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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 10 Dec 2014

Vol. 861 No. 2

Palestine: Motion (Resumed) [Private Members]

The following motion was moved by Deputy Gerry Adams on Tuesday, 9 December 2014:
That Dáil Éireann---
notes that:
— in 2011, the Irish Government upgraded the status, titles, and functional privileges of the Palestinian Mission to Ireland to close to that of an embassy;
— in November 2012, Ireland voted in favour of the United Nations General Assembly motion granting "non-member observer state" status to Palestine;
— the long-standing commitment Irish Governments have given to the development of a viable, sovereign Palestinian state, and their support for the achievement of a sovereign state of Palestine existing in peace with its neighbours including the State of Israel;
— as of 8 December 2014, 135 countries have formally recognised the state of Palestine, including eight EU member states - the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Bulgaria, Romania, Malta, Cyprus and Sweden;
— Seanad Éireann, on 22 October 2014, unanimously accepted a motion calling on the Government "to formally recognise the state of Palestine and do everything it can at the international level to help secure a viable two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict"; and
— on 30 October 2014, Sweden became the first EU member state to formally recognise the state of Palestine while a member state of the EU;
recognises that:
— finding a just and lasting peace between Israelis and Palestinians, and between Arabs and Israelis in a broader context, is a key element of Irish foreign policy;
— the right of Palestinians to self-determination and to have their own state as well as the right of the State of Israel to exist within secure borders are unquestionable; and
— continued Israeli settlement construction and extension activities in the West Bank, including in East Jerusalem, as well as the continued expropriation of Palestinian land and demolition of Palestinian property by Israel is illegal and severely threatens the establishment of a viable Palestinian state based on the 1967 borders;
concludes that:
— the international law criteria for recognition of a Palestinian state have been fulfilled; and
— the achievement of a fully independent sovereign state of Palestine is an essential element to the resolution of the Israel-Palestine conflict; and calls on the Government to:
— officially recognise the state of Palestine, on the basis of the 1967 borders with East Jerusalem as the capital, as established in UN resolutions, as a further positive contribution to securing a negotiated two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict;
— do all it can to assist in the development of the democratic and state institutions of the Palestinian state; and
— do everything it can, at the international level, to help secure an inclusive and viable peace process, and two-state solution, in order to bring about the positive conditions to end the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

I will start by quoting the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade, Deputy Charles Flanagan, who this summer stated while Israel was bombing the living daylights out of Gaza:

The horror has not been confined to the Palestinian side only. Millions of Israelis have been forced to seek shelter on a daily basis from the indiscriminate firing of rockets into Israel. Some 55 Israelis, of whom the vast majority have been IDF personnel, and one Thai national have died.

As it turns out, only three Israelis were killed in Israel by the "toy rockets" that Hamas was firing in the other direction. Some 2,100 people were killed in Gaza, 500 of whom were children. We had little to say about it.

On a different occasion during the summer, the Minister stated:

The blockade of Gaza must be ended. So too must the indiscriminate firing of rockets into Israel by Hamas and other militants, including Islamic Jihad and also the building of tunnels for the purpose of attacking Israelis. Hamas must renounce violence as a means of achieving its political objectives.

This is the fourth largest army in the world attacking the poorest nation on the planet.

The Minister, in his defence a couple of weeks ago when we argued for recognition of the Palestinian state, stated that it needed to be remembered that recognition of any state would not bring peace to the region. He was right, but he did not add that the reason Israel could carry out genocide to the extent that it does in Gaza was because the US let it do so and supported it without qualm.

People might forget but, in 1948, the Jews expelled, massacred, destroyed and raped in Palestine. As a result of that campaign, 500 Palestinian villages and 11 urban neighbourhoods were destroyed. Some 700,000 Palestinians were expelled and several thousand were massacred. It is called "genocide". Things have not changed much since. The US has unreservedly supported genocide in Gaza. Since we allow the US military to use Shannon as a military base to do whatever it feels like in the Middle East, to carry arms to the Middle East and to carry reinforcements to the Israelis, we are complicit.

The latest revelations concerning the CIA torture dossier - although the US Senate has only revealed 500 pages of a 6,000-page document, fair play to it for doing so - will hopefully bring our Government to the point of examining our role in what has transpired in the Middle East during the past 15 years. We need an inquiry into who authorised Shannon to be used as a US military base. It is nothing short of a disgrace. We have been so silent, it is frightening. That the new Minister was silent this summer and spent more time giving out about Hamas than he did about what the Israelis were doing to Palestinians in Gaza beggars belief.

I just met a man on the street who told me that he had heard people claiming there were only 30,000 people at today's protest. He added that he would like to see them try to get all of those protesters into Croke Park, which can hold 80,000, because they would not be able to. Some 250,000 attend the St. Patrick's Day parade. He told me that he had attended most of those parades but that today's protest was bigger.

The Government is on its last legs. The sooner it realises it, the better. The people have seen enough of it.

There is a tragic irony in the fact that as we discuss this motion, we have also been privy to the news that a Palestinian Cabinet Minister died today while involved in a protest against illegal Israeli settlements. It is a little sickening when we think about how glad we are in some ways to be able to welcome the recognition in our Parliament of a Palestinian state. We have to jolt ourselves back, as it is just a tiny step in the overall battle. Of course we welcome it but the fact that the Government is not opposing the motion in some ways shows how toothless the motion is. It is important but it is not enough. If we are serious about what is going on in the occupied territories, countries like Ireland have to be seen to be doing much more.

In the 1980s, Ireland was the first country in the EU to declare that the Palestinian people had the right to self-determination and to the establishment of an independent state in Palestine. It is a little late in the day to support this motion but I am glad that we do. Let us have a real discussion on what we need to do to force the Israelis into some form of decency. The reality is that we need a serious and sustained campaign of pressure and economic sanctions.

It is rich that the Government is not opposing this motion but is silent on the fact that our Defence Forces have engaged in military contracts with Elbit Systems Limited, which has been involved in illegal activities and breaches of international law. It is rich that we allow companies like Cement Roadstone Holdings and others to trade in the settlements. If we mean what we say by the gesture that is this motion we must do more and stand in solidarity with the Palestinian people and the decent Israelis who do not want to be a part of the genocide. We need to take further action.

I am pleased to speak in support of the motion, which will see Dáil Éireann officially recognise the state of Palestine. I am glad to see this recognition based on the 1967 border, as called for in numerous UN resolutions and by activists like the late Edward Said and the people of Palestine. A two-state solution has long been the goal of the Palestinian people. It was recognised as the most effective way forward since Palestine was a British territory but it is yet to be achieved.

Progress towards that end continues to be stymied, in part by acts of aggression. When we met the Palestinian ambassador recently, he told us that the greatest single barrier to progress is the continued encroachment of the illegal settlements. There has been conflict between Palestinians and Israelis for many decades, with untold thousands having lost their homes, their futures and their lives. The most recent conflict saw an estimated 2,200 people dead. More than 2,100 of them were Palestinians, of whom some 500 were children. The entire region has been repeatedly plunged into conflict and repeatedly destabilised.

I hope this motion will go some way towards maintaining international pressure for the 1967 border to be recognised, for the settlements programme to be discontinued, and for efforts towards lasting peace and reconciliation to begin in earnest between the peoples of Israel and Palestine. It is an historic motion which marks the Irish people's commitment, on Human Rights Day 2014, to the rights of all people. Ireland will be the 136th nation to recognise the state of Palestine and the ninth member of the European Union to do so. We the Irish nation and we the Irish Parliament are calling today for a long-term peace by way of recognition of the state of Palestine. We hope it will be one more small step towards a lasting peace and a future where all people in the region can live with dignity, without fear and with their human rights respected.

