Skip to main content
Normal View

Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 12 Dec 2013

Vol. 824 No. 3

Public Service Management (Recruitment and Appointments)(Amendment) Bill 2013: Instruction to Committee (resumed)

The following motion was moved by the Minister for Public Expenditure and Reform (Deputy Brendan Howlin) today:
That, pursuant to Standing Order 177, Standing Order 131 is modified to permit an instruction to the committee on the Public Service Management (Recruitment and Appointments) (Amendment) Bill 2013, that it has power to make provision in the Bill for a new Part 7A in relation to sick leave remuneration, empowering the Minister for Public Expenditure and Reform to make regulations concerning the payment of remuneration to public servants during sick leave, and to make necessary consequential amendments to the Long Title.

I believe the objective of making savings in this area is shared across the board. While I presume it remains the view among workers and unions that those savings could have been achieved by means of more active control of the current system, the binding Labour Court recommendation must be enforced. As I said earlier, I am concerned about the critical illness protocol. While I appreciate that pregnant workers are covered by other legal mechanisms and forms of legislation, any regulation dealing with this matter must acknowledge the circumstances, which are fortunately not common, in which such a worker may find herself needing long-term sick leave. That might not happen on a once-off basis. It is unfortunate that this matter was not fully ironed out before we were asked to consider this legislation. There will be an appearance in the Labour Court on 16 December next. Ideally, the regulations would be completed, the discussions between employers and workers would be concluded and agreement would be reached before we would be asked to pass this ground-breaking legislation. During today's debate, the Minister might put my mind, and more importantly, the minds of public servants, to rest on that issue.

I would like to speak about the issue of retrospection, which was raised earlier. I tabled some questions on this matter to the Department of Public Expenditure and Reform, which kindly supplied me with answers. I asked whether these regulations will include a provision to retrospectively apply the new certified sick leave arrangements. In its response, the Department recounted the necessity to give public service employees advance notice of the new scheme and make provision for a transitional period, etc., and informed me that access to the new reduced limits of sick leave is not being applied retrospectively. I thought that was fairly clearcut until I read the rest of the response. The Department went on to explain that individual sick leave records will remain unchanged following this legislation and will continue to be used to determine whether an individual has access to paid sick leave and at what rate. It pointed out that when an individual is absent from work due to sick leave, his or her record over the previous four-year rolling period will be examined to see if the sick leave limits have been exhausted. The Department claims that this is in line with the Labour Court recommendation.

When is retrospection not retrospective? Despite the initial line that I read out, this answer actually concedes that the new regime will be retrospective. For instance, when this new scheme is introduced if a worker has reason to take sick leave, his or her past record will be taken into account and weighed and measured. That person's entitlement to future sick leave will be on the basis not of the sick leave arrangement which existed two or three years ago when he or she took the leave but in line with the new mechanisms and standards set in place by this change.

I envisage that causing some difficulties. For many workers it has caused a degree of alarm. Public sector workers who are concerned about this matter have contacted my office and I am sure other Deputies' offices. The Minister has said from time to time on the record that the new sick-pay scheme would be retrospective. He has cited the Labour Court recommendation to support that position. I have in my hand recommendation LCR 20335 with the direction that the new scheme should take effect from 1 January 2014. I do not see in this recommendation that the instruction is to be applied retrospectively. The Minister will need to enlighten us on the matter because it is causing considerable concern for many workers who have contacted me.

I raised this issue when we debated the Financial Emergency Measures in the Public Interest Bill. I understand we need to cut our cloth according to our measure. That is a reality of our times and should, in fact, be a prevailing reality in good times or in bad. I accept that savings can and should be made from what is a very substantial sick leave bill. However, by introducing legislation such as this - I appreciate the advice the Minister received from the Attorney General - and conferring upon not just the present Minister but any future holder of that office the power and capacity to make regulations in respect of public servants' entitlement to sick leave, be it certified or uncertified, short-term or long-term, represents a very radical departure from the established practice.

I am concerned that that type of authority would rest in the hands of a Minister because we cannot predict the bias or world-view any future Minister might have. It establishes a trend for the Minister, Deputy Howlin, of moving away - incrementally but nonetheless measurably - from a system of established industrial relations and bargaining positions within the public sector to a much more centralised ministerially controlled and therefore management-weighted approach to the terms and conditions of public servants. He is obviously minded to do this.

