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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 15 Jul 2015

Vol. 887 No. 2

Events at Ballymurphy in 1971 and Legacy Issues: Motion

I move:

That Dáil Éireann:

supports the Ballymurphy families in their quest for the truth through an Independent Panel of Inquiry concerning the context, circumstances and aftermath of the events in August 1971 in which eleven people died in Ballymurphy in West Belfast;

disagrees and is disappointed with the decisions by the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland in April 2014 not to establish independent reviews into certain Troubles-related deaths, including into the events in Ballymurphy in August 1971;

notes that the Taoiseach met the Ballymurphy families on 27th March last at which time he reiterated the Government's support for the families' quest for the truth and justice regarding the deaths of their loved ones, including their proposal for an Independent Panel of Inquiry, and that he has written further to Prime Minister Cameron on the matter;

calls on the relevant authorities in Northern Ireland and in Britain to ensure that incidents such as Ballymurphy, and other cases of similar circumstances and contention, are dealt with in a manner and a timescale that meets international human rights standards;

notes:

— in addition, the importance of addressing legacy issues related to the Troubles in a comprehensive way that encompasses all victims of violence and that respects the principles of the Stormont House Agreement, namely:

— promotes reconciliation;

— upholds the rule of law;

— acknowledges and addresses the suffering of victims and survivors;

— facilitates the pursuit of justice and information recovery;

— is human rights compliant; and

— is balanced, proportionate, transparent, fair and equitable; and

— that inquests have now been reopened in Northern Ireland into a number of the deaths at Ballymurphy in August 1971 and other similar cases and calls on the British Government and all relevant authorities to co-operate fully and in a timely manner with those inquests and in line with the principles for dealing with the past established in the Stormont House Agreement;

supports the:

— implementation of the comprehensive institutional arrangements agreed under the Stormont House Agreement as part of the transition to long-term peace and stability, for dealing with the legacy of the past – in particular, the Historical Investigations Unit (HIU); the Independent Commission on Information Retrieval (ICIR); an Oral History Archive; high quality services for victims and survivors and an Implementation and Reconciliation Group; and

— full co-operation of all relevant Irish authorities with the mechanisms provided under the Stormont House Agreement as part of the transition to long-term peace and stability;

calls on the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland to reconsider her decision in April 2014 not to establish an independent panel to consider the events in Ballymurphy in August 1971; and

directs the Clerk of the Dáil to communicate the text of this Resolution to both the Northern Ireland Assembly and the House of Commons of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, with a request that the matter be considered by them and appropriate action taken.

The motion before the House is one that brings with it a sense of profound sadness on the part of all of us who will contribute to the debate: sadness for the 11 lives lost in the shocking and terrible events that occurred in Ballymurphy in August 1971; sadness for the bereaved and still grieving families, many of whom we warmly welcome to the House today, of those killed; and sadness, too, at the realisation that justice and truth still elude the Ballymurphy families.

I acknowledge the presence of some of the family members and representatives of those who lost their lives during that appalling period. With the Tánaiste and the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade, I have just met the families. The suffering they have endured through the loss of their loved ones has been compounded by the anguish caused by the failure, to date, to establish the truth about the tragic events which occurred almost 44 years ago.

I also acknowledge the presence of representatives of the McGurk's bar families who are here in support of the Ballymurphy families. They, too, have suffered the pain of losing loved ones in terrible events that occurred on 4 December 1971, when 15 people were killed and 17 injured in a loyalist bomb blast in the New Lodge area of north Belfast. I know that they also have had a long quest to get to the truth of the events that so cruelly took their loved ones. We hope the recently granted judicial review of the Historical Enquiries Team investigation into these dreadful events will help that process. I recognise that there are very many bereaved families who are carrying a painful burden of loss from that period. In a great number of these cases justice has yet to be done. Tragically, in some, with the passing of time, justice may never be done. While those who died are mourned within their own families and remembered within their local communities, their stories do not necessarily receive a public profile. I express my utmost solidarity with all of these families. Their suffering is a further reminder, if any was needed, of the importance for all of us to comprehensively address the legacy of the past.

The deaths at Ballymurphy in August 1971 are part of that tragic legacy. When I first met the families at Government Buildings on 30 January 2014, I heard at first hand heartbreaking personal accounts of the deaths of their loved ones. I was struck by their determination to achieve truth and justice in order to honour the lives of those who had been killed. I was moved beyond words to hear of their need to get to the truth of the circumstances of the deaths of their loved family members. They know that nothing can ever replace those whom they lost, but they believe, as I do and all present, that the very least they are owed is the truth. I told the families - I reiterate it in Dáil Éireann - that the Irish Government supported them and was fully committed to assisting them in that search for justice. I told them that we supported them in their quest to find out the truth and vindicate the good names and reputations of their loved ones. I told them that the Government supported the call for an independent review to examine all documents relating to the context, circumstances and aftermath of the deaths of their loved ones. I welcome the all-party motion we are debating which consolidates our support for the families. I thank all parties and Members of the House for their support of the all-party motion.

