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Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 12 May 2015

Vol. 878 No. 1

Independent Planning Regulator: Motion [Private Members]

I move:

That Dáil Éireann:

notes the continuing failure of the Government to legislate on the recommendations of the report of the Tribunal of Inquiry into Certain Planning Matters and Payments, published in March 2012;

further notes that:

— despite a commitment to appoint an independent planning regulator, that their proposed scheme for a new planning Bill does not allow for the establishment of such an office;

— significant conflicts of interest continue to arise regarding controversial projects that require such independent assessment; and

— significant legacy issues regarding planning remain to be properly investigated;

notes the failure of this Government to pursue, as promised, the reviews into planning in local authorities in Dublin city, Cork city, Cork county, Carlow, Meath and Galway as had been set in train under the previous Government by the then Minister for the Environment, Heritage and Local Government;

acknowledges the need to address public concerns over planning procedures, and the need to establish the independent oversight procedures recommended by the report of the Tribunal of Inquiry into Certain Planning Matters and Payments; and

calls for the establishment of an office of the planning regulator, with the appointment of a planning regulator to be made following an open public competition by an independent appointments board, and that the recommendations of the planning regulator be made binding on the now Minister.”

I am sharing my time - 20 minutes.

I am disappointed that neither the Minister for the Environment, Community and Local Government nor one of the Ministers of State from that Department is present. The motion calls for the appointment of an independent planning regulator. It is important to put this into context.

We are all well aware of the background to the Mahon tribunal into planning corruption which focuses on the role of leading local authority officials, mainly in the Dublin area and also of leading politicians who were implicated in some of those irregularities. I will not go back over all the details of that. However, what is relevant to the motion is that one of the key recommendations of the Mahon report published in March 2012, namely to appoint a planning regulator, has not yet been implemented.

The Government recently published an outline of proposals on planning which includes provision for a planning regulator, but falls short of making such an office independent of the Minister, as recommended in the Mahon tribunal report. Section 1.14 of the final Mahon tribunal report of recommendations arising from the inquiry refers to its concerns that, despite the investigation into planning irregularities and the systemic failures that allowed them to go unchecked that:

[R]ecent changes in the planning system have resulted in an over-centralisation of power in the hands of the Minister for the Environment which is not subject to sufficient checks and balances. Consequently, the Tribunal is recommending that the Minister for the Environment’s ability to give directions to Regional Authorities and Local Planning Authorities should be entrusted to a Planning Regulator.

Section 1.15 states that planning regulator's role should be:

[T]o investigate possible systemic problems in the planning system, including those raising corruption risks, with the aim of making recommendations to address those problems. The Regulator should also be responsible for providing training to members of both local and regional authorities on planning and development to enable them to discharge their functions in this area more effectively. The Regulator should have sufficient powers to carry out his or her functions effectively, including the power to question witnesses and compel the production of documents.

That is what the Mahon tribunal report recommended. Unfortunately the Minister, Deputy Kelly's, scheme for a regulator does not contain such provisions for the office to be established on such an independent basis. Instead it makes clear that any review, inquiry or recommendations of the planning regulator will be subject to the approval - and in effect the veto - of the Minister for the Environment, Community and Local Government. That is not an acceptable response, nor does it fulfil the Government's promise to establish an independent planning regulator.

When the then Minister of State, Deputy Jan O'Sullivan, published her review into the seven local authorities - subsequently changed to six - in June 2012 in response to concerns raised, she specifically stated that legislation would be brought forward to include the appointment of an independent planning regulator. However, that is not included in the proposed Bill and I ask the Minister - and the Minister of State, Deputy Kevin Humphreys, in his absence - why this is not the case.

In rejecting the call for an independent planning regulator in February the Minister of State, Deputy Coffey, said that such an office would give an unelected official powers that would supersede "the democratic oversight and accountability of the policy-making process". Sinn Féin does not believe that is the case as such an office could operate in the same manner as the Office of the Ombudsman. The transparency and accountability of the planning regulator could be guaranteed by requiring him or her to appear before the Joint Committee on Environment, Culture and the Gaeltacht or whatever other committee may be deemed appropriate. I note that the general scheme of the Bill does not provide for this.

It is only now, in the twilight of the Government that the long-promised planning legislation is being discussed. Given the normal gap between the publication of such proposals and the legislation passing through both Houses of the Oireachtas, I will not be holding my breath that we will see this before the general election, although I hope I am proved wrong. Perhaps the Minister can indicate when the Government hopes to introduce it.

We have tabled this motion tonight, as we believe the appointment of an independent planning regulator is a matter of urgency and can be dealt with within a short time. A stand-alone Bill could be published to establish such an office before the summer recess. I ask those on the Government side of the House as well as Deputies on the Opposition side to support the motion given that people on all sides of the House have spoken eloquently about this and supposedly support it.

I note that the Minister has recently established an inquiry into serious allegations of planning irregularities and other matters in County Wicklow. I have met a number of people who have brought very serious allegations to my attention based on concrete evidence. The Minister has been presented with a detailed list of questions and complaints regarding property developments in County Wicklow by the local auctioneer, Mr. Gabriel Dooley, and these have been reported in the media. These centre on the acquisition of lands, rezonings and road access, for none other than Mr. Seán Dunne and Mr. Seán Mulryan, around the proposed development at Charlesland near Greystones.

The Deputy should not name individuals.

I am just reading what is in the media.

There are also claims of improper contact between developers and key members of planning committees and local authority officials. The subsequent rezoning of lands in question brought huge dividends for the Ballymore property group, which at the time - this is a matter of public record - had distressed loans of €2.75 billion from AIB, Anglo Irish Bank and other financial institutions.

It has also been pointed out that rezoning, which it is claimed was facilitated by some of these close relationships, actually increased the price of property at Charlesland from €80,000 per acre to €1.2 million per acre - in total from €1.6 million to €24 million. Given that and the evidence that has been put forward, which presents serious questions for some officials, some of whom are retired and some of whom are not, can the Minister state what he knows of the situation? What is the nature of the investigations which it is said are set in train?

I ask the Minister to comment on claims that key documents given for his attention and the attention of his predecessor, Mr. Phil Hogan, went missing. A substantial file was presented to the Minister and his Department. Has there been a Garda investigation into it? If there has not, why has there not been such an investigation? My understanding is that the file turned up when those who supplied the file offered to supply copies of the original file.

Wicklow County Council designated land for social housing worth potentially €20 million. A large section of that land, six acres, was handed over to the developer for €10 and it is claimed that it was a deed of grant of easement, a most unusual legal instrument, to be used in the transfer of land from a local authority. I have a copy of the deed of grant of easement, which makes interesting reading. Even though it was never brought before the members of the local authority in the chamber, it has a separate folio. It is sold as a fee simple according to this document, freehold.