I welcome the prospect of Ireland joining a range of other countries in recognising a Palestinian state. However, notwithstanding that recognition, the oppression of Palestinians will continue. Tomorrow people there will mourn the death of the Palestinian Minister, Ziad Abu Ein, whose death epitomises what Palestinian people face on a daily basis. The Minister was participating in a peaceful protest against an illegal settlement when the Israeli defence forces fired tear gas at the protestors. Mr. Abu Ein was choked by an Israeli soldier. His death is horrific and yet another illustration of the barbaric nature of the Israeli regime.

It is a regime that daily persecutes its Palestinian minority. It is a regime which is currently proposing a law to eliminate any national rights of Arabs within the state of Israel. It is a regime that has repeatedly speeded up the building of settlements to prevent the emergence of any viable Palestinian state. It is a regime that enforces the occupation of the West Bank through the types of checkpoints at which Mr. Abu Ein met his death today. It is a regime that routinely slaughters the people it holds in the open-air prison camp that is Gaza, an area in which residents live in conditions of extreme poverty and extreme difficulty. It is a regime committed to the oppression, discrimination and persecution of the Palestinian people and opposed to any viable Palestinian state. It is a regime that cannot be reasoned with or brought to justice through international pressure.

This regime must and can be overthrown by the Palestinian people through the development of a new intifada along the lines of the first intifada, involving mass protests at checkpoints, mass strikes and mass movement from below. It must include an appeal to Jewish workers, the Jewish poor and people across the wider region, some of whom, unfortunately, as in the case of the Egyptian regime, are currently acting as the second jailers of the people of Gaza.

I welcome the opportunity to contribute to this debate. In order to be a true arbiter, a person must have the trust of both parties to a dispute and be fair in considering both parties' views. When the arbiter is correctly focused on the bigger picture, he or she never loses sight of the objective of bringing the two parties to a point of agreement and does not entertain partisan interests. The arbiter must remain neutral. It is not fair, for example, to shackle one party while the other is free to attack.

In seeking recognition of a Palestinian state, Palestinians must accept the right of Israel to exist in peace and with security. However, the Hamas leadership which governs Gaza refuses to recognise Israel as a nation or her right to exist. Instead, it is committed to the destruction of Israel and opposes all steps taken to resolve the conflict by agreement. That is the thorn in the side when it comes to peace in the Middle East. While it is right that the Palestinians should have recognition of their own homeland, it is not necessarily the right time to give such recognition. For now, there is still work to be done in urging both sides to denounce violence and work together to achieve peace.

As a neutral state, Ireland should not give one-sided support to one faction in this conflict. Such an approach undermines trust in our ability to be peacemakers. Unfortunately, this motion does more to promote the Sinn Féin cause than it does to advance the resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. My preference would have been for a more nuanced response from the Government by way of a counter-motion.

I am proud to speak on this motion and to have signed my name in support of it. In 1947, the General Assembly of the United Nations called for a two-state solution in the region then known as the Palestinian Mandate, one Jewish and one Arab, with an international regime for the city of Jerusalem. In 1948 we saw the creation of Israel and the outbreak of violence, followed by the establishment of the Green Line the following year. In 1967, following the Six-Day War, the occupation by Israel of the lands that are now known as the West Bank and Gaza took place. That occupation has lasted for almost 50 years, far in excess of any military justification for its observance in the first place.

The Oslo Accords of 1993 opened up the prospect of a two-state solution. As part of that process, there was an explicit recognition by the Palestinian side of the right to existence of Israel. In the past 20 years, however, the principles of international law upon which the Israeli occupation is supposed to be governed were routinely and systematically disregarded. In the occupied Palestinian territories today, half a million Israeli settlers are living in more than 250 settlements, all of them in contravention of the fourth Geneva Convention and all of them declared illegal by the International Court of Justice. The advisory opinion of that respected and independent court declared illegal the Israeli wall, which annexes 16% of the West Bank, not only because of the land grab itself but also because of its impact on the civilian population. That barrier separates people from their farmlands, sunders communities and has a major commercial and agricultural impact. The report of the UN Human Rights Council's fact-finding mission on the implications of the Israeli settlements for the social, economic and cultural rights of Palestinians outlines in horrific detail the plight of a people living in a two-tier society where their rights are inferior to those of the other group with whom they share the region.

When we discuss Israel and Palestine, our focus always should be on the international human rights and humanitarian law that ought to apply to the situation. The existence of one state should never be subservient to or at the whim of another state. That is an important principle which should be acknowledged. Palestinians have a right to reside in their homeland, as was indicated by the General Assembly of the United Nations in 1947. Ireland voted in favour at the General Assembly some years ago of giving Palestine state status. The motion before the House is not just symbolic; it is a powerful statement that this State acknowledges not only Israel's right to exist but also the right to existence of a Palestinian people within a Palestinian state.

The motion before us is not ideal. At its heart it recognises that negotiations will be needed to achieve the two-state solution it promotes. Having said that, there is much in the text of the motion that is fair and reflective of a middle ground. I am aware that Deputy Adams met with the leader of the Israeli Labor Party, Isaac Herzog, during his visit to Israel and Palestine last week. Mr. Herzog had as a central plank of his campaign last year to be elected leader that he would put the achievement of peace at the top of his party's agenda. I was very disappointed, however, by his stance on the Israeli violence in Gaza and the appalling deaths of civilians there. Nevertheless, I welcome Mr. Adams's willingness to meet with people from both sides, including Mr. Herzog. I understand the Deputy has also met with diplomats from the Israeli Embassy on this island.

Deputy Adams has much experience to share with those on both sides. I was Chair of the Joint Committee on the Implementation of the Good Friday Agreement when it was addressed by Senator George Mitchell, who spoke briefly about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. He stressed that each conflict is unique and requires its own local solution. However, Senator Mitchell also referred to how the Northern Ireland peace process is held up as a shining example throughout the world, including in the Middle East, and stated that on one visit to Stormont he met 12 Palestinian activists who were there to learn from MLAs and political leaders about the peace process experience in the North.

The conflict under discussion is complex in nature. It has a long history and there has been much suffering on both sides. The EU has played a role in this regard, both in terms of the Holocaust and its approach to the refugees from the latter. Ireland has a very poor record on this matter. That is why I believe that the EU should act collectively and try to help both sides to move towards furthering the peace process. I very much agree with the approach of the Government, which was outlined last night, to engage in a reflective response following the passing of this motion. I agree that there must be an EU consensus. The European Union needs to draw both peoples closer to it. The EU must work with them to build capacity - the Minister of State, Deputy Ó Ríordáin, outlined some of the projects with which Ireland is involved in the area of Palestinian education - and act as an honest broker in the peace process.

I am very much opposed to campaigns to boycott Israel. Perhaps it is time for Sinn Féin to adopt the kind of nuanced approach outlined in the motion, reject calls for boycotts of Israel and work with both sides. Within these Houses and operating under the auspices of the Inter-Parliamentary Union, there are parliamentary friendship groups. These groups have relationships with many parliaments across the globe, including those in Israel and Palestine. I am a member of one such group in this Parliament and I have received huge flak for that as if the group in question is some kind of cabal of friends of Israel and involves a worldwide conspiracy. That is not true. The Inter-Parliamentary Union recommends that we have such groups in our Parliament and that we become involved in friendships with parliaments in countries in which there is conflict. We should build on the work being done in this regard. I would welcome any Sinn Féin involvement with the work in question.

I am very happy to support the motion because I am fully in favour of the sentiments behind it. For many years, Ireland has supported the creation of a sovereign Palestinian state not just because this would provide freedom and security to Palestinians, but also because we believe it is the best hope of such freedom and security for Israel and the entire Middle East. It is sometimes perplexing that Israel does not seem to recognise this fact. We appreciate that Israel is just a small enclave - the Israeli people very much believe this to be the case - in an Arab-dominated region. We also understand that the Israeli people feel beleaguered, particularly in view of their long history as victims of persecution. However, it is that history which should demonstrate to Israelis how a subjugated population whose members are denied their sovereignty, personal freedom, lands, homes and dignity will become increasingly radicalised and will for ever be a viper in the nest. This surely must be a greater threat to Israel than any two-state solution or any other solution or negotiated settlement at which it might be possible to arrive.