When I met the families, I undertook to raise the matter directly with Prime Minister Cameron. I did so, both in writing and in person in March 2014. I also took the opportunity to recount to him some of the searingly painful stories that the Ballymurphy families had shared with me. I visited Ballymurphy in March this year. I heard further testimony from the families at the scene of what would always be a place of great sadness for them. It is a place which is their home but which will always bear the scars of the atrocity committed there. That visit again brought home to me in the most powerful way imaginable because I stood where the tragic events had happened just what the families had gone through and the great pain and suffering they had experienced. Following that visit I renewed efforts with Prime Minister Cameron, both in writing and in person when I met him on 18 June last, to reiterate the Government's support for the families' quest for truth and justice. I expressed the Government's strong view that a way should be found to get to the truth of what happened during those dreadful days in August 1971. The Prime Minister, for his part, remains unpersuaded of the need for an independent inquiry. The British Government is of the view that the balance of public interest does not lie in favour of establishing the independent review that the Ballymurphy families are seeking. I believe the British Government's position in this matter is wrong and will continue to press for an independent inquiry, as will my Government colleagues. Moreover, Dáil Éireann, the House of representatives of the people of the Twenty-six Counties, believes the British Government's position is wrong in this instance. The all-party motion reaffirms and reinforces that belief and consolidates support from the Dáil for the Ballymurphy families.

It is important to remember all of the victims of the Troubles. Since assuming the office of Taoiseach, I have stood with the families in Ballymurphy in the place where the horrendous killings took place in August 1971. I have stood with the families in Bessbrook where the awful Kingsmills massacre took place in 1976. I have stood on the Peace bridge in Derry, not far from where the awful events of Bloody Sunday unfolded in 1972. I have stood at the Cenotaph in Enniskillen where people were murdered in 1987 as they commemorated their war dead. How we deal with the past will help to determine the pace and the prospects for a reconciled and thriving society in Northern Ireland. Finding a way to do this and which honours the lives of all those who were lost and that comprehends all who have been left behind has been a long and difficult process. We acknowledge the important work done by Robin Eames and Denis Bradley in 2009 in publishing the report of the consultative group on the past. We acknowledge, too, the contribution made by Dr. Richard Haass and Professor Meghan O'Sullivan in 2013.

Throughout last autumn and winter the two Governments and the five Northern Ireland Executive parties worked with integrity as part of the Stormont House talks to find a framework to deal with the past which could command broad political support. That was substantially achieved in the Stormont House Agreement of 23 December 2014 which brings us to where we are today. The Stormont House Agreement provides us with an important framework for how we deal with the past. When I met the Ballymurphy families, I said there were at least three possible avenues that could usefully be explored. They include an independent panel inquiry; inquests held under a strengthened coroner process in the North; and the legacy structures being put in place under the Stormont House Agreement. I believe the appointment of an independent panel to examine all documents relating to the context, circumstances and aftermath of the deaths would be the best way to meet the families' wishes. The Government supports this proposal. The decision of the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland in April 2014 not to establish independent reviews into certain Troubles-related deaths, including those who died in Ballymurphy and also those who died in the bombing of the La Mon hotel, remains a source of disappointment for the families and also for Members of this House. The all-party motion will serve to reinforce and underscore the need to find a way to establish the truth.

Recognising shortcomings in the legacy inquest process in Northern Ireland, the Stormont House Agreement provides for the Northern Ireland Executive to take appropriate steps to improve the way legacy inquests operate in order to comply with the requirements of the European Convention on Human Rights. I welcome the reference in the motion calling on the British Government and all relevant authorities to co-operate fully and in a timely manner with the inquests which have been reopened into a number of the deaths at Ballymurphy. We must continue to drive forward the implementation of the Stormont House Agreement as it is of fundamental importance both to families who have suffered and society as a whole.