The most interesting thing of all is that this is not just a right of passage. According to the agreement itself, the perpetuity period means the period commencing on the date hereof and ending on the expiration of 21 years from the date of the death of the last survivor of the issue now living of the late Britannia Majesty, King George V. So it lasts for 21 years after the last chain in the British monarchy - that is if the British decide to get rid of the monarchy and I do not see any sign of the British getting rid of the monarch just yet.

There is also the question of the access route from the N11 for this development, which potentially cost €30 million.

Who paid for this? We know that €12 million was paid in fees. According to the documents I have seen, the county council committed to acquiring land to facilitate the private developer through a CPO. This is a most serious situation.

There are numerous allegations of questionable practices around this State. We must have full openness on this issue. The former county manager, Eddie Sheehy, was in situ while many of these cases were ongoing. He was so sensitive to public criticism that he had three county council members suspended from the chamber because they were questioning planning decisions. Two of them were from the same party as the Minister of State, Deputy Kevin Humphreys.

The Deputy is not supposed to name individuals who are not here to defend themselves.

These events were akin to what took place in Mississippi under Governor Huey Long. The councillors in question had to go to the High Court in 2007 to uphold their democratic mandate. It is clear that certain people were prepared to go to great lengths to shut up these councillors and conceal what was going on. It is sometimes claimed that shortcuts in the planning process can bring benefits to local governance and job creation. This is called benign corruption. However, it is clear that the opposite occurred in the Wicklow and elsewhere. A proposal to build a data centre in Newtownmountkennedy which would have brought a considerable number of jobs to County Wicklow was abandoned amidst questionable procedures and complications in the process. So frustrated were the people behind this project that they subsequently built the centre in Athenry, County Galway. Questions also arise for Wicklow County Council in regard to dumping and improper procurement processes, in respect of which the council has been fined. It is vital that the Minister for the Environment, Community and Local Government holds a full inquiry and makes the results public. I would also like the Minister to outline the reasons why the former county manager was not allowed to serve a further three years in the position. Was that due to the Minister's refusal to sanction an extension based on his knowledge of the issues arising? A tepid review was undertaken by the then Minister of State at the Department of the Environment, Community and Local Government, Deputy Jan O'Sullivan, as opposed to the investigation put in train by a previous Minister, John Gormley.

This Government has not done much to pursue its promised democratic revolution by introducing transparency to the planning process. While John Gormley was still Minister for the Environment, Heritage and Local Government in the Fianna Fáil-Green Party coalition, he began the process of establishing inquiries into planning in six local authorities. However, these inquiries were abandoned by a later Minister, Phil Hogan, who established reviews rather than inquiries. It was decided on foot of the reviews that there were insufficient grounds for a full inquiry. This issue has been discussed on numerous occasions but we have still not heard an explanation as to why a full inquiry was not carried out.

The then Minister, Phil Hogan, explained the failure to follow the approach instigated by John Gormley by claiming that it would have placed too much power into the hands of the Minister. Ironically, the planning Bill which the Government now proposes to introduce will have precisely that effect by establishing an office of planning regulator which is subject to the overall rule and veto of a Minister. We ask the Government to make good on its commitment by bringing forward legislation for an independent planning regulator, with similar powers to the Ombudsman. Sometimes allegations are not true but we know there has been considerable corruption in the planning process and in the zoning of land by local authorities, including material contraventions and planning permissions granted under Part 8 and Part 10. There may at times be good reasons for planning decisions but the documents I have seen lead me to suspect serious irregularities in the planning process in this State. We need to put that right and stand over it. People who are doing the right thing have nothing to fear from an open and transparent system. We must make the planning process more accountable by instilling trust in the process of local government and in the planning system. The Government's amendment does not provide the openness we need in this process.

The planning tribunal, which lasted 15 years, detailed a web of corruption in planning in Dublin city in the late 1980s and early 1990s and culminated in a report by Mr. Justice Mahon which recommended a series of detailed proposals aimed at preventing a repeat of what had gone before. Among his recommendations was the establishment of an independent planning regulator. When the report was published in March 2012, the then Minister of State at the Department of the Environment, Community and Local Government, Deputy Jan O'Sullivan, promised that the Government would establish a regulator but nothing has been done in the intervening years and the proposed scheme for the new planning Bill does not allow for the appointment of an independent regulator. Saying it is so, as the Government attempts to do in the amendment to our motion, does not make it so. We are not the only people who have recognised this deficit.

We would be naive to believe that the corruption uncovered in the course of the Mahon tribunal was unique to Dublin. None the less, we all hoped that corruption in planning would be a thing of the past. Unfortunately, because of the failure to implement Mahon, serious irregularities continue to arise. One of the most serious of these was brought to my attention by my colleague, Deputy Brian Stanley, who met a number of people from County Wicklow who informed him of several cases, including one in which the value of a property earmarked for development was vastly increased in value through rezoning and compulsory purchase orders to facilitate the development. The developers, Seán Dunne and Sean Mulryan, were to be the chief beneficiaries.

I remind the Deputy that she is not supposed to name individuals who are not here to defend themselves.

It is a matter of record that Seán Dunne and Sean Mulryan were to be the chief beneficiaries of these manoeuvres. All of this happened at a time when both individuals were struggling with massive debts accumulated through Anglo Irish Bank and other financial institutions. I understand that Mr. Mulryan is to appear before the banking inquiry.

The Deputy should not name individuals in the House.

I understand that Mr. Mulryan is to appear before the banking inquiry during the summer. Perhaps he will be probed on some of the matters arising.

The Wicklow case also features a disturbing claim that on 2 September 2014 a file relating to allegations of corruption in planning in Wicklow, which had been handed into the office of the Minister's predecessor by Mr. Barry Nevin, a former member of Wicklow County Council, was removed from the Minister's office.

Again, the Deputy should not name individuals in the House.

I am sure Mr. Nevin has no issue with me mentioning him. Despite the fact that only a small number of people could have been aware of the contents of the file or had access to the Minister's office, I understand the mystery of who took this file remains unsolved. Clearly there is something amiss in all of this. I am not accusing the current Minister of involvement in anything underhand, but I am sure he will agree that the fact that someone with access to the highest offices of the State is in a position to remove sensitive files underscores the serious nature of this particular case.

This turn of events must be properly investigated and fully explained. I believe that a full inquiry into all matters related to the allegations surrounding planning irregularities in Wicklow should be held and these matters fully explored. The only assurance for the future that such matters can be properly looked into is to implement in full the recommendation of the Mahon report and the proposal in our motion to establish a properly independent regulator with the necessary powers.