In his earlier contribution the Minister cited the Attorney General's advice and stated: "Although the new sick leave arrangements could be applied in some sectors, such as the Civil Service, by administrative circulars, the Office of the Attorney General has advised that legislation is required to ensure that the new public service sick leave scheme can be applied across the public service". I strongly favour sticking to the established norms of bargaining between public sector workers and their employer - a very powerful employer as things stand. I am anxious and uncomfortable with those powers resting in the office of the Minister. I do not direct that personally at the Minister, Deputy Howlin, because, as he knows, he may come and go but these powers will endure.

I hope that this trend of last-minute introduction of fairly complicated and important issues in respect of legislation coming from the Department of Public Expenditure and Reform does not continue. On the watch of the Minister, Deputy Howlin, all of us had expected and continue to expect that during pre-legislative scrutiny and on Committee Stage room for consideration would be taken seriously so that we do not get bounced or rushed into dealing with very serious and substantive issues at the last minute. I do not believe that is the way to do business.

I call Deputy Healy, who is sharing time with Deputy Boyd Barrett.

The amendment before us to cut the sick leave arrangements for public sector workers is a savage attack on those workers. In his contribution the Minister mentioned that this was a Labour Court recommendation and is supported by some of the trade unions involved. We must never forget that these changes were demanded by the Government under threat and indeed under a bullying regime. However, I am still amazed that some public service unions agreed to these measures. Trade unions exist to protect and improve the pay and conditions of their members. This is certainly not an improvement in pay or conditions. Clearly we not only need a change of government but also need radical changes in the trade union movement.

The new section 7 is an enabling section, enabling the Minister to cut sick-leave entitlements across the public service. While it does not specify the details of the cuts, they are widely known and were mentioned by the Minister in his contribution. From one year on full pay in the preceding four years, sick leave is to be reduced to 13 weeks on full pay with the next 13 weeks on half pay in the preceding four-year period. This represents a reduction to three eights - less than half - of the previous entitlement. This is a massive cut affecting sick public sector workers. It is another example of the Government's hostility to public servants who have suffered several rounds of cuts to pay and pensions and the imposition of more onerous conditions of service.

Public sector workers competed for careers in the public service based on the pay, conditions and pensions that existed at the time. Now, having given many years of satisfactory public service the Government is moving the goalposts.

While by far the worst impact is on sick people, this new cut will in effect reduce the pay of all. The cost of income continuance insurance, normally deducted from salary, will more than double. Many public service workers, across the sector, teachers, nurses, gardaí, social workers and many others, work in very stressful situations and have a high incidence of work-related illness. There is objective evidence of this in their income continuance schemes. These changes being made by the Minister are a savage blow to public sector workers who suffer work-related illnesses.

Probably the most regressive and disturbing measure in this amendment is its retrospective aspect. A person who has been sick for more than 26 weeks in the past four years will have no sick leave entitlement from the day that these measures come into effect. The retrospective aspect of this legislation is unconstitutional. I have had sight of strong legal advice to this effect. There are several areas in which this legislation can be challenged on a constitutional basis, for instant retrospective legislation is prima facie unconstitutional pursuant to Article 15. The retrospective effect of the legislation amounts to an unjust attack on property rights. The retrospective effect of the legislation amounts to an attack on that individual's constitutional guarantee of equality pursuant to Article 40.1. Pursuant to private contract law the employer is stopped from unilaterally varying the terms of the contract of employment retrospectively so as to include past periods of sick leave lawfully availed of at the material time when prospectively applying the new reduced sick leave scheme. This amendment seriously affects serving public servants. It has a particularly obnoxious retrospective aspect which I believe is unconstitutional and I believe that the Minister should withdraw this section immediately.