The Stormont House Agreement is built on a number of fundamental principles which must be respected if we are to achieve the true reconciliation that we all seek. These principles are reflected in the motion before the House today and include the pursuit of justice and information retrieval which is, of course, of particular relevance in the case of Ballymurphy. Good progress is being made on putting in place the arrangements necessary to establish the institutions under this framework, including the historical investigations unit and the independent commission on information retrieval. We ensured in the Stormont House Agreement that legacy inquests will continue as a separate process from the historical investigations unit, a matter that is of importance to the Ballymurphy relatives and other families. The Government will play its part in establishing this framework. We will bring forward all necessary legislation without undue delay. We will provide the fullest possible information which the State has in its possession, in accordance with the law.

I spoke to the British Prime Minister in Stormont House during the talks leading up to the agreement and he assured me that the British Government will co-operate with the new structures. The Prime Minister has in the past shown leadership on these matters, including in regard to Bloody Sunday.

The historical investigations unit will be a new independent body and its personnel will have full investigatory policing powers. It will undertake investigations in Northern Ireland into outstanding Troubles-related deaths, including outstanding cases from the PSNI's Historical Enquiries Team process and the legacy work of the Police Ombudsman for Northern Ireland. The independent commission on information retrieval will enable people in both jurisdictions to seek and receive information about the deaths of their loved ones during those troubled times.

In addition, the Stormont House Agreement provides for an oral history archive and an implementation and reconciliation group to oversee themes, archives and information recovery across the framework for dealing with the legacy of the past. The oral history archive in particular will provide a central location for people from all backgrounds and from throughout Britain and Ireland to share experiences and narratives related to the Troubles.

As I have said on previous occasions, I do not subscribe to the notion of a hierarchy of victims. During the Troubles, thousands were murdered and maimed. Each tragic case left behind devastated family members, friends and colleagues. The challenge that continues to face us today is to address in an adequate fashion the issues faced by those people, including the Ballymurphy families, who continue to suffer the consequences of our tragic past.

Very many people lost their lives during the Troubles. Today, however, Dáil Éireann remembers with deep sadness eleven people in particular: Joan Connolly; Joseph Corr; Eddie Doherty; John Laverty; Paddy McCarthy; John McKerr; Fr. Hugh Mullan; Joseph Murphy; Noel Phillips; Frank Quinn; and Danny Teggart. Those 11 people lost their lives in Ballymurphy during those terrible events in August 1971. Today Dáil Éireann also pays tribute to the families of those who died and their courageous search for truth and justice for their loved ones. We wholeheartedly re-affirm our support for the Ballymurphy families and their quest for the truth and justice that they and their loved ones so richly deserve.

I commend the motion to the House.

I welcome the opportunity to speak this afternoon on this important all-party motion. In particular, I welcome to Leinster House representatives from the Ballymurphy Massacre Campaign and representatives of the relatives of the victims of the McGurk's Bar bombing. They have campaigned for many decades to finally see justice for the deaths of their parents, siblings, friends and pastors. While today is by no means the end of their campaign, it is a significant landmark on the journey.

My party has supported the Ballymurphy families over recent years. When he was Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade, Deputy Eamon Gilmore met the families and expressed his support for an inquiry, both as a member of the Government and as leader of the Labour Party. Some 18 months ago, a Labour Party delegation, comprising the Ministers of State, Deputies Ó Ríordáin and Nash, and Deputies Dowds and Wall, met the families in west Belfast. They listened to the families' stories, and heard the descriptions of what took place over a number of days in 1971, the trauma and suffering that the families have endured since, and the wholly inadequate official investigations that took place subsequently. At the time, my colleagues vowed to keep their campaign on the political agenda, to support the families' call for a Hillsborough-style independent panel inquiry, and to build wider consensus across the Oireachtas. This work has contributed to where we are today and I am proud and pleased the Labour Party has played a role in doing so.

It is hard for us today to consider the atmosphere in Belfast at the time that these events took place. That year, 1971, was one of the worst years of the Troubles. The year was characterised by a major upsurge in loyalist and republican violence. The then Northern Ireland Prime Minister, Mr. James Chichester-Clarke, was forced to resign as a result. The IRA campaign accelerated, and the Ulster Defence Association also mobilised. Yet, the year will be probably, and most tragically, remembered for the introduction of the policy of internment without trial by the British Government. This latter event, subsequently described by the then British Home Secretary, Mr. Reginald Maudling as “an unmitigated disaster which has left an indelible mark on the history of Northern Ireland”, was the backdrop for the shooting of 11 Catholic civilians by members of the parachute regiment in Ballymurphy, west Belfast, that August.