Planning is about more than policies and legislation. Some would say it is a sacred trust placed on people to help support the way we live today while maintaining a clean, safe and healthy environment for this and future generations.

I will focus on planning for infrastructural development, particularly in the context of energy. Planning is part and parcel of developing energy policy in Ireland. In many cases, particularly where projects are designated as critical infrastructure, there is a risk these projects will be railroaded through the planning by way of the critical infrastructure path. This risk will be raised exponentially, for both citizens and Government agencies, if the dreaded TTIP-ISDS process is signed by US and EU bureaucrats.

Nowadays, we talk about "energy citizens", but I am not sure we fully understand what these words mean, because up to now the public and its concerns have not been listened to and the public's suggestions have not influenced decisions made in regard to planning. Therefore, the people are not "energy citizens". Public participation at every stage of a project would foster partnership rather than opposition, but we have seen several controversies over the past decade and there has been huge opposition to projects that were designed to enhance the State's capacity. These projects should have been good for our infrastructure, but they were mishandled. I will mention some of these later. Meaningful public consultation with host communities and Departments, investors and stakeholders is central to Sinn Féin's Wind Turbine Regulation Bill 2014, currently awaiting Committee Stage. This approach should be adopted for all pieces of major infrastructure development.

If we want a prime example of bad planning for critical infrastructure and of how it should not be done, we need look no further than the Corrib gas project and the effect this project and how it was handled had on the community of Rossport and on Ireland's reputation at home and abroad. This project is important because it is a dispute about the ownership and use of our natural resources and the benefits that arise for the people through the use of those resources. The Rossport issue also illustrates the threats posed to local communities by a powerful coalition of State and capital, thereby raising questions of scalar politics and power. The term "energy citizen" meant little to the people of Rossport. They remain extremely fearful for their health and safety as the pressure of unprocessed gas flows through pipelines passing their homes. What respect was shown for the people of Rossport? The Rossport five had to do jail time in order to seek respect. Many people maintain that the Government was complicit in the failure to engage with the local community. Local people felt they were ignored and abandoned by the Government and that private business was doing all the running, with the State doing its bidding.

Public consultation is not the sole responsibility of private companies. Governments and local authorities must also play an active role. All of us, including the Minister for Communications, Energy and Natural Resources, must learn from the mistakes of the Corrib project and ensure they are never repeated.

In regard to fracking, no EPA study or report can ever convince me fracking should be permitted anywhere on this island. It is ironic the State is even considering such dangerous technology in an area where planning permission is routinely refused for individual family homes because of the risk of water contamination - "septic tank - no; poison-fracked well maybe".

It may be argued, and is being argued through the Government amendment, that our proposal is unnecessary because the Government has set in train legislation to appoint a planning regulator. However, it is clear from the details it has published that this proposal will not be as recommended by the Mahon tribunal. In other words, the regulator will not be independent of the Minister, and the Minister will be under no obligation to abide by the regulator's recommendations. It is not just Sinn Féin that holds this opinion. The Irish Planning Institute pointed out, in response to the Government's proposals: "The final decision will rest with the Minister of the day and not the new regulator, demoting the regulator's role to that of an 'advisor'. Advising is not regulating."

On that basis, our proposal for an independent regulator answerable to the Oireachtas and appointed by an independent appointments board stands. One of the reasons for calling for such an independent regulator relates not just to the matters investigated by Mahon, but to what has taken place under this Government's watch. I refer specifically to the failure of the former Minister, Phil Hogan, to follow up properly on the Mahon report in terms of the transparency and accountability of the planning process. First, the former Minister took the decision not to proceed with the full inquiry into planning irregularities that had been set in train by his predecessor, John Gormley. He failed to take any action on issues arising from the Mahon report, or on claims that were made directly to him regarding irregularities in various local authority areas, including Wicklow.

Recent evidence or public conversation regarding Denis O'Brien's acquisition of Siteserv and its subsequent winning of the water meter contract raises questions in many people's minds over O'Brien's relationship with Fine Gael, and with the former Minister, Phil Hogan, in particular.

That was not a subject of the Moriarty tribunal. While not directly related to planning, it did arise from the general suspicions that surrounded the unhealthy relationship between certain wealthy individuals and the political process. The failure of the former Minister, Mr. Hogan, to implement the Mahon tribunal recommendations on planning and on those connections in general prove, as does the Siteserv episode, that the unhealthy relationship still exists and that Fine Gael, in particular, does not want such matters, including recent planning issues, to be subject to scrutiny.

Mr. Hogan also presided over the continuing close relationship between certain people involved in the planning process and vested interests who retain the ability to have controversial proposals passed. As Minister he appointed Mr. Conall Boland as deputy chairperson of An Bord Pleanála. Mr. Boland had previously been a director of RPS Consultants, which had framed a number of controversial proposals that Mr. Boland, in his new role, voted to approve even against the objections of senior inspectors within An Bord Pleanála.

The Deputy should be careful about naming people outside the House.

It is on the public record. Among the proposals was the waste incinerator at Poolbeg. Mr. Boland was also present when An Bord Pleanála approved contested projects such as a property development in south Dublin and wind farms which the company of which he had been a director, RPS, had been central to proposing. The former Minister, when questioned regarding his support for Mr. Boland, failed to adequately justify why someone with such conflicts of interest should have been appointed to such an important and sensitive position within the planning process. As long as such unhealthy connections exist between those directly involved in controversial planning proposals and the planners themselves there will be a clear need for an independent regulatory system as is proposed in our motion.

It is interesting that the Joint Committee on the Environment, Culture and the Gaeltacht today discussed the Government's recently published general scheme for a new planning bill that will include provision for the appointment of a planning regulator. However, while it states that this is in response to the Mahon tribunal report's recommendation that such an office be established, it is clearly not as Mahon intended, namely, an independent entity with the power to make binding recommendations. That point has also been raised by An Taisce and the Irish Planning Institute which support our call for an independent regulator.

It is not clear from the Government's scheme whether the Minister could ignore the recommendations of the planning regulator, but the language suggests that this could be the case. That ministerial veto and other restrictions on the power of the proposed regulator reduce it, to a large extent, to window dressing. The regulator will not be answerable to a Dáil committee. This contradicts the assertion of the Minister of State, Deputy Coffey, that the office would have to be curtailed in its powers in order to retain the primacy of the democratic process. Surely, having the regulator appear before committee would boost its transparency and accountability. It should also be pointed out that the Government has waited for four years to make any move towards fulfilling its promises with regard to planning. Given the expected lifespan of the Government and the usual gap between such a scheme and actual legislation it must be asked if such legislation would be enacted before an election or will it be kicked further down the road.