The long-held position of Israel, which was again communicated to us by that country's ambassador to Ireland who encouraged us to vote against the motion, is that any recognition of a Palestinian right to self-determination should be postponed until Palestinian leaders recognise the equal right to self-determination of the Jewish people. I would offer three responses in this regard, namely, unlike Palestinians, the Jewish people already enjoy the right to self-determination; the continuing and accelerating erosion of Palestinian land appears to be an attempt to ensure that self-determination for the Palestinian people will never be achieved; and the Palestinian leadership has, on many occasions, reiterated its commitment to and desire for a two-state solution based on the 1967 border and 22% of the area of historic Palestine. A two-state solution would be a de facto recognition that both states would be entitled to self-determination. Refusing to come to the table to negotiate because the equal right to self-determination of the Israelis has not been recognised is a dubious justification.

All of that has been known for many years. The situation in the region has, if anything, disimproved. There has been increasing radicalisation of Palestinian youths, ever greater harassment and unrest and encroachment on and occupation of the land that might have been used to form a second state. I agree with the very definite shift in Ireland's policy on this matter. This shift was articulated by the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade some weeks ago when he came before the Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs and Trade and indicated that the basis of Ireland's new policy is - in conjunction with the EU, if possible - to consider how the prospect of Palestinian recognition can help leverage meaningful discussions with Israel. If the prospect of recognition does not achieve progress in terms of bringing Israel to the negotiating table, if human rights abuses and the settlement programme continue and if UN resolutions continue to be ignored, then we should move towards actual recognition. The use of economic sanctions and every other peaceful means at our disposal must be considered in this regard.

None of what I am saying is aimed at exonerating violence perpetrated by the Palestinian population. The truth is, however, that Palestinian people have been oppressed for so long and are now so without hope that the region is increasingly in danger of becoming fertile ground for total destabilisation. If this proves to be the case, there should be no doubt that the destabilisation will not be confined to the Middle East. I support the motion.

I support the motion. The political situation to which it relates is perhaps the most distressing and tragic in the entire world. There are other conflicts in which more people are being killed but, in fundamental terms, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is more distressing than any of these. On one hand we have the Israeli-Jewish people who probably have a longer history of being discriminated against and appallingly treated than any other group. This has been their lot down through the ages. I once heard a member of the Jewish community list the intolerable difficulties the Jewish people have been obliged to endure since the time of Abraham. I have no doubt as to the truth of what I heard, particularly when I contemplate the horrors visited upon Jews during the Second World War. That was just the last in a long series of outrages perpetrated against them. The Jews were a people without a homeland. They then found a homeland in Israel but when they did so, they deprived the Palestinian people of theirs. This was a catastrophe for the Palestinians in the same way as what happened in the Second World War was a catastrophe for the Jewish people.

The problem which arises relates to how to resolve this terrible dispute. I absolutely abhor the violence being perpetrated by those on both sides in the conflict and I wish for a peaceful solution to be found. Not a day goes by without some further problem arising in the region. Today, for example, a Palestinian Cabinet Minister, Mr. Ziad Abu Ain, was killed when attending a protest relating to land confiscations, a matter which lies at the very heart of the problem. I take this opportunity to offer my condolences to the family of Ziad Abu Ain. The problem to which I refer is being exacerbated by the Israelis' creeping annexation of Palestinian territory and their increasingly discriminatory approach to Palestinians. We are all aware of the problems behaviour of this nature caused in our own country.

I am extremely frustrated by the situation which is the subject of this motion. For the long-term good of both the Palestinians and the Israelis, the EU must impose economic sanctions on the State of Israel. Such sanctions should not be lifted until such time as the authorities in Israel engage in meaningful dialogue with the Palestinians.

This State should not only do what it can at international level to help secure an inclusive and viable peace process, but it should also encourage the resumption of direct talks between the Israelis and the Palestinians because, ultimately, this is the only mechanism that can truly resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and bring about a two-state solution.

This requires that we bring to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict all that we have learned from the Irish peace process whilst recognising its greater complexity and different dynamic, the difficulties of the region and the competing interests, rivalry and antagonism not only of neighbouring states but also within the Muslim world generally. The fabric of the conflict is multi-layered and, too frequently, discussion of it both within and outside this House is selective and simplistic and either ignores or deliberately avoids addressing issues of complexity which present a barrier to conflict resolution.

It is regrettable that the Government refrained from tabling amendments to the motion to better reflect the more sophisticated and nuanced approach being taken to it in the context of conflict resolution as represented by the speeches delivered by our three Ministers of State yesterday evening, particularly that of the Minister of State, Deputy Dara Murphy. I presume this was done to avoid controversy. However, the avoidance of controversy, of itself, is not a credible policy approach to an issue of such sensitivity and importance. In international relations, words matter. The wording of the motion will be examined carefully by the Israeli and Palestinian sides. How we express ourselves is important also in preserving the integrity of the neutral engagement of our Defence Forces in UN missions in the Middle East.

If we in this State are to play a real role in assisting to secure a viable and inclusive peace process, we must understand the difficulties on both sides and not simply embrace the rhetoric of one. It is widely known and understood that the only viable solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict may involve some shared sovereignty of East Jerusalem and continued access by all monotheistic religions to their relevant holy sites. The motion, as proposed, presents East Jerusalem as the sole preserve of Palestinians, something with which no Israeli Government could agree. The motion also calls on the Irish Government simply to recognise the state of Palestine on the basis of the 1967 borders, with East Jerusalem as its capital, describing this as “a further positive contribution to securing a negotiated two-state solution”. Anyone who understands the conflict and its complexities will realise a commitment to East Jerusalem as the capital of a Palestinian state alone excludes Ireland, from the Israeli perspective, as a possible contributor to securing a viable peace process. The motion is also unhelpful in portraying what it describes as “Israeli settlement construction” activities as the main obstacle to the establishment of a Palestinian state. This ignores the many more fundamental obstacles, including the continuing divisions between Hamas and Fatah epitomised by the collapse of the unity government.

What are the obstacles that are ignored in this motion? They include the fact that Hamas as a terrorist movement is still committed to the extermination of the Israeli state, as is Hezbollah, and that it acts as a proxy for Iran; that rockets fired from Gaza, which have resulted in three successive wars since Hamas took control of Gaza, have substantially undermined support within Israeli political parties and the public for any resolution that could render Israel vulnerable to missiles being fired from the West Bank; that President Abbas and Fatah are essentially insisting that a Palestinian state be Judenfrei; that, despite the time that has elapsed since the Oslo Accords and all the assistance that has been furnished to Palestinians, they have still failed to develop the essential democratic and state institutions required for a viable Palestinian state that respects the rule of law and protects fundamental human rights; that it is necessary to rebuild trust between politicians on all sides and for Palestinians to address and resolve their internal divisions and end self-created obstacles to a successful peace process; and the reality that any Palestinian leader who achieves a resolution with Israel that involves any compromised resolution will be a target for assassination, tragically, by some of his own people.

