies will be voluntary, in line with previous reductions. We are seeing more and more companies engaging in this type of restructuring, where companies are looking strategically at opportunities in the global market and taking steps, such as making redundancies, to position themselves for future growth. The proposed redundancies in Waterford are part of the adjustments the company is making to meet the evolving needs of the business and to remain competitive in a challenging global environment.

Honeywell has two sites in Waterford involved in the parent companies activities, which I am glad to say will not be affected by the proposed redundancies. IDA Ireland will discuss the plans for the site with the company and will remain in regular contact with local management.

On Deputy Coffey's wider issue, I fully recognise that manufacturing has been neglected. It suffered through a loss of competitiveness, which resulted in a loss of markets, leading to a tough attrition on employment and manufacturing. Overall, there has been a massive decline in employment in the sector from about 300,000 to 200,000.

There are opportunities in the manufacturing sector, and I established a forum to look at those. Next year, we will introduce a national step change initiative to assist manufacturing companies, both Irish and non-Irish, to lift their capability and open up new markets. Improved competitiveness, changes in the markets and increasing personalisation or customisation of product lines have opened up opportunities and we need to seize those, which is what the initiative is about.

I also recognise the point Deputy Coffey rightly made that Waterford and the south east have suffered disproportionately. As the Deputy knows, after the TalkTalk closure, I established a forum on the south east and put a special focus on Waterford through the IDA and, as the Deputy acknowledged, there has been a big step up in activity. We have had some successes. For example, Nypro, a multinational company, made a significant investment in Waterford. We have further ambitions. It is encouraging also to see in the south east a strong resurgence of many indigenous enterprises, including Glanbia, Dawn Meats, Eishtec, which has been stellar in its performance since the closure of TalkTalk, and FeedHenry. There is good activity in the area, but I will continue the emphasis on the south east and to target my activities.

I acknowledge the Minister's response. I appreciate that he has visited Waterford and is working to improve the economic lot of the citizens of Waterford and the south east.

Since TalkTalk's high profile closure, we have seen economic reports. Indeed, I welcome the Forfás economic development strategy. The Joint Committee on Jobs, Enterprise and Innovation's south-east economic development strategy was also published recently and we also have the DKM economic strategy for Waterford city and county. The reports highlight the same issues and show what city and regional weaknesses need to be addressed. Some of those need direct Government support and intervention. I will name some of the requirements, but key is the establishment of a regional technological university. That is in the programme for Government, and it needs to be delivered as soon as possible in order that we can help the economy of Waterford and the south east. Under the Minister's direct responsibility is the location of a regional director for the IDA. The joint committee's report and the economic strategy for the region identify that we are at a disadvantage because we do not have a regional director for the IDA located in the gateway city of Waterford. That issue must be addressed. Furthermore, I know that the Minister of State at the Department of Public Expenditure and Reform, Deputy Brian Hayes, is looking into matters at the Mount Congreve gardens, which are being run by the Office of Public Works. That international attraction can help the region's economy. In addition, the extension of the runway at Waterford Airport also needs to be looked at. Those are some key areas where Government intervention and support will help to address the huge deficits in economic activity and employment figures in Waterford and the south east.

Only four Deputies represent this active constituency. Waterford is the gateway for the south east. We are demanding Government support. In fact, we expect Waterford to be supported on the same level as other cities. I ask the Minister and his Cabinet colleagues to give Waterford the focus it deserves. There are positive signs. As I have mentioned, 3,000 more people are employed in the Waterford and south-east region than there were when this Government came into office, but we need to see further progress.

I fully recognise, and this came out in the south-east action forum we established, that there are serious structural problems in Waterford and the south east that go beyond, if one likes, enterprise agency activity. Continuous investment is needed in those areas. There also needs to be collaboration across many interests, which is a positive feature arising from the forum's work. In establishing what are the competitive advantages of the region and promoting them effectively, there are stellar organisations, such as Waterford Institute of Technology, WIT, which is Willie Donnelly's operation. That impressive operation has been a significant magnet for new start-ups.

I recognise that there are deeper and wider problems, and I look forward to meeting the joint committee and going through its report. As Deputy Coffey rightly recognises, from the enterprise perspective, although there is a long way to go, there are positive trends in the south east's employment. Our task is to consolidate and expand that progress.

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