The Government also claims that this is part of its much heralded boost to the construction sector in Construction 2020. The number of local authority houses contained in the plan is totally inadequate to meet demand. The failure to fully legislate on the basis of the Mahon tribunal report recommendations will leave us open to a repetition of irregularities that led to the Mahon tribunal itself. Unless there is proper scrutiny and scope for independent reviews of planning procedures, there will always be the opportunity for unscrupulous developers and land owners to seek to manipulate the planning system. The consequences are poorly thought out schemes at the expense of house owners and the community in general.

The Minister of State, Deputy Coffey, does make a valid point in regard to the need not to override democratic procedures. I believe they could be made compatible with an independent regulatory system. Sinn Féin supports the primacy of local development plans. We support the full involvement of local communities in the planning procedure. We must ensure that developments do not go ahead that will ultimately have negative consequences. We have seen this all too often in the past and we have to ensure it does not continue into the future.

The more democratic and transparent the planning system becomes, the less need there will be for a regulator. Such an office would play a vital role in reviewing planning decisions where issues arise. An independent regulator would also play a key role in investigating cases, such as Deputy Stanley has referred to, where there is a clear suspicion of irregularities. To conclude, I ask that all sides support the Sinn Féin motion and revise the proposed restrictions on the planning regulator. That would make it truly independent, as recommended by Mahon and as supported by the vast majority of Members on this side of the House and, indeed, until quite recently by both Fine Gael and Labour.

I move amendment No. 1:

To delete all words after "Dáil Éireann" and substitute the following:

"welcomes the progress made to date by the Government to support the implementation of the planning-related recommendations of the final report of the Tribunal of Inquiry into Certain Planning Matters and Payments, particularly the publication of a general scheme of the Planning and Development (No. 2) Bill in January 2015; and

notes that:

— the proposed legislation, which is scheduled for publication in this Dáil session, will provide for the establishment of the office of the planning regulator, which will be

independent and whose primary functions will include the assessment and evaluation of local area plans, local development plans and regional spatial and economic

strategies, education and research on planning-related matters, as well as powers to review the organisation, systems and procedures applied by planning authorities and An Bord Pleanála in the performance of their planning functions; and

— it is expected that the work of the consultants appointed to carry out an independent planning review on the performance of planning functions in six selected planning authorities, Carlow, Cork, Galway and Meath county councils and Cork and Dublin city councils, in accordance with section 255 of the Planning and Development Act 2000, as amended, will be concluded by the end of June 2015, and that subject to considering its content, it would be intended to publish the consultant’s report in due course thereafter."

I would like to begin by reassuring this House that I regard the final report of the planning tribunal as a fundamental point of departure from inadequate standards in the past and the beginning of a new approach to planning in this country. The Government is strongly of the view that a properly functioning, responsive, visionary, transparent and publicly accountable planning process is not only a fundamental requirement but a prerequisite for a modem successful economy like Ireland's. We are committed to ensuring that as a country we learn from past mistakes and build on the strengths of Ireland's planning process in leading the way on further developing our planning process. On the occasion of this debate, I wish to bring us back to what former Minister of State for housing and planning, Deputy Jan O'Sullivan, stated in response to the publication of the final report of the tribunal:

The evidence given during the hearings and the conclusions of the report have rightly apportioned blame to those who received corrupt payments, frustrated the work of the tribunal and undermined our planning process. Planning corruption is not a faceless crime, it affects the welfare of families and communities for decades.

I am determined to continue to act on the findings and recommendations of the final report and ensure that our planning system is never again deflected from serving the common good by greed and shortsightedness but instead is designed and operated with the best interests of our country and people at its heart. For too long this was not the case. It is important to recall, as the tribunal did, that there are fundamental differences between the current planning regime and that prevailing at the time the planning tribunal first started its work over 15 years ago, looking at the events of the mid-1990s. Substantial reform in 2000 and again in 2010 have transformed the shape of the planning process and, particularly, the land use zoning process into the more evidence-based and plan-led system we have today. Publication of the national spatial strategy in 2002 and regional planning guidelines in 2004 and again in 2010 have created a new hierarchy of plans that co-ordinate the planning functions of local authorities at local level. As Minister, I have exercised my powers in regard to ensuring consistency of these plans and policies at national, regional and local levels, as indeed have my immediate predecessors, a function that was unknown of in the period which was the focus of the Mahon tribunal's work. If past governments were as attentive as this Government in fulfilling this sort of role, a planning tribunal may never have arisen in the first place.

Nevertheless, looking more closely at the ten planning related recommendations in the tribunal's report, major progress has been made and will continue to be made in implementing them.

Without question, the tenth and final planning recommendation of the tribunal is the most fundamental, dealing with the establishment of an independent planning regulator. In this one recommendation the tribunal is essentially stating to legislators that, notwithstanding the progress made in recent years in tightening up a previously lax system, the planning process needs a further element of independent oversight. Furthermore, the recommendation is calling for an oversight function with the appropriate legal mandate and resources to determine whether plans are in compliance with legal requirements and, if not, to determine what intervention may be necessary where serious policy departures have taken place or where there is strong evidence of bad practice or systemic failure. I am committed to the publication of the second of two planning Bills during this Dáil session which will deal with the establishment of an independent office of the planning regulator and other planning related recommendations of the tribunal. I have no doubt that the Bill will be the subject of intense discussion, as it should be, as it progresses through the Oireachtas. I look forward to this as the Bill will provide for a significant new addition to the institutional structures in Ireland's planning system.

The regulator's primary functions will be the evaluation and assessment of plans and strategies and, ultimately, providing advice for the Minister; undertaking research and providing education and training in the planning area; and undertaking reviews of the organisation and systems and procedures applied by planning authorities and An Bord Pleanála in the performance of their planning functions under the Planning and Development Acts. The core function of the new regulator will relate to the evaluation and assessment of local plans and regional strategies, including on land zoning, and making recommendations to the Minister on these matters. Where the Minister agrees with the recommendations of the regulator, he or she will issue appropriate directions or instructions to the relevant local authority on the steps that should be taken regarding the revision of the relevant plan or strategy. Significantly, where the Minister does not agree with the recommendations of the regulator, which I envisage will be rare, he or she will be required to explain the reasons for such disagreement and lay such reasons before the Houses of the Oireachtas and place them on the Department's website, all in the interests of increased transparency.