If this State is to make a real contribution to the resolution of the conflict, we must regard both sides in the conflict as our friends, emphasise that friendship, and not hesitate to discuss with each the realities of the other’s concerns while avoiding propagandist rhetoric connected with the conflict. As we learnt in Northern Ireland, a resolution can be brought about only if each side recognises the need for compromise. Compromise can occur only where political leaders prepare their population for pragmatic and practical compromises that bring to an end conflict and distrust. It can also only occur where neither side incites, encourages or engages in acts that generate hatred of the other. There is a continuing pretence at international level that if the Israeli Government, together with President Abbas and the Palestinian Authority, could agree a resolution, the conflict would be over. Tragically, this is a fantasy and will remain a fantasy until the Palestinians resolve their internal divisions and until there is a single democratically elected government governing the West Bank and Gaza. It will also remain a fantasy until such time as Israelis are assured that, subsequent to a final agreement, Hamas could not end up in power not only in Gaza but also in the West Bank and the entire Israeli state and all of its citizens - Jews, Muslims, Christians and others - would not be vulnerable to Hamas missiles.

It is extraordinary that, as movers of the motion in this House, not a single member of Sinn Féin addressed the divisions between Fatah and Hamas, the obstacles that Hamas presents to a viable peace process and the extraordinary unacknowledged reality that, since 2006, President Abbas, whom I have met many times, as well as other Palestinian leaders, whom I have met on occasion, has been unable to enter Gaza for fear of his life. The focus should be on reigniting the peace process and the reopening of talks which involve direct engagement between Israel and Palestinians. It is regrettable that motions now coming before various parliaments in Europe have little to contribute to the achievement of that objective. I believe they are a distraction from the real internal issues and dilemmas that must be addressed by both Palestinian and Israeli political leaders if any real progress is to be made.

I welcome the Palestinian and Moroccan ambassadors to the House. I congratulate Sinn Féin on tabling this motion calling for an end to the Israeli occupation of Palestine and recognising the state of Palestine. It is particularly interesting that a similar motion has already been passed in the Seanad unanimously. It would be quite unprecedented if in this House the motion were passed unanimously. That would create a precedent indicating the entire Oireachtas is in favour of a particular policy approach.

It is important to note that international recognition of the state of Palestine can copperfasten the two-state solution because it automatically implies international recognition of the State of Israel. That is quite important to certain countries throughout the world. The Israeli–Palestinian conflict is destructive, as we all know, and liable to erupt at any time. It destabilises the entire region but its resolution has the potential to bring stability, once and for all, to the Middle East.

The invasion of Gaza, the occupation of the West Bank, the encroachment on East Jerusalem and the establishment of illegal Israeli settlements are serious attacks on the integrity and viability of a Palestinian state. Therefore, it is imperative that the illegal Israeli occupation of Palestinian territories be ended immediately.

The freedom of the Palestinian people is being crushed by the occupation. Palestinians are denied basic rights and freedoms, such as the freedom of movement. Checkpoints restrict access to work in schools and the separation wall has annexed vast tracts of the West Bank, disconnecting families and preventing Palestinians from conducting their daily lives. This is particularly evident in East Jerusalem where the permit system adds further obstacles to mobility.

Another kind of freedom denied is freedom to live without harassment as Israeli settlers engage in violence against Palestinian people and their properties with impunity, and as Israeli police fail to investigate and charge the perpetrators. Another freedom denied is that of Palestinians to develop their homes on their lands, as a two-tier planning system allows Israeli settlements to develop and expand while Palestinian homes and essential infrastructure are being demolished daily. Other freedoms denied are the freedom to live peacefully as Bedouins in the Jordan Valley are evacuated from their homes at short notice for days on end; the freedom to walk and drive on the same streets as Israelis, which, incredibly, is not possible; the freedom of governors, mayors and the business community to develop the economic sustainability of their towns and villages since taxes are withheld and economic projects are denied permission, as in Jenin, Hebron and Bethlehem; and freedom of access to natural resources such as water as Israeli settlement consumption per capita far exceeds that of Palestinians.

These actions seem to be a part of a strategic plan by the Israelis to force Palestinians off their lands and remove their residency rights, particularly in the Jerusalem area. This policy, along with the Separation Wall, has resulted in the agreed boundary based on the 1967 borders being pushed back even further, effectively annexing large tracts of Palestinian lands, as referred to in the Oslo Accords in 1993.

When the countries of the world give their stamp of approval to the new state of Palestine, the moral authority of such broad agreement must not be disregarded. Already 135 countries have formally recognised the state of Palestine, and this motion is an important step towards Ireland's formal recognition of the state of Palestine also. The peace process should now begin in earnest. The EU has a major role to play. It can and should guarantee the security and integrity of the new state of Palestine.

Already, the United States guarantees the security of the state of Israel. On these two pillars, a new peace process for a two-state solution can be built to put an end, once and for all, to the destructive Israeli—Palestinian conflict.

I welcome the opportunity to speak on this important motion this evening.

I, as Chairman, and other members of the Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs and Trade have taken a keen interest in issues relating to the Middle East, in particular, the situation in Palestine and Israel, over the past three and a half years. For example, in September last, the committee met both ambassadors for four hours in public session and today we revisited the issue. It has been an important part of the committee's programme over the past three and a half years.

Ireland first asserted in 1980 that the solution to the conflict in the Middle East lay in the establishment of a Palestinian state. In accordance with that, Ireland voted in favour of Palestinian admission to UNESCO, and as a non-member observer state at the UN. Of course, the next logical step is for the recognition, by agreement of both sides, of a Palestinian state. Also, in 2011, Ireland upgraded the title of Palestinian General Delegation to Ireland to "Palestinian Mission", and the title head of mission from delegate general to "ambassador, head of mission". These may be small steps but they are important. They are a significant symbol of the recognition of Palestine.

As Chairman of the Joint Oireachtas Committee on Foreign Affairs and Trade, I have long recognised the importance of the need to continue dialogue at a political level. That has been said by most speakers here tonight. It is only through the process of dialogue that we will achieve a lasting solution, based on fairness and equality and on a two-state solution. Only today, the committee met the Ecumenical Accompaniment Programme in Palestine and Israel, EAPPI, an NGO that works in the region monitoring and protecting human rights. All such organisations should be supported in order to move forward a peaceful solution.

In recent years, matters were clearly not helped by the effects of the Fatah-Hamas split. I would urge Hamas to recognise the state of Israel. That is imperative, if we are to move forward with talks. The agreement reached in June this year between the two sides, Hamas and Fatah, paved the way for long overdue presidential and legislative elections, following which a government will be forged in the usual way. I welcome this development as an important step forward in reaching an overall negotiated settlement.

I agree with the broad international consensus that the only way forward for both the Palestinians and Israel is the negotiation of a viable two-state solution, with the establishment of an independent Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza on the basis of the 1967 boundaries. The rejection of this proposal by sizeable parts of successive Israeli Administrations has led to the continuous expansion of Israeli settlements. This, in turn, has led to heightened tension and increased violence, which has resulted in a lasting settlement appearing to be further away than ever. It seems that the current Israeli Government, albeit that elections have been called for next March, cannot allow itself to make the concessions that are necessary for a lasting two-state solution. In order to make one step forward, any decrease in violence would be welcomed.

How many minutes have I, four or five?

Four minutes. Deputy Breen has run over.

I thought I had five minutes.

The Deputy has run out of time.

Before I finish, a lot of attention has been given to the decision by Sweden to officially recognise the state of Palestine. Also, in October, the Seanad agreed on this as well. While Dáil Éireann may support the motion here tonight, this will be a Government decision in the end. The Government has stated it will support the decision when the time is right. For this reason, I believe we should support this motion.

I wish to share time with Deputies Ó Snodaigh, McLellan and McDonald.

I welcome that the Government is supporting this motion. Of course, in this House we recognise more than most the importance of recognition. The first gathering of the Dáil took place on 21 January 1919, just around the corner from here in the Mansion House, and the Teachta Dála who gathered there declared to the world the freedom of the Irish people and put their programme for Government to the Irish people and to the world. They asked for recognition of our State. Tragically, recognition was hard to find and we were bound into a war over the next number of years and the tragic consequences of all of that. We in Ireland are aware of the importance of recognition by other countries of one's right to statehood and to freedom and dignity. I am delighted that this motion will be passed, it appears, unanimously, here tonight in this House.