In my naïveté I used to think that public sector reform had something to do with improving the quality of public services. I have learnt definitively with this Government that it means nothing of the sort. This amendment seeks to slash the illness entitlement of public sector workers and amend a Bill that has already carved up the conditions of public sector workers. It comes on the back of a relentless and in many cases vitriolic assault on ordinary low and middle earning public sector workers who have become scapegoats for the economic crisis created by others. It is inevitably justified by the narrative of setting the private sector worker against the public sector worker. It is a completely bogus narrative although it is as predictable as the clock ticking that certain newspapers will wheel out articles assaulting public sector workers in their constant tirade attacking low and middle income workers. For the record, not that it will make any difference to the narrative that we hear here or read in the tabloid or rag media that passes for proper reporting, this distinction between public and private is utterly bogus. The real distinction is between low and middle income workers who, whether in the public or private sectors, have been slaughtered in the current recession, and those at the top of the public and private sectors who have been completely insulated and have continued to line their pockets, give themselves bonuses, pay themselves obscene salaries and are never subject to the caps or strictures put on the ordinary worker. Even when certain strictures are put in place they are flagrantly disregarded by the Government and the top executives in the health service or wherever the hell it might be in the banks.

It is clear that what reform really means is making ordinary workers work harder, longer and for less, and relentlessly battering them with cuts. The result is that public services deteriorate and are seriously degraded. The Government said that it had successfully redeployed 10,000 people, which sounds wonderful but we need to see an example of how this works. The centralisation of medical card services, the redeployment of people to the centre in Finglas, has been a disaster for people applying for medical cards. It has been the mechanism through which, as a matter of default in a bureaucratic box-ticking exercise, people are denied the right to their medical cards and cannot find a human being to talk to because there is no local office any more where one can speak to a human being and state one's case. That is so-called public sector reform and is nothing other than a systematic degrading of our public services and of those who work in them. The Government deems it entirely appropriate and logical to take the sick and illness entitlement from public sector workers while demoralising them and causing them more stress and almost certainly making them more ill more frequently. What else would the Government do when that is the direction of policy?

The highest level of absenteeism is in the health service. Is there any wonder about that when the Government has taken 10,000 health workers and €3 billion out of the system and workers are absolutely traumatised by what they must deal with, an impossible situation that they face when they go to work day in, day out? Is it any wonder that they get sick more often? Other workers have been mentioned, such as gardaí and firemen. What about community welfare officers who have to deal with desperate people coming in day after day begging them for money that the Government does not give them? The list goes on. The Government is slashing their entitlements and disgracefully, it is doing it retrospectively. Is it not absolutely amazing that we cannot retrospectively vary the pensions of previous Taoisigh, Ministers and all the rest with their massive pensions? We can do nothing about the disgrace that is going on with executives in the Central Remedial Clinic because they had contracts but we can retrospectively vary the sick leave entitlements of ordinary workers and be damned to their constitutional or legal rights. Those are the disgraceful double standards that operate in this country.

The distinction is made between critical and non-critical illness. How exactly is critical illness going to be defined in these arbitrary powers now being given to the Minister to lay down the specifics of the new regulations for sick leave entitlements and so on? Will cancer treatments, which could be strung out over six or nine months, or a year, be defined as critical? I certainly hope they will but I strongly fear they will not. What about mental health issues? This is a major problem but there is an attitude among certain people on the Government benches that mental or stress-related illness is not real illness.

The attitude is that we just need to put measures in place that will force people to go to work even when they are not fit to do so, and even though their unfitness to do so is often related to what this Government has done to their working conditions, pay and so on. If we were interested in actually taking a reform measure that might improve the stress that is put on ordinary workers at the front line of our public services, why do we not bring in a regulation giving people a voluntary opportunity to work near where they live, so they do not have to travel long distances across the city in congested traffic? Would that not boost their morale a little and improve the situation of absenteeism, make services more local and so on? That is a rational approach to public sector reform. Of course, this has nothing to do with public reform. It is just another assault, this time on workers who are sick and often on those who were made sick by the activities of this Government in raining down relentless cuts on their pay, conditions and resources.

Deputy Nulty indicated he wanted to speak. The order does not accommodate the Deputy's request.

Would the Chair exercise his discretion and allow me to make a brief contribution?

Given two minutes of Deputy Healy's time were not used, I will ask the House to agree to two minutes for Deputy Nulty. Is that agreed? Agreed.

I thank the Acting Chairman for his wisdom, which is welcome.

It is the wisdom of the House.