There are those who wish to see the regulator assume the powers that I hold as Minister in relation to the power of direction over local authority development plans. However, the Government, many other elected representatives and I believe this to be a step too far in removing democratic oversight and accountability in the policy-making process. Our proposals for independent scrutiny of plans and transparency of decision making in that context by Ministers represent a fair and balanced approach. It is also important to note, however, that the Minister's current powers, or those of a future regulator, do not replace the appropriate role of the Garda in investigating specific allegations of corrupt payments or practices.

The detailed drafting of the Bill's provisions regarding the establishment of the independent regulator is being progressed by my Department. Work to address other recommendations made in the tribunal's report is also being advanced and I would like to update the House in this regard. Recommendation No. 1 on placing the national spatial strategy on a statutory footing, recommendation No. 5 on increased transparency in the planning process, recommendation No. 6 on material contraventions and, to an extent, recommendation No. 8 on regional and local authority procedures are all being provided for in the Planning and Development (No. 2) Bill which is being drafted.

Recommendation No. 2 on regional authorities has been considered in the context of Putting People First - Action Programme for Effective Local Government and the Local Government Reform Act 2014 which brought about further local government reform, including the regional dimension. Recommendation No. 3 on regional authorities, now the new regional assemblies, is already provided for in secondary legislation. Recommendation No. 4 is a matter for the Minister for Transport, Tourism and Sport. Recommendation No. 7 on the use of section 140 which gives elected Members power to direct the chief executive no longer applies to planning functions on foot of its amendment in the Local Government Reform Act 2014. The remaining recommendation, No. 9, on applicants for planning permission declaring political donations is being considered in the context of updating the planning application process.

The recommendations continue to be studied closely and considered carefully by my Department in the context of the preparation and finalisation of the planning Bill. There is a large measure of broad agreement that what is proposed involves sensible and necessary measures to improve accountability, transparency and fairness in the planning process. I, therefore, assure the House that the tribunal's planning-related recommendations are being addressed and I look forward to further debate on the matter when the relevant legislation is brought before the House in due course.

Members of this House will be mindful of the legacy planning complaints for which former Minister John Gormley initiated a planning review which was intended to assess the application of planning legislation, policy and guidance within the development plan and development management systems at local level and to inform further policy development in these areas. It is important to recognise that in the context of progressing this review, a number of planning authorities, representing a broad geographical spread of both urban and rural areas, as well as both large and small authorities, were selected to assist in the review of policies and practices and by reference to a number of cases raised with my Department. The planning review report of June 2012 was assessed by an independent planning expert, Mr. Hank van der Kamp. This independent evaluation was published in March 2013 and generally supported the Department's recommendations in its 2012 report and included some additional recommendations. Notwithstanding this, it was decided, in order to ensure maximum transparency and integrity for the planning system generally, to appoint independent consultants, MacCabe Durney Barnes, on a statutory basis to conduct a review of the application of planning practices and procedures in six of the seven local authorities, namely, Carlow, Cork, Galway and Meath county councils and Cork and Dublin city councils, included in the planning review report prepared in June 2012.

The consultants are at an advanced stage of finalising their independent review which also involves consultation with each of the original complainants and all of the planning authorities concerned in preparing their report. I expect to receive the final report by the end of June and intend to carefully consider any further recommendation that emerges from it. After I have completed my consideration of the report, I will issue a public statement, including any appropriate action to be pursued in regard to further policy development and guidance, while also taking account of the need to develop wider proposals for improving the transparency and openness of the planning system as recommended in the tribunal's report. Furthermore, my Department is finalising arrangements for the imminent appointment of a senior counsel, on a non-statutory basis, nominated by the Attorney General to prepare a report on planning matters in respect of Donegal County Council. The arrangements involved will be announced shortly.

Notwithstanding the requirement to quickly advance the recommendations of the planning tribunal, the Government is also keenly aware of the strong synergy between the need to have an effective planning system and overcoming our economic challenges as we put the country on the path to sustainable growth. In addition to the legislation in relation to the planning tribunal, we are focused on advancing the Planning and Development (No. 1) Bill which is aimed primarily at addressing the housing supply shortage that is particularly acute in the Dublin area and the conurbation around Dublin and as a visible commitment to the Government's Construction 2020 strategy published in May 2014.

The main provisions of the Planning and Development (No. 1) Bill are the revision of the Part V arrangements on social and affordable housing; retrospective application of reduced development contribution charges; the introduction of a vacant site levy; and "use or lose it" provisions on planning permissions. The new Part V proposals should assist in making new residential developments more economically viable, thereby enabling developments to be brought on stream sooner than would otherwise might be the case. The revisions should also enable Part V to again be a significant contributor to social housing provision. The vacant site levy will enable local authorities to better link regeneration and development objectives with more effective use of vacant land and properties and demand a more proactive, almost portfolio management, approach by local authorities to urban land. Reductions of development contributions and enabling local authorities to introduce “use it or lose it” clauses in planning permission for housing developments are designed to activate more housing developments. We are, therefore, anxious that the Planning and Development (No. 1) Bill be enacted as urgently as possible with the Planning and Development (No. 2) Bill to be enacted by the end of 2015.

Policy development by the Government regarding planning has also been addressed in addition to the legislative enhancements I have outlined. The Government wants to ensure we enter a new era of high quality policy making allied to more co­ordinated approaches to development enabled by the highest standards of customer service and public confidence in the probity, effectiveness and citizen-centred nature of the practice of planning in Ireland.

The recently published and broadly welcomed planning policy statement provides for a concise and clear statement on the purpose of planning, the values and principles we want to underpin planning and a vision for what the Government wants to deliver.

An organisational review of An Bord Pleanála is also to be advanced. Since its establishment in 1976, An Bord Pleanála has become known, both at home and abroad, for peerless standards of fairness, probity and transparency. At the same time, its role and remit has been growing while its external operational environment has become more litigious and complex. The board's demanding operational context suggests a need to reflect on its internal systems, deliver enhanced ICT capability, including online appeals facilities and geographical information systems, as well as pursuing active strategies for staff training and development and exposure to their wider operational environment. Accordingly, an organisationally focused external review of An Bord Pleanála provides a significant opportunity for this much respected State body. I believe this was necessary and, hence, I initiated this review. No one should have anything but an optimistic view of how or what that review might identify because the Government wants to further develop and support the crucial role the board plays in delivering fairness and certainty, especially in its timelines.