I recently had the chance to visit the Occupied Territories and Palestine. I was in Ramallah and I travelled from there, through the infamous Kalandia checkpoint, through what is called the Devil's Elbow - that long winding road that Palestinians must take to journey to Hebron, Bethlehem and other locations. Rather than the direct route, the Palestinians must take this long circuitous route. Along the way, I saw at first hand both Israel's wall of division - its Apartheid wall built around Jerusalem - and the settlements.

On the journey that day, I passed through areas A, B, and C. I visited Hebron and I saw how the Al-Ibrahimi mosque, the scene of the Hebron massacre 20 years ago, is now annexed for the use of Jewish worshippers in a section of it. I saw how their sacred mosque, the fourth most sacred place for those of the Muslim faith in the world, is surrounded by military installations. I saw at first hand the occupation of that city to protect just 400 Israeli settlers, and, of course, the settlers who are all around the city. I saw the infrastructure that Israel has constructed - the settler-only roads where, as we speak, they are destroying the two-state solution. Those roads that connect the settlements illegally under international law to the city of Jerusalem are settler-only roads - it is Apartheid.

I travelled on to Bethlehem, a city with considerable potential in terms of tourism and wealth creation for the Palestinians who live there. The Israelis advise tourists not to stay there stating they will bus tourists in to visit the Church of the Nativity where Christ was born and will bus them out again. The Palestinians who live there do not enjoy the benefits of the place where Christ was born for their community, and they want to. They embrace and celebrate it, but they are not able to enjoy the benefits.

Then I spent a full day in Jerusalem. I was horrified at what I saw at first hand. There is a situation where the Israelis have annexed east Jerusalem for a long number years. During that period they have built illegal settlements throughout the city and as one drives past those settlements, everything is spick and span. There is a tram connecting these illegal settlements to the rest of Jerusalem and Apartheid is again in place because one sees, on going into the Palestinian communities within Jerusalem, that those communities are not maintained. One can see litter. One can see the roads are not maintained. Even traffic lights do not work. That is the Israeli policy and practice because we, in the international community, have sat on our hands and expected the Oslo Accord to be implemented on its own.

In Jerusalem, I met Palestinian families who are being evicted from their homes and whose homes are to be demolished. In one case, I met a 96 year old woman who had just been beaten by settlers. Within that city, settlers terrorise the Palestinians, who are driven to despair. I then met a family where a lad was 14 or 15 years old. He had been arrested 16 times. He was nine years old when he was first arrested by Israeli forces. They are trying to drive the Palestinians within this area out of their homes. It is very difficult for a Palestinian to build a home in Jerusalem today.

All around me, be it in Ramallah, throughout the West Bank and even when we visited Jerusalem that day, at a whim the Israelis closed down the Kalandia checkpoint which meant that a Palestinian could not gain entry into Jerusalem. Merely for some derisory security reason on that given day, they closed down the whole place. We were fortunate because we held foreign passports. We could go a circuitous route and come into Jerusalem another way with our foreign passports, but it was not for the Palestinian people to go to and enjoy their city.

Palestinians in east Jerusalem are not even citizens; they are residents. They are given residency by the Israelis who are occupying east Jerusalem in defiance of international law. It is shocking to see it at first hand.

I was profoundly saddened on my way home. The two-state solution is dying as we speak. The Palestinian people no longer control 22% of historic Palestine, which they were so generously willing to accept; they control approximately 5%. If one takes the areas that are described as A, B and C and take away the Jordan Valley and east Jerusalem, all that is left is 5%, which does not amount to a state. The international community has allowed that to happen.

I have not even mentioned Gaza, which has again been destroyed by an onslaught. The Israelis have blockaded Gaza. There is no airport in the state of Palestine. One cannot fly there. That is why it is so vital that more and more countries across the world take the initiative, take an independent stance and, accordingly, recognise the state of Palestine.

I listened to the Government’s argument. The motion commends the Government on some of the initiatives it has taken. I appreciate that it is important to build international alliances and to work in partnership to resolve issues, but the fact is that the international community has absolutely failed the Palestinian people. I cannot describe the level of despair I witnessed. I was in the West Bank. I did not get into Gaza. I did not see where the real and utter devastation is evident. I refer to the looks on the faces of people in the West Bank, east Jerusalem and everywhere else that we met them. Those beautiful people with their beautiful culture and sheer potential to build a nation and take their place among the nations of the Earth have been so failed by the international community.

We have worked to reach consensus with other European states but there is no consensus. Even when a report condemned the illegal settlements in the West Bank the trade partnerships still continued and we still purchase goods from the illegal settlements. We still give them the green light and allow the Israelis to have nuclear weapons and to deny that they have them. We still allow them not to sign up to the non-proliferation treaty yet we demand from Iran the highest possible standards where they might even be able to use nuclear energy for their own economy. At the same time Israel has all the weapons that we never demand to see or on which we expect accountability.

I passionately believe that the best interests of the Israeli people, who have a right to security, their own state and to peace, is in a two-state solution. If the Israelis give the Palestinian people their dignity and negotiate a proper state, not 5% but the 22% the Palestinian people are willing to accept, that is the surest way to achieve peace. I will be at the front line tabling motions in the House to defend the Israeli people if they come under attack having done the right thing. The purpose of the motion is to say that we as a sovereign, independent State wish to take our own position on the matter. We have the opportunity to do that tonight. I cannot describe how happy I am that we will do it, but the next step is for the Government to recognise the Palestinian state. I hope to see that happen soon.

Today is a great day for Ireland but it is also a great day for Palestine because the motion will not be opposed. While some people have been spinning to say the motion is not binding, I do not see how a Government could not support the motion and its effects into the future. It is a challenge for us as Opposition Members but it is also a challenge for the Government in particular to live up to what is contained in the motion.

On 21 January 1919 An Chéad Dáil met down the road in the Mansion House. Three main things happened on the day. There was a declaration of freedom, of independence. The document was read out in Irish first, French second and English third. That was followed by a democratic programme which, again, was announced in the three languages. The final document, which is often forgotten about, is the message to the free nations of the world. The Irish State, as founded on that morning, called on all free nations in the world to recognise it. Three emissaries were appointed by the Dáil to attend the peace conference in Versailles to argue the case for Irish independence and for the new Irish nation state to be recognised. Those emissaries were Eamon de Valera, Arthur Griffith and George Plunkett.

What we are doing today is living up to a commitment that we sought of other nations on behalf of the Palestinian people who have asked for help for many years. They have asked us as a small nation - they have asked every other nation also - to recognise their state and to give them the same status we enjoy. Not having such status means they do not have a full seat at the UN. I hope that through our actions today they will be a lot closer to their goal. Not only that, but that they can give full effect to their independence. I hope that when their independence is under attack by Israel, as it has been for many decades, or when the Israelis bombard Gaza, as happened earlier this year, that we as a nation will stand up and declare a boycott of Israel, its goods, services and representatives. I hope we will demand that sanctions will be taken against Israel.

I also hope that the EU, a club of which we are a member, will not play games with Israel and that the old consensus is over, whereby one was told not to raise the issue in case the Germans, Czechs or others might get upset. The view that we had to take a consensus approach is gone once and for all. We should have been the nation within Europe that set the example for the rest of the European nations. It is a pity we were not. The Swedes and others have got there ahead of us. However, now we can set an example by reaching out to those states who have already recognised the Palestinian state in order to set the agenda in Europe and to recognise what has happened to the Palestinian people in the past while Europe and Ireland in the main sat back and did nothing.

It is a great day for organisations such as the Ireland Palestine Solidarity Campaign, IPSC, SADAKA - the Ireland Palestine Alliance, Gaza Action Ireland, Trócaire, the Irish Friends of Palestine and the likes of the Ecumenical Accompaniment Programme in Palestine and Israel, EAPPI, and friends of mine who were in Gaza, Jenny and Derek Graham, who have been fighting for Palestine to be put centre stage and for us as a small nation to recognise what they have gone through for years.