Internment was one of the most disastrous policy responses by the British Government to the escalating conflict in Northern Ireland. It was a blunt instrument, aimed exclusively at militant republicans and not at loyalist paramilitary groups. It was an outdated and in many ways nostalgic response to republican activity, harking back to the Border campaign of the 1950s. Rather than contain an IRA that had increasingly gone on the offensive, it used out-of-date intelligence to round up swathes of sympathisers alongside a number of leading people in the republican movement. In short, it left a bitter and lasting hostile legacy among the nationalist and Catholic population.

The Ballymurphy killings were part of the immediate aftermath of the introduction of internment. As violence flared in republican areas, gun battles broke-out between members of the IRA and the British Army. In the midst of this chaos, 11 people were shot by the British Army in Ballymurphy. From the personal history, we know they included teenagers, housewives, people who worked in bars and labourers - a wide cross-section of people.

Just as there was little or no doubt regarding the culpability of the parachute regiment for the deaths of innocent civilians during Bloody Sunday in Derry less than six months later, so too was that regiment clearly responsible for these murders. The pain that the families had to endure following the loss of their family members was exacerbated by the inadequate inquests into their deaths that returned opened verdicts. As a result, the families embarked on a long campaign for justice. The Labour Party has stood with the families in their campaign. We have done so not for any partisan political reasons, but simply because we believe it is the right thing to do.

I acknowledge the work that has been done by other parties in this House to support the Ballymurphy families. I would also like to acknowledge the work done by other public representatives to support them.

I am glad that we are joined today in the Visitors Gallery by Alex and Tim Attwood of the SDLP who have stood with the families over many years and who introduced members of the campaign to the Labour Party and facilitated our meetings, as did John Hume over the decades, when his health was better. So too Trevor Lunn of the Alliance Party who has consistently campaigned on their behalf. Together, their work with the Irish Government and all the parties here in Dáil Éireann has been crucial in reaching agreement on this all-party motion.

As Tánaiste, I give the Ballymurphy families my commitment that I will continue to press the British Government on the need for a new independent review panel to investigate these deaths. The formula for such an inquiry is already there. A Hillsborough-style inquiry would be short and cost-effective. While the Bloody Sunday Inquiry took many years to retrieve the truth about what happened during that terrible day in Derry, this inquiry would be more focussed and succinct. It is regrettable that the British Government has so far turned down such a process. In doing so, it helps to maintain and foment a sense of suspicion, rather than assist in the recovery of truth for those that deserve it most, the families. Indeed, while I once again acknowledge the British Government’s apology for the events of Bloody Sunday, it must not see that inquiry as an end in itself.

Throughout the peace process, the Irish Government has sought to fulfil all of its obligations and honour the commitments it has entered into. This applies to accounting for actions taken by authorities in this State. We took a leadership role in this area on publication of the Smithwick tribunal report two years ago. That concerned collusion by members of An Garda Síochána based in Dundalk and members of the IRA in the murder of two RUC officers in Armagh in 1989. On publication, the Government offered a sincere and fulsome apology to the Breen and Buchanan families on behalf of the Irish State. At the time my colleague, Deputy Gilmore, told the Dáil: "But where these allegations of collusion by agents of the state were concerned, we have long agreed that the state bears a particular and solemn responsibility". The families of the two men accepted it with grace and dignity.

This demonstrates that when those who were in any way involved in conflict face up to their responsibility, the healing and reconciliation process can be truly advanced. I recognise that full disclosure on the past may not be an achievable outcome but simply sweeping things away, or drawing a line under them, cannot provide the necessary healing. Too many issues surrounding the past in Northern Ireland require a form of resolution. The recent focus on issues of collusion is further evidence of that. It is for this reason that I have agreed to meet representatives of Relatives for Justice, along with the family of Eddie Fullerton, to discuss making further progress on their cases. The Irish Government also continues to support an inquiry into the murder of Pat Finucane, and we serially raise this matter with our British counterparts.

Dealing with the legacy of the Troubles remains one of the most difficult issues for the entire community in Northern Ireland. However, it is also one of the most crucial. For many years since the Good Friday Agreement it has been one of the so-called "outstanding issues" that successive governments have sought to deal with. For its part, the Irish Government is fully committed to finding appropriate mechanisms to deal with the past. The basis of our approach has always been the Eames-Bradley report of 2010, which laid down the basic foundations for such a structure. We worked to have the basic architecture of Eames-Bradley contained in the Haass-O’Sullivan proposals that emerged from a series of negotiations between the political parties in the North 18 months ago. The Haass package formed the basis of what was agreed at the Stormont House negotiations that I participated in along with the Taoiseach, the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade, the Minister of State with responsibility for North-South co-operation, and the British Government, along with the Northern parties, last December. While Eames-Bradley continues to be the core reference point, I am concerned that at each stage of negotiations, and the further we get from the original, the proposals lose a little, or get slightly more diluted. I am aware that many people who were young children and teenagers at the time of these murders and who now have children, grandchildren and great-grandchildren want to see the memory of their family members honoured and the truth of what happened emerge. To retain their integrity, and for the people in the North who have sought to have justice or even a basic level of investigation into what happened to their deceased loved ones, all parties must ensure that dealing with the past remains to the fore in political negotiations. Politics is always trying to achieve a settlement and to do so by negotiation.