I commend the Psychiatric Nurses Association and other trade unions for their campaign on this issue. What is remarkable about their campaign is that they are incredibly reasonable. They are not even opposing the Minister's amendment, which, incidentally, I am opposed to on principle due to its reduction in sick leave entitlements. They are specifically zoning in on the retrospective aspect because it means people are being placed in an invidious position. The proposal is also particularly anti-women, which all of the trade unions I have met have highlighted.

I would like the Minister to explain the rationale for this. There is no clamour, no public campaign and no drive to have this done. It is a political choice the Minister has made. I saw him being lauded at the recent Labour Party conference in a speech by his party leader. I find this quite remarkable, given he has slaughtered public services, stood over 10,000 job losses in the public sector, refused to lift the recruitment embargo in areas like nursing and speech and language therapy, and is now going for people's sick leave entitlements. It is part of a gradual and continued erosion of the pay, conditions and entitlements of workers across the public and private sectors. This is neither good economics, good business or good public policy.

I urge the Minister to withdraw the amendment. I guarantee him there will not be one single objection from any Deputy in this House if he withdraws it. The reality is the Minister no longer has a bottom line. He will agree to anything. He can prove me wrong and withdraw the amendment.

The Deputy has a brass neck.

I invite the Minister to make a short reply as we are running out of time.

I will do my best to address the real issues raised by Deputies. Deputy Fleming, in his opening comments, said he was supportive of the approach and of saving the money, but he was against this proposal. He willed the end but denied the means, in what is now becoming a feature of Fianna Fáil, in that it is for and against most things.

Deputy Fleming raised a number of issues with which I want to deal. In terms of the advice I have from the Office of the Attorney General, it was felt that because there were contractual issues for some public servants, it would be better to have formal legislation. This is simply an enabling Bill that will allow me to do no more than I intend to do, which is to put in legal force the binding recommendations of the Labour Court. There was a time when people of the left had respect for the Labour Court, but obviously that has now gone beyond the ken of some.

The Deputy mentioned there was an understanding that the Garda Síochána would be excluded. There was no such understanding. There was a timing issue in regard to this. I am not now going to bring it in on 1 January because I gave careful regard to the Deputy's reasonable proposal that we should do it by regulation. I did not have to do it by regulation and I could simply have issued a circular on foot of the legal authority I would have under the Act. However, I thought it would be better to do it by way of regulation and lay it before the House. I thought the Deputy had made a fair suggestion, which is why I accepted it. However, a consequence of that is that it will delay the implementation-----

I accept that.

-----which I consider reasonable in all the circumstances.

There are two levels. There is the sick leave issue and, bluntly, as I have said repeatedly, the volume of sick leave in the public service is not sustainable. It is costing €500 million this year. It is all right to have a little rant about these things, and some people have the recorded rant.

Does the Minister think they are lying?

I listened carefully to what the Deputy said so he might listen to me. There is a requirement for those of us who want to have a future for the public service, and to have decent quality public services, to have regard for the norms that apply across the working environment and to try to make these adjustments. That is why we engaged with all the public sector unions and why we have taken a very long time to bring these matters to the Labour Court. The Labour Court has had very careful deliberation on all these matters.

The Deputy made a point on the specific issue of gender proofing. The idea is that it does not refer to any gender. It refers to the degree of sickness. On the important point made about equality proofing, under the proposed scheme there is no differentiation between different groups of workers and we do not differentiate between workers as women and men. There are, as Deputy Fleming rightly said, significant bodies of law protecting pregnant women in the workplace and elsewhere, which is important. We fully recognise and support the need to protect women during pregnancy. The public service will continue to operate the provisions of pregnancy related illness in accordance with all the relevant European Court of Justice rulings and Labour Court rulings. In fact, the public service in Ireland is one of the best places for women to work in regard to terms and conditions. That will remain the case and I am determined it will be so.

In terms of this being draconian, it is hardly worthwhile to comment on the remarks of Deputy Fleming or Deputy Boyd Barrett because they have a continuous similar rant on every issue we bring forward. We want to cure a broken economic situation in order that we have quality public services we can pay for, not allow them to collapse, and that we have security of terms of employment for workers in the public service in order that they can have a future.

Let me quote from the Labour Court recommendation-----

What about the wealthy? What about a wealth tax?

The Deputy might listen.

Why is it always the workers?

I am not shouting him down.