I would love to have much more time to regale the House with what I saw when I visited Gaza, Palestine and the West Bank but I will conclude by saying that I am one of the last people who got a stamp from Gaza free port. One cannot go into Gaza from the sea or from the air. That is a denial of the rights of the Palestinian nation. I hold that passport dear to me because it has a stamp in and out. I was one of the last people who broke the siege and managed to get in. The siege is illegal and must be lifted straight away. Part of the process is to recognise their nationhood and the state of Palestine.

It is a welcome decision by the Government not to oppose or amend this motion. By creating unity on this issue in the Oireachtas, we will be sending a strong message of solidarity to the Palestinian people and an international message that Ireland will stand up for the right of self-determination. It is vital that the Government takes heed of this motion and the motion recently passed in the Seanad. The Government must now follow through on the substantive steps needed and ensure that it lives up to the commitments outlined and agreed to.

I wish to use this opportunity to highlight some of the current issues relating to Palestinian children being held in detention by Israel. According to a report by the Euro-Mid Observer for Human Rights which was released this summer, from the beginning of 2010 to mid-2014, Israeli forces arrested nearly 3,000 Palestinian children, the majority aged between 12 and 15 years. That number continues to increase due in particular to continued Israeli crackdowns in the occupied East Jerusalem and the West Bank.

The report states that 75% of the detained children are subjected to physical torture and 25% faced military trials. The arbitrary arrests are in violation of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child which Israel ratified in 1991. It is one clear example of how Israel continues to violate international and human rights law with its occupation of Palestine.

The arrests of children are largely carried out in the middle of the night without clear justification or an actual security need. Arrests are often carried out on youths protesting against Israeli armed forces who are protecting Jewish settlement areas that have been illegally appropriated from Palestinian families. The vast majority of arrests are for throwing stones which is considered an offence under section 212 of military order 1651. Children as young as 12 are taken into custody without warning. It is a practice that is completely contrary to the protection of children's rights and, indeed, human rights. It results in thousands of children under the age of 16 being taken into custody. This is unjustifiable. Although the maximum sentence for children of 12 to 13 years is six months, the penalty rises dramatically from the age of 14, when a child can face a maximum penalty of between ten and 20 years, depending on circumstances.

Another 22-page report conducted by UNICEF in March last year found that the ill-treatment of Palestinian minors held in Israeli military detention centres is widespread, systematic and institutionalised. It stated that most children confessed at the end of the interrogation, signing forms in Hebrew which they hardly understand. It also found that children had been held in solitary confinement for between two days and one month, before being taken to court or even following sentencing. During court hearings children were in leg chains and shackles and in most cases the principal evidence against the child is the child's own confession, in most cases extracted under duress during the interrogation.

A study conducted by Defence for Children International in the occupied Palestinian territories, showed that Palestinian children in Israeli prisons are being subjected to torture, sleep deprivation and being blindfolded. In contrast to their Israeli counterparts, Palestinian children do not have a right to be accompanied by their parents during questioning. According to Defence for Children International, in 96% of cases, children were interrogated alone and seldom informed of their rights, especially their rights against self-incrimination.

The Euro-Mid Observer for Human Rights also stated that at least 1,406 Palestinian children have been killed since 2000, including 263 children under the age of eight and 450 children under the age of 15. This was before the military onslaught on Gaza, which killed over 2,100 people. According to UN figures this included 519 children, 323 boys and 190 girls, 70% under the age of 12. This is the true face of Israel's occupation. We in Sinn Féin hope this motion improves the chances of a two-state solution and that Palestinian children can grow up in a safe and free Palestinian state.

I wish to acknowledge the presence of the Palestinian ambassador. Cuirim fáilte romhat. I welcome the Government decision to support this motion. Yesterday the Opposition had occasion to catalogue the Government's faults and failings but the non-partisan position that has been adopted on this issue provides an instance of contrast. In this case, the Government appears to have listened at last to the will of the Irish people and furthermore, it seems prepared to do the right thing. That deserves acknowledgment as does the support of Independent Deputies and those of Fianna Fáil. If we can show unity on this issue, that represents real leadership. Even though some may say the motion is not binding in itself, the level of consensus, nevertheless, represents an historic move that sends a strong message of solidarity to the beleaguered Palestinian people in their time of great need.

Ireland remains in the minority of UN member states that does not yet recognise the state of Palestine. This motion would have Ireland join the global majority of 135 other countries which have already extended this recognition, including the eight EU member states which have done so. For Ireland to sit on the sidelines waiting for an EU common position to emerge is to shame ourselves as a nation. As a people we have our own experience of colonialism and foreign military occupation. Ireland, therefore, has a particular responsibility for human rights leadership on this issue. Let that start in earnest tonight.

I want to emphasise that the PLO and Palestinian National Assembly's 1988 declaration of the independence of the state of Palestine, based on the pre-1967 borders, was a statement of compromise by the Palestinian leadership, representing a claim to only 22% of the historical territory of Palestine. This most emphatically does not threaten the existence of the state of Israel; neither does it negate the Israeli people's right of self-determination. Rather, it intentionally creates the conditions for a viable two-state solution and peaceful coexistence based on equality. Like other Members, I have received correspondence from the Israeli Embassy urging me not to support this motion, to which I have proudly signed my name. But the Israeli Embassy has got it utterly wrong on the question of self-determination when it states in its letter that, "recognition of the Palestinian right to self-determination should be postponed." To be clear, one people cannot veto the self-determination rights of another people - temporarily or otherwise. It does not work that way. The right to self-determination is one of those small handful of norms in international law considered jus cogens, which means it is a peremptory norm, protected by the UN charter but also as a matter of customary international law. In other words, this fundamental human right cannot be conferred or deferred. Interference with the lawful exercise of this right is prohibited and enforcement of the right itself is lawful. In fact, it is the settled law of the UN charter, given expression in UN General Assembly Resolution 2625 on Friendly Relations Among States, that forcible deprivation of the right to self-determination of a people, including by way of foreign occupation or apartheid, activates the right of that people to obtain assistance from the international community in their resistance to same. As significant as our motion is, it is simply an expression of a fulfilment of our international obligations.

It claims that "Ireland as a neutral country, would be intervening in a foreign conflict" by recognising Palestine. On the contrary, such recognition constitutes a peaceful fulfilment of our international obligation either to assist or certainly not to obstruct the Palestinian exercise of the right to self-determination, in a manner fully consistent with international human rights law, international humanitarian law and the UN Charter provisions on the use of force. Will the Minister bring these facts to the attention of the Israeli embassy and foreign ministry when he next has contact with them?

I also had correspondence from 900 prominent Israeli citizens who wholeheartedly endorse this motion and the recognition of Palestinian statehood. These 900 citizens, including former Israeli ministers, diplomats and Nobel peace laureates, have stepped forward at great risk and deserve commendation. So do those other progressive Jews in Israel and the world over, from the Women in Black to Jews Against the Occupation to the military conscientious objectors or sarvanim, including Yesh Gvul and others, whose humanity and commitment to equality and human rights has sustained them in their defiance of the illegal occupation of Palestine and the racist ideology that seeks to appropriate for itself the claim to represent all Jewish people. This is not true, and no one should be fooled into believing this, but nor should we ever be drawn into anti-Semitic commentary. Let me be clear, opposition to Zionist ideology and the racist Zionist state is one thing, but there is no room for anti-Semitism in the campaign for Palestine. I acknowledge that the Jewish campaigners to whom I referred have a crucial contribution to make towards ending the occupation of the Palestinian territories and the ongoing illegal expansion of settlements contrary to international law.