I also intend to shortly publish arrangements for the preparation of a new national planning framework to succeed the national spatial strategy which will require considerable consultation with other Departments, State agencies and non-governmental organisations, NGOs, as well as an appropriate level of public consultation prior to the submission of the final strategy to the Oireachtas. The national planning framework will set the strategic agenda for planning, taking account of our wider island, European and global contexts, as well as co-ordinating policies and investment decisions in areas such as regional competitiveness, urban and rural development, transport, energy and communications, natural resource development, well-being, climate change and environmental quality. The national planning framework will represent the Government's policy on how nationally significant planning matters should be addressed by relevant Departments and Government agencies.

The framework will also represent the spatial expression of the Government's wider economic and reform agenda as it applies to the key zones of economic activity and their urban and rural components that drive economic and social progress. The framework will also identify national developments and other nationally strategic development opportunities, as well as an action programme for progress.

The newly shaped regional assemblies will be preparing regional spatial and economic strategies in tandem with the preparation of the framework. These strategies are also being provided with legal and administrative underpinning to ensure they will be effective and followed through by all relevant public sector bodies, particularly those with responsibility for economic development and enterprise promotion. All relevant agencies will be accountable to the regional assemblies for adherence to the economic aspects of the regional spatial and economic strategies, ensuring a coherent and collaborative approach to economic development across each region rather than, for example, different areas competing for the same investment project.

Some Deputies referred to issues concerning Wicklow County Council. As I am considering these issues, it would be inappropriate for me to make any further comment until such time every issue has been considered.

Taking account of both the tribunal's findings and recent experiences, I believe better planning will be achieved. This will be through an evidence-based approach for future needs, whether for housing, office space, retailing or infrastructure. These will be agreed strategically and matched by strategic planning at government level through the appropriate national strategies and sectorial investment plans. We will refocus on revitalising our city and town centres, moving against the past tendency to envisage extensive, even sprawling extensions, of our cities and towns, drawing the lifeblood out of older, established central urban areas. Local authorities will use the core strategy approach to tackle the legacy of historical and systemic overzoning, ensuring all zoning is based on a quantifiable need that is community-based rather than developer-led. We will move instead towards a more co-ordinated and joined-up approach to the delivery of essential public services such as schools, public transport, water services using the local plan as the template.

Listening to the various initiatives under way, Members will agree that after a lean period of planning and development activity, the Government is engaged across an unprecedented array of legislative, policy development and organisational reforms designed to return our planning system to its roots as a process fundamentally focused on the interests of the common good. It will be a process in which people can be confident and depend on to deliver the sustainable communities and quality of life for which we all strive and deserve. No longer will we have the games of the past. We are putting in an infrastructure and planning process to build for the future.

I welcome the Minister’s amendment to this Private Members’ motion. For eight years, I was a member of Limerick County Council, a predominantly rural council. Those of us from rural areas know more than better than those in urban areas about issues around planning. We have certainly borne the brunt of many inconsistencies.

The main thrust of this motion is a politicised attack on the Government for one reason or the other. Maybe it is to deflect attention from other matters. None of the Opposition contributors referred to some of the messes the Government has already cleared up such as pyrite and the firetrap that was Priory Hall. Priory Hall was built by somebody with a strong connection to a political party opposite.

There is no connection.

There is no need for Deputy Stanley to get defensive. The Government was left to clear up the problem. Deputy Stanley will have an opportunity when summing up tomorrow night to condemn the people who built Priory Hall and who put unsuspecting home owners into a firetrap which it was then left to this Government to take them out of. In his summing up, Deputy Stanley might also acknowledge some of the work the Government has done in undoing what was done by unscrupulous developers, not only connected to one Opposition party but to several.

The Minister has outlined the legislative proposal for a planning regulator. A planning regulator is important because not only will it provide a watchdog for elected members of local authorities and officials, development plans and zoning, but also for the implementation of those plans. Nobody should be above the law, regardless of their affiliations or otherwise. When one sees obvious planning discrepancies being left unchallenged by local authorities and reams of applications being made for retention that are put on a merry-go-round in some cases by local authorities, it begs the question as to what they are doing. One can walk into ghost estates in some parts of this country and wonder to oneself was there any planning authority supervising what was built. One can travel through towns where Georgian facades to buildings have been destroyed. Again, one wonders was there any planning authority in the area. Was it because the group of people involved in this particular element of building were above the law that they could get away with it?

I welcome the introduction of a planning regulator. However, it should be open to the citizen and third parties to draw attention to failings of local authorities to implement their own planning decisions.

We know of instances concerning Part 8 where planning applications granted by local authorities were not even completed, yet they will slap enforcement orders on people for simple, innocuous things. We have come from a difficult situation concerning a total lack of trust by citizens in the planning process and those who lived with the consequences in places such as Priory Hall. It is important for us to move on robustly and in this respect I welcome the commitment to establish a planning regulator.

I would like to draw attention to another group, however, and the Minister might share my view as he comes from a rural constituency. These are third-party, prescribed organisations that are unelected and accountable to nobody. People cannot join them even if they have a vested interest, but they seem to churn out observations to beat the band on planning applications that bear no resemblance to where they live. They are not from the area, yet in many cases they are destroying the economic viability of many projects.

The Minister will be well aware of a particular instance in my constituency recently. It concerned a project that hopefully will deliver 150 jobs to the Port of Foynes. The project went through a detailed environmental examination by the local authority and the local community broadly welcomed it. Yet, lo and behold, after planning permission was granted, third-party objectors, none of whom was local, landed in and appealed to An Bord Pleanála.

As the Minister comes from an area not too dissimilar to my own, I urge him to act in this regard. I have put up with this sort of baloney for the last 20 years, whereby a third-party organisation can destroy a person's right to live, work and rear a family in the country. As I also told the Minister's predecessor, the oxygen needs to be turned off for these people. If they want to continue treating people in rural areas as pariahs, they should not do it on the backs of taxpayers. It is about time that the revenue stream into that organisation was stopped once and for all.

I am sick of people interfering who are not resident in my county and do not know the local people or the fabric of the local community. The only time they were a part of rural Ireland was when they looked out the window and thought it was some sort of game reserve that should be visited at the weekend. Those people have done untold damage to rural communities. It is about time that someone in the Department of the Environment, Community and Local Government took them on. I hope the Minister is the person to do so.

I have no problem with sustainable development or third-party objections, but I have a major difficulty with vexatious objections. The same people churn out this sort of palaver time after time because they want our rural communities to be maintained akin to the home counties in England, somewhere one visits at the weekend and then returns to the city on Sunday evening.

The Northern Ireland administration went down that road once upon a time, banning one-off rural housing. There is a group of people in Dublin 4, the leafy suburb set, who also want to do that in this jurisdiction. Up to now, they have gone unchallenged and unchecked by any government. It is about time somebody took them on and said, once and for all, they can put forward third-party objections, but to do so like everybody else, within the statutory time period.