The Deputy wants to overturn the Government and overturn the leadership of the trade union movement. Is it not great to be so perfect and that he is better than all? Let me quote from-----

I want the Minister to be fair to everybody, not to allow the wealthy off scot free.

We have just over a minute left for the Minister. I ask for order.

The Deputy is much better at ranting as if he were on the back of a lorry than listening.

The Minister has reneged on every commitment he made in the general election.

The Labour Court stated that these new arrangements, in the context of an entitlement over a four year period, are both reasonable and modest relative to sick pay arrangements applicable in other employments. The trade union movement is engaging with this and it understands these changes are necessary. They are part of a negotiating process involving the representatives of workers. However, there are individuals in this House who would like to set aside the elected representatives of workers, set aside the democratically elected Government and who know from their own personal demeanour and personal position what is the right and proper thing to be done.

The Minister is talking about himself.

That was enlightening.

Question put:
The Dáil divided: Tá, 63; Níl, 33.

  • Barry, Tom.
  • Breen, Pat.
  • Buttimer, Jerry.
  • Carey, Joe.
  • Coffey, Paudie.
  • Collins, Áine.
  • Conlan, Seán.
  • Connaughton, Paul J.
  • Conway, Ciara.
  • Corcoran Kennedy, Marcella.
  • Creed, Michael.
  • Daly, Jim.
  • Deasy, John.
  • Deenihan, Jimmy.
  • Donohoe, Paschal.
  • Dowds, Robert.
  • Doyle, Andrew.
  • Durkan, Bernard J.
  • Farrell, Alan.
  • Feighan, Frank.
  • Ferris, Anne.
  • Fitzpatrick, Peter.
  • Griffin, Brendan.
  • Harrington, Noel.
  • Harris, Simon.
  • Heydon, Martin.
  • Hogan, Phil.
  • Howlin, Brendan.
  • Humphreys, Heather.
  • Humphreys, Kevin.
  • Keating, Derek.
  • Kehoe, Paul.
  • Kenny, Seán.
  • Kyne, Seán.
  • Lawlor, Anthony.
  • Lyons, John.
  • McCarthy, Michael.
  • McGinley, Dinny.
  • McHugh, Joe.
  • McLoughlin, Tony.
  • Maloney, Eamonn.
  • Mitchell O'Connor, Mary.
  • Mulherin, Michelle.
  • Murphy, Dara.
  • Nash, Gerald.
  • Neville, Dan.
  • Nolan, Derek.
  • Ó Ríordáin, Aodhán.
  • O'Donnell, Kieran.
  • O'Donovan, Patrick.
  • O'Dowd, Fergus.
  • O'Mahony, John.
  • O'Reilly, Joe.
  • Phelan, Ann.
  • Phelan, John Paul.
  • Quinn, Ruairí.
  • Reilly, James.
  • Ring, Michael.
  • Stagg, Emmet.
  • Stanton, David.
  • Tuffy, Joanna.
  • Varadkar, Leo.
  • Wall, Jack.

Níl

  • Boyd Barrett, Richard.
  • Broughan, Thomas P.
  • Browne, John.
  • Calleary, Dara.
  • Colreavy, Michael.
  • Cowen, Barry.
  • Crowe, Seán.
  • Doherty, Pearse.
  • Donnelly, Stephen S.
  • Ferris, Martin.
  • Flanagan, Luke 'Ming'.
  • Fleming, Sean.
  • Fleming, Tom.
  • Healy, Seamus.
  • Higgins, Joe.
  • Keaveney, Colm.
  • Mac Lochlainn, Pádraig.
  • McDonald, Mary Lou.
  • McGrath, Finian.
  • McGrath, Mattie.
  • McGrath, Michael.
  • McLellan, Sandra.
  • Mathews, Peter.
  • Murphy, Catherine.
  • Nulty, Patrick.
  • Ó Caoláin, Caoimhghín.
  • Ó Cuív, Éamon.
  • Ó Fearghaíl, Seán.
  • Ross, Shane.
  • Shortall, Róisín.
  • Smith, Brendan.
  • Stanley, Brian.
  • Tóibín, Peadar.
Tellers: Tá, Deputies Paul Kehoe and Emmet Stagg; Níl, Deputies Seán Ó Fearghaíl and Martin Ferris.
Question declared carried.
Top
Share