I recognise and commend the Irish citizen at the head of the UN Human Rights Council's fact-finding mission on the 2014 Israeli bombardment of Gaza. Professor William Schabas, a naturalised citizen of Jewish descent who lost family in the Holocaust, is also a world-renowned scholar and former director of the Irish Centre for Human Rights at NUI Galway. He has come under sustained attack by Zionist campaigners for taking on this role ever since his appointment earlier this year. Like the organised vilification of Professor Richard Falk and Judge Richard Goldstone before him, this has included subjection to a despicable smear campaign intended to impugn his academic integrity and his character as a jurist. I state for the record that we are proud that an Irish citizen of his calibre has been selected to make this important contribution to holding to account those responsible for human rights violations and war crimes in this terrible phase of conflict. We trust that his findings and recommendations will even-handedly expose and criticise perpetrators in the conflict, without fear or favour. Professor Schabas deserves the support of the House.

Over the summer months in the course of the horrific bombardment of Gaza and the human suffering it tolled, many gruesome images of the suffering of the people of Gaza were seen by people in this country and beyond. A particular picture summed up the tragedy of the situation for me. This was of a young Palestinian girl, who I guess was no more than four or five, holding her doll and covering its eyes so it would not have to see the horror of what was around the child. In passing this motion we assert not in abstract terms but in real human terms the rights of this Palestinian girl and every other Palestinian citizen to their freedom, state, dignity and human rights.

I apologise to Deputy McDonald and the House because my phone malfunctioned during the course of the debate. I also regret not being here at the start of the debate yesterday and earlier this evening. I was away on international business and have only just returned.

I will begin by responding to events this morning. I deplore in the strongest possible terms the death earlier today of Palestinian leader Ziad Abu Ain following clashes in the West Bank. I have already personally conveyed my condolences to Palestinian ambassador head of mission, who is present here this evening, my deep concern and that of the Irish people. I will make it clear to the Israeli Government through the Irish ambassador to Israel, Eamonn McKee, who will contact the government at the highest level tomorrow. We know from our own experience that we must not base decisions on the latest incident. This is a point we constantly urge on Israelis and Palestinians. This tragedy does not bear directly on our consideration of the specific issue of recognition, but it underlines powerfully the importance and priority we attach to ending the occupation of Palestinian land.

I only have time to comment briefly on the motion and the debate thus far. I will have to leave some of the wider issues raised on occupation for another occasion, but we will have this opportunity. I took a very careful note of the motion presented by the Deputies opposite, and recommended to the Government that we should neither oppose nor seek to amend it. The motion recognises our common goal of achieving a Palestinian state, which is something on which we can all agree and was outlined in the address of the Minister of State, Deputy Dara Murphy, yesterday. We have always supported a viable two-state solution and we will continue to support this in any manner and by every means.

Our priority goal is to work to begin or resume a process of real negotiations between the parties. Despite previous failures, and consequent deep frustration, our own experience tells us this is the only way the conflict can be resolved and a fully functioning Palestinian state on all of its territory established. We pursue this goal primarily though our engagement in the EU and the UN and also through our bilateral contacts. As Deputies know, I attended recently the Norway and Egypt-hosted Gaza reconstruction conference, and I am exploring dates to visit to Israel and Palestine early in the New Year, when I intend to speak to all sides.

Since taking office I have been active and vocal at EU level in particular, emphasising the need to combat actively destructive Israeli policies on the ground, especially with regard to settlements, which close off the prospects for peace. Ireland also directly supports NGOs working on these critical justice and human rights issues, and something to which I attach special importance is helping those Israelis and Palestinians who are themselves working to make a difference.

The Minister of State, Deputy Ó Ríordáin, set out how Ireland is also engaged in substantial humanitarian relief work and in capacity building in the Palestinian institutions. We are trying to meet the serious needs of the present and to build the future Palestinian state. The possible recognition of Palestine may be one element of this multi-stranded approach. It has been suggested that recognition now might help jump-start a stalemated process. This was the judgment made by Sweden and is the spirit of this motion.

As we have stated, achieving and recognising a Palestinian state has always been the objective of the Irish Government. Everything we do on the Middle East is directed towards this aim. While successive Governments have always seen recognition coming as part of an agreed peace, I have made it clear that I have absolutely no difficulty in principle with the idea of early recognition if I believe it can contribute to achieving a settlement of the conflict. The current stalemate is not acceptable to me, and I am open to any action that can move things forward positively. As Deputies know, at the last Foreign Affairs Council, prompted by Sweden's action and with my own support, the EU began a process of reflection among Ministers as to the implications and possibilities of recognition, and I believe this is an important, responsible and reasonable approach to take. I will ensure the House is kept fully informed.

I thank everybody who contributed to this important debate. I will advance matters further at Government level following an in-depth political and policy analysis with a view to ensuring that our actions will make a positive contribution to the objectives clearly expressed in the motion.

The next speaker is Deputy Tóibín, who is sharing time with Deputies Ó Caoláin and Adams.

Ba mhaith liom cinneadh Lucht Oibre agus Fine Gael gan rún Shinn Féin a shéanadh a mholadh. Tá súil agam go dtiocfaidh aitheantas oifigiúil ar an Stát Palaistíneach go sciobtha. Tá súil agam freisin go mbeidh an Rialtas níos sásta éisteacht le smaointe an Fhreasúra as seo amach. Both Houses of the Oireachtas are united in this demand and the Government will not oppose it. There is now a real opportunity to build on Ireland's strong record of solidarity with the people of Palestine and after tonight we can much more ambitious for our role in their future.

Last night, the Minister of State stated that it has been the position in Europe, supported by the current and previous governments, that the recognition of the state of Palestine should be dependent on a comprehensive peace agreement, as a Palestinian state cannot exist without the ending of the Israeli occupation. This is a crucial point, and it sets out a fundamental flaw in the EU's position on the right of the people of Palestine to have their state recognised.

Israel will not end its occupation in the absence of sufficient international pressure to do so. As the Minister of State acknowledged last night, Israel's construction of illegal settlements is relentless. The people of Gaza are on their knees. Israel's aggression in Jerusalem and beyond has escalated. More recently, extreme Israeli nationalism has come to the fore in expressing itself in the most depressing manner as citizens openly dehumanise their Palestinian neighbours.

The Government needs to have more confidence in Ireland's ability to lead in Europe. It is deeply troubling that Ministers believe that by speaking up in Europe on matters of such importance we will marginalise or weaken our position in the EU. Last night, the Minister of State told us that we can only push the envelope if we are inside it. That analysis is nonsense, as nobody is pushing the envelope in an EU-wide context.

The international community has failed the Palestinian people for decades and the Government's failure to respond appropriately to Israel's latest barbaric assault on Gaza, a densely populated small tract of land blockaded from the rest of the world, has only helped to destabilise the region further. Waiting for someone else to lead is no longer an option. Ireland has a moral obligation to speak out. By leading on issues of human rights and against what is an apartheid regime we can tread where others must follow. Recognition of Palestine is the critical first step in ensuring that the state of Palestine is not only formally established but that it will be functioning in the future. People need to see and feel the change to believe in it.

How on earth can we the international community expect people living in an apartheid state for generations believe us when we say we will recognise their right to a state of their own, but only when Israel says so? This is not a coherent strategy on the part of the European Union. It is another failure of EU politics, a failure that we should no longer accept. It is now time to lead by example. We cannot stand idly by on these issues. We cannot outsource our moral responsibility to a paralysed EU. We cannot surrender what is left of our democratic independence. To do so would be to squander the goodwill and influence that has been built up by dozens of Irish generations. Independence is only real when it is exercised.