We should not have a system where a person thinks he or she has obtained planning permission, yet the next day receive a letter from the local authority stating: "Congratulations, you've won a trip to An Bord Pleanála." A person could be stuck there for months and God only knows how long it would take to come out of it. In addition, there is no timeframe to deal with such matters.

We have seen objections to roads and other strategic infrastructure in the name of protecting snails, birds and others things. It has gone on long enough. Anybody currently looking at this country as a place to invest outside Dublin would say we have to take on the birds, bees and muesli brigade first before we will be able to create a job. This is happening in communities that were devastated by the actions of the previous Government. They lost their jobs and went to Australia or hung on for dear life in the hope that they might be able to sustain a future for their families.

If there is going to be proper planning legislation in this country it needs to take account of what communities like the one I represent want, not what the people in Merrion Row or Waterloo Road think they might want. The people who sent me, the Minister and other Deputies from rural constituencies here, expect the Government to take on unelected vested interests. They have destroyed rural communities for long enough. They have told us the type of house we can have, including height and location restrictions. This sort of thing has gone on for so long that people are frustrated. The public want accountability but they will not get it while a prescribed organisation, which is protected under the Planning Acts, can object on a wing and a prayer. It can thus destroy a person's right to live, work and rear their family in a rural community.

I welcome what the Minister said about vacant land. The towns the Minister represents, including Borrisokane, Borrisoleigh and Clonmel, are similar to towns in my constituency. There are concerns about vacant sites. I am glad the Minister specified urban areas, but I am concerned about the population threshold of such areas, although I know he will go for the right level.

I also welcome the steps concerning development levies. Local authorities have been bound by ridiculous legislation whereby they cannot vary development levies. Anything that will reduce such levies to a sustainable level, allowing jobs to be created in rural areas, is welcome.

I welcome the amended motion as this is an opportune time to talk about planning generally. The last national spatial strategy was a kind of "whatever you're having yourself" affair. It was a scatter-gun approach to planning with a bit for everybody involved with Fianna Fáil and the PDs at the time. This needs to be done on a proper, fair and accountable basis. It should not exclude constituencies like my own because we do not have a seat at the Cabinet table. I know the Minister will not do that.

I look forward to the legislation being published. I hope, however, that the Minister will take on the protected species who launch third-party objections because they have been around for long enough.

I commend the Sinn Féin motion which Fianna Fáil will be supporting. Back in 2012, we proposed a similar motion in response to the Mahon tribunal report. If that position had been adopted then we would be a lot further on than we currently are.

That said, I do acknowledge that there has been a lot of progress as outlined in the Minister's script. I am intrigued, however, because this obviously slipped through the Labour and Fine Gael press offices. He spoke of substantial reform in 2000 and again in 2010 which has transformed the shape of the planning process and particularly the land use re-zoning process. That is not bad for a Government that was supposed to have wrecked the country. Every time the Minister talks about planning he normally does not refer to that kind of work that was done, but I welcome that acknowledgement.

So many issues are being reviewed in the context of the economic collapse that planning decisions around the country must be among them. While we have a banking inquiry, some thought also needs to be given to over-planning and unsuitable planning. In his remarks, the Minister said that work is under way with a view to appointing a regulator. It should be done so that we do not end up in a situation again where Members of this House will in future have to deal with issues such as flooding, pyrite and lack of services.

We recently dealt with a Private Members' business item concerning speeding in housing estates. That kind of thing, however, should be the purview of a properly functioning planning process that is in tune with the needs of communities it purports to represent.

I heard the end of Deputy O'Donovan's tirade and found myself agreeing with a lot of what he said. That is not a normal condition for me and I hope there is some treatment for it. There are serious issues concerning the Minister's role in interpreting and reviewing county development plans, particularly where the Minister issues directions to a local authority forcing it to revise the plan. Local authority representatives are directly elected by their communities and are directly accountable to them every five years.

They must stand up and defend their position, role and decisions. A Minister or a Minister's officials are far removed from those communities and the impact of their decision on communities. If we are serious about reforming local government, we must give it the power to make decisions for communities.

I make no apology for representing a rural area. I have just come from a phone call to a community in north Mayo of approximately 1,900 people where the HSE apparently cannot get a GP. There are 22 practices in rural communities around the country where the HSE apparently cannot get a GP. It is not restricted to finding GPs, as there are issues with post offices, schools and a range of services leaving rural communities. At the same time, people who are trying to develop these communities and sustain them by allowing families to live and make their homes there are being frustrated, in many cases, by restrictive development plans that arise with input from a Department that does not understand the community.

The Minister of State is from an urban area but the need of a community is the same in an urban area as in a rural area. He was involved with a very high-profile planning issue regarding the proposed incinerator, and he can understand what communities feel. In rural areas, one cannot get permission for a family home but a semi-State company can land a few turbines beside a house. A semi-State company can build forestry around communities and plough forest roads but when a family wishes to build a house, it is put through the hoops. As a result of the new building regulations from last year, people may be forced to do archaeological reports and a range of actions before one even begins building. By the time a family gets an agent, planning advice and all the reports, it could be spending up to between €20,000 and €25,000 before a bit of concrete goes into the ground. Nobody has that any more, and why are we looking for it? Why are we taking the trust that we have in our local authorities away by implementing regulations and constraining our local authorities?

I know there is a debate within certain circles about the cost of providing services to rural areas, and if permission is granted, services are required. That is part of the issue. We should have a system where we would not have to wait until 2020 to get broadband to the furthest reaches of the country. I accept we were in government at the time but we should have decided ten years ago that it would have been installed. We should decide now that new technologies that will be essential for living will be a major part of developing communities. Technology and community do not have to be in conflict all the time, and technology can sustain and encourage communities. Broadband Internet and 4G technology has made it possible for people to work from home while they have a job based in this city; they can work from County Mayo or any rural county. These people are kept in the community, which benefits from the value of family, and the person's enthusiasm can be harnessed.

There has been a tendency to forget the seriousness of the tribunal reports, including their conclusions. The publication of those reports was a dark day for this House and appropriate action was taken. It was a darker day for the communities and the people now living in them. They are going without services that were never built and sub-standard housing. I know the pyrite scheme, although linked to the building boom rather than bad planning, is an example of an attempt to deal with this issue. Perhaps the Minister of State's Department of Social Protection could consider schemes or community support measures to help develop communities. The residents of the estates that are away from everywhere could partake in a community audit in order to develop services, perhaps using unemployed residents within the estates who may be unemployed but who may have the requisite skills to help. There could be a community investment fund for everybody's individual community. There is definitely something in this, particularly with regard to services. We are often approached to help deal with problems of unfinished lights, paths and roads. I remember a case some years ago when we were able to get the council to return a bond to us and the people in the estate who were in various trades were able to come together on a co-operative basis and complete the services for a fraction of what it would normally have cost. If that kind of operation could be put in place around the country, we could start bringing facilities and standards up to scratch and investing in the communities that are victims of a bad planning process.

It is very important that we acknowledge the changes that have happened, as noted by the Minister, Deputy Kelly, earlier. We should acknowledge that the transparency of the planning system is far more robust now than it ever has been. We need to ensure that the recommendations of the final report of the tribunal is implemented in full. I am intrigued by the notion that the Minister has two planning Bills for this Dáil session, which has two months to go. Let us not rush this. We must bring in the regulator - that is important - and the Government has had four years to do it. I get the sense that much legislation will be rushed through in the next few weeks, which will lead to mistakes being made. We should remember that with planning legislation, a word or phrase inserted as an amendment will have a direct impact on somebody's life in a way that some other legislation we produce here does not. When the building regulations now choking home building, and specifically single house building, around the country were discussed, some people on this side of the House tried to point out the difficulties, including the cost. However, people did not realise the extent of what is now happening.

Those building regulations have much to answer for, particularly if people are wondering why house building is so slow. They are choking the process and adding enormous expense to people at the most expensive time of their lives. Let us not rush the next phase of planning legislation. We must ensure it can be properly debated in the House. This time of the year is guillotine season and I worry that when we return after the by-election and referendum, legislation will appear and be guillotined. I ask the Minister of State to give a commitment when wrapping up tomorrow night that given the poor record of planning, we will not guillotine planning legislation and the provisions to improve it. We must ensure that when we proceed with an independent regulator, we should do so in the spirit proposed and with regard to what people believe. The independent regulator must be accountable to somebody as well, and the problem is we have set up so many regulators who are accountable to nobody. There must be accountability for this regulator in particular.

The next speaking slot is shared by Deputies Maureen O'Sullivan and Thomas Pringle.

Cinnte, tá fadhbanna leis an bpróiseas pleanála sa tír seo. Tá cuid de na fadhbanna seo ag leanúint ar aghaidh inniu. There is absolutely no doubt there have been planning decisions in this country that have been disastrous for communities, certain areas and, at times, for the country as a whole. There was an expectation that there would be progress and that the promises made on the reviews into planning in certain local authorities would be met. Equally, it was expected that there would be a much better era of accountability and transparency. Progress has been extremely slow, so it is good that Sinn Féin has brought this motion to the Chamber tonight for debate.

I will consider two issues in my constituency, or three if I have time. The most glaring matter is the current and long-standing issue of Moore Street, an area of historical and cultural significance. It was first allowed by the local authority to fall into dereliction for many years and then it was sold, lock, stock and barrel to a private developer. If the so-called boom had continued, we would have another massive shopping centre at Moore Street in the midst of all the others in the area. This part of Dublin is of great historic significance and potential, as opposed to the one-sided view of culture evident in Temple Bar, has been failed by our planning system. That system has also failed the people who gave their lives in the Easter Rising. As a result of the planning process, today on Moore Street there are multinational supermarkets and tacky establishments that are undermining the genuine and long-standing tradition of Moore Street traders.

Another scandal in Dublin Central relates to Aldborough House, which is the second-biggest private Georgian residence in Dublin. We are standing in the largest such residence. The property had various uses over the past 200 years before being sold to a property developer whose company went into liquidation. I am not sure if the developer's lifestyle went into liquidation but the property is now going to rack and ruin. I am not sure if he is getting a fine salary from the State but developers should be responsible for the properties they bought, regardless of the state of their companies. If there is any money coming into those developers, it should be used to secure the properties so they are not left to the local authority, which in this case is Dublin City Council.

The third one is in the docklands. The Minister of State and I both know about some of the disasters there where communities were left fighting for survival against the planners and developers.

I listened to the Minister outline some of his plans. The Mahon tribunal sat for ten years and cost €97 million. What did it achieve? Some of the problems identified are still there. Unless there is real progress on this issue, there will be another boom and bust cycle and we will see more people evading taxes and putting their money into property. Already we can see certain sectors looking for restrictions to be lifted.

The Mahon tribunal lasted 15 years and cost €159 million in total. It resulted in a 3,270 page report and had a history of quashed findings and reversed cost orders. It was the longest running public inquiry in the history of the State and played a part in the public's diminished belief that accountability could be achieved. The Government has not taken the tribunal seriously. It has only partly incorporated some of its recommendations, while ignoring the rest. It is a poor record for a Government that campaigned for political reform and further damages the public's belief in the accountability of those in power.

Under the current planning Acts, planning has become a complex and convoluted process, leading to a lack of transparency in the sector. There are also a number of concerns about the general scheme of the Planning and Development (No. 2) Bill 2014. I support this Private Member's motion as it brings to light many of those concerns, the most pressing of which is the establishment of a planning regulator. While the general scheme sets out that the planning regulator shall be independent in the performance of his or her functions, in fact, he or she will not be independent. The scheme states the planning regulator should be appointed by the Minister and states the Minister and the planning regulator shall consult together on matters pertaining to the functions of the office. The scheme does not list the bodies that will be regulated by the proposed planning regulator.

In this case, Irish Water is not listed. There are concerns about Irish Water's role in the development and management of spatial strategies. Given that it will have the ability to facilitate, delay or prevent development, how will its decision-making power be made accountable in the context of planning and development? Will Irish Water be accountable to the office of the planning regulator? Head 34 of the scheme contains a proposal to amend legislation to state Irish Water have regard to any opinion of the Minister on the national and regional order of priority to the planning and development requirements of local authority development plans. The concern is that if the planning regulator is not entirely independent of the Government, as stated in the scheme, there is a potential conflict of interest. Will the national spatial strategy and regional planning guidelines have regard to Irish Water and, if so, to what extent?

These questions are not addressed. As such, it is timely that the Private Members' motion forces the Government to answer them. The level of public trust is at a new low. The general scheme was an opportunity to reinvigorate trust in accountable and transparent institutions. The establishment of Irish Water in the first place raised questions about its structure and execution, but the general scheme still does not address how Irish Water will be effectively regulated and incorporated into the planning system. The question is how the public can ever trust public bodies again. I suspect they will not be able to in light of this. Next year's election might reflect this even more.

Debate adjourned.
The Dáil adjourned at 8.55 p.m. until 9.30 a.m. on Wednesday, 13 May 2015.
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