The Government must be confident in Ireland's commitment to human rights, to democracy and to peace. We cannot be afraid to stand up against oppression, against the violent military blockade of Gaza and against the apartheid regime that exists across Israel. Recognition of the Palestinian state is a strong signal of solidarity, of a peaceful future and a commitment to human rights. Tá súil agam anois go mbeidh gníomhaíochtaí ag teacht ón Rialtas mar gheall ar an gceist tábhachtach seo agus nach mbeimid ag fanacht go deo sa Teach seo le haghaidh aitheantas an stáit Pailaistíneach.

A Cheann Chomhairle, fáiltím roimh an deis caint ar an ábhar iontach tábhachtach seo. Tá an-áthas orm go bhfuil an Rialtas tar eis glacadh leis an rún.

I welcome the Government's support for the motion. I also welcome last night's contribution by the Minister of State with responsibility for European Affairs, Deputy Dara Murphy, when he said: "It has been the objective of this Government since it took office to work to bring about the achievement... of a fully sovereign state of Palestine." However, such a supportive attitude towards Palestine was not apparent this summer when Ireland froze in the international spotlight. I and countless other Irish people were ashamed to hear that the Government decided to abstain on a UN Human Rights Council vote condemning war crimes during Israel's assault on Gaza during the summer months.

I recognise that there are two sides to this conflict so what are they? On one side is an immensely stronger occupier and coloniser that has meted out what amounts to collective punishment on the people of Palestine. On the other side are the oppressed and colonised, struggling for their freedom, human rights and dignity. Sadly, this motion aside, the Government has clearly divested itself of any remnant of independent thought by entering into what appears to be a slavish pact that does nothing to challenge Israel. The Irish people have a long history of supporting the Palestinian struggle to survive and have formed deep bonds with their people. We must again be to the fore. Thousands of Irish people protested over the onslaught against the population of Gaza all over this island during the months of July and August this year and they demanded action. The motion calls on the Government to join the international movement to universally recognise the state of Palestine and to improve the chance of a real and lasting peace.

Recent months have seen a change at an EU level. We have seen Sweden recognise Palestine, the first EU member state to do so as a member. The Government has tried previously to convince us that it is more prudent to push issues surrounding Palestine through the EU route. However, as we have seen time and again, this dilutes the message and panders to the Israeli Government, which has often acted as if it is above the laws that apply to every other state. We should work with our EU partners on international issues, but we should never fear or negate our responsibility to act as an independent State with our own independent foreign policy that has human rights at its core.

We also have the great wrong of the continued building of illegal settlements in the West Bank and East Jerusalem with more than 500,000 illegal Israeli settlers in the occupied Palestinian territories. This must stop. The walls must also be broken down, metaphorically and physically. That a wall, much higher than even the Berlin Wall, remains in the West Bank should serve as a stark reminder that, even though Palestine might not be covered on the main news bulletins at the moment, segregation and discrimination continue unfettered.

I am sure that Ireland recognising the Palestinian state will help to move peace talks forward. I note that the Seanad motion on 22 October was unanimously accepted. It called "on the Government to formally recognise the State of Palestine and do everything it can at the international level to help secure a viable two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict". This House must follow suit and add Ireland to the list of countries that are progressive and supportive of those who are currently being discriminated against and denied their fundamental human rights, yet keep their eyes firmly on peace.

In my role as health spokesperson, I must look to the urgent work that is needed to help rehabilitate the health system in Gaza following the summer onslaught. The conflict saw the damage or destruction of over half of the hospitals and health centres that existed. Of course, these were poorly equipped to begin with due to the unjust blockade imposed on Gaza. Far from ensuring that Gaza no longer poses a threat to Israel, this blockade condemns countless innocents to abject poverty and highly curtailed rights, and is likely to fuel a backlash. The blockade must be lifted. It is a great shame that we must again call for such basic rights to be respected.

The conflict also saw 11,000 people injured, which put great pressure on their ailing services which often are unable to provide essential medicines such as painkillers or even latex gloves. Even basics such as water and fuel were in short supply.

That the president of my party, Deputy Gerry Adams, was unable to enter Gaza last week shows how Israel thinks it alone is allowed to dictate the present and future of the Palestinian people. This motion is in many ways a first step, a step to ensuring that the Palestinian people get to decide their own future.

I thank all those who have contacted me regarding this motion, and many have done so. I wholeheartedly support it and ask the Government to ensure it is acted upon with urgency.

Tá go leor dul chun cinn bainte amach do mhuintir na Pailistíne anseo sa Dáil le dhá lá anuas. Tá a fhios agam go raibh an tAire Gnóthaí Eachtracha agus Trádála, an Teachta Ó Flannagáin, thar sáile agus táim sásta go bhfuil sé anseo anocht. Táim buíoch do na Teachtaí a ghlac páirt agus go háirithe don Aire Stáit ag an Roinn Gnóthaí Eachtracha agus Trádála, an Teachta Dara Ó Murchú, mar bhí sé anseo linn i rith na díospóireachta. Tá an díospóireacht seo an-tábhachtach mar seasann muintir na hÉireann go láidir le muintir na Palaistíne.

I welcome the Palestinian ambassador, Ahmad Abdelrazek, and the Moroccan ambassador here this evening. As we come to the end of this debate, I particularly welcome the decision of the Government not to oppose the motion. When we finish this debate, both Houses of the Oireachtas - I recognise an Seanadóir Averil De Paor a rinne páirt maith sa Seanad leis an obair seo - will support the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination, recognise a Palestinian state, and endorse the right of the Palestinian people to independence and sovereignty. This is a substantive and positive development which means that we are standing with progressive opinion, including in Israel, which wants a lasting peace arrangement and supports the recognition of a Palestinian state.

In the debate, Ministers and Deputies spoke frequently of standing up for the rights of the oppressed, but always in the context of EU policy. My colleagues and I have consistently argued, however, that this State needs to have its own foreign policy positions based on human rights and international law. This should always be the case. In the course of this debate, others have said that this motion is a symbolic act. Fair enough, but let the Government move beyond symbolism, as the Minister, Deputy Charles Flanagan, has promised. The passing of this motion, in conjunction with similar motions in parliaments across the European Union, is an important act of solidarity with the people of Palestine. It is also an important act of solidarity with the people of Israel.

The dangers and tensions were underlined today with the sad news of the death, during a protest on the occupied West Bank, of Ziad Abu Ein, a cabinet minister in the Palestinian government. Ba mhaith liom mo chomhbhrón a dhéanamh le clann Abu Ein. I dedicate this Dáil motion to the deceased minister and his family. I also extend our sympathies and solidarity to Ambassador Abdelrazek and ask him to pass these on to President Abbas and the Palestinian Authority. Abu Ein died during a non-violent demonstration to mark international human rights day. He and others were planting olive trees, symbols of peace, on land owned by a Palestinian but which, because of a nearby illegal Israeli settlement, is mostly off limits to Palestinians.

I and others explained during the debate the extent of the control the Israeli Government exerts through its policies and military, as well as suppressing the daily lives of Palestinians. The separation wall, the sterile roads that Palestinians are banned from, the systematic ill-treatment of Palestinians and the denial of peaceful protest are all symptomatic of an Israeli apartheid system that brings shame to that state. It also brings shame to the international community which has failed to defend international law and has failed the people of Palestine and Israel.

This is exactly the right time for this motion. It is also the right time for the Irish Government to stand with Palestinian and Israeli citizens who are taking risks every day for peace. Now is the time for the Government to take up a leadership role in encouraging greater action by the international community to uphold international law. It is the right time to build on this debate and motion. I call on the Government to act with all speed to upgrade the Palestinian mission to an embassy, as well as pushing for greater action by our colleagues in the international community. I commend the Oireachtas for agreeing to this historic recognition of the rights of the people of Palestine. Long live the people of Palestine. Beirigí bua, a Phalaistínigh.

Question put and agreed to.
The Dáil adjourned at 9.05 p.m. until 9.30 a.m. on Thursday, 11 December 2014.
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