Only through the work of the families and their determination to keep campaigning for the truth, and their perseverance, are we here today. Though their journey is not yet complete, they can rest assured that they have the support of this Government and my party, and all parties and Members in the Dáil along the way. Tá seanfhocal ann sa Ghaeilge: "Ní neart go cur le chéile" agus is fíor sin maidir le muintireacha agus clann Ballymurphy. There is a saying in Irish that we are not strong until we all come together. This process of the all-party motion is to bring the combined strength of the Dáil together and all the different histories and experiences we bring to this, and hopefully, to see the families achieve the resolution, the truth and the story that they deserve. They know but the rest of the world and this island needs to know.

Ar son Fhianna Fáil agus ar mo shon féin ba mhaith liom comhbhrón a dhéanamh le clanna na ndaoine a fuair bás in iarthar Bhéal Feirste 44 bliain ó shin. Níl aon amhras ach gur dúnmharú uafásach a bhí ann. Is deacair a thuiscint cén fáth nach bhfuil Rialtas na Breataine sásta an dúnmharú seo a fhiosrú go neamhspleách, ionas go mbeidh fios ag cách cad a tharla agus cén fáth gur tharla sé.

On behalf of Fianna Fáil I would like to again sympathise with the relatives who lost their loved ones in Ballymurphy in West Belfast nearly 44 years ago. I welcome the relatives, friends and those involved in the campaign to Leinster House. I also welcome representatives of the families of those who were murdered in the McGurk's bar atrocity to Leinster House.

Those horrendous 36 hours between 9 and 11 August in 1971 will never and should never be forgotten. Fianna Fáil fully supports all the relatives in their quest for the truth. The families know the truth but what they want is official acknowledgement of the truth. There is no justification whatsoever for the refusal to grant them this fair and reasonable demand. We all remember the response from Prime Minister Cameron when he received the full 5,000 page Saville Report in June 2010. He spoke eloquently and honestly about what happened during the Troubles. He said what happened was wrong and that he was sorry. He said the events of Bloody Sunday were "unjustified and unjustifiable". He also said, "Some members of our Armed Forces acted wrongly. The Government is ultimately responsible for the conduct of our Armed Forces. And for that, on behalf of the Government - and indeed our country - I am deeply sorry". The other significant comment Prime Minister Cameron made that day was: "For someone of my generation, Bloody Sunday and the early 1970s are something we feel we have learnt about rather than lived through. But what happened should never, ever have happened".

There is no basis for supporting the Bloody Sunday inquiry, on the one hand, and rejecting one into the Ballymurphy massacre, on the other. The Ballymurphy families have lived through the last 44 years, missing their loved ones, knowing that what happened should not have happened. They deserve and should have an independent panel of inquiry to investigate and, like the relatives of those who were murdered on Bloody Sunday, be allowed to be set free. An independent panel of inquiry would not take 12 years, like the Saville inquiry, and costs could be kept to a minimum, although time and costs have no legitimate place in discussing this important principle.

In thirty years of violence there were many atrocities. In overcoming the horrible legacy of that violence there is no substitution for an honest and open statement on what happened. Unfortunately, what we have been seeing is a battle of narratives, where the truth is something demanded of others. Selectivity in investigating the past is the enemy of the truth. It reinforces divisions and erects a barricade to prevent reconciliation. From the start, the role of the Irish Government, especially when it was led by Fianna Fáil, has been to take the unique position of demanding openness from everyone and showing it in regard to the activities of the State during the years of violence. This must continue to be the policy of Dáil Éireann and the Government we elect. We must stand against the sectarian search for accountability for others and stand for accountability for all.

In the early 1970s tensions were high in Northern Ireland and the British Government at the time introduced internment without trial. There were thousands of British troops across the Six Counties who were arresting and interning people without trial. Soldiers from the 2nd Battalion of the Parachute Regiment took over the community centre in Ballymurphy which was known as Henry Taggart Memorial Hall. This was from where Operation Demetrius was being managed and it produced some of the most intense violence. It was a small neighbourhood. Even though there were many tragic occurrences on all sides of the divide in the North during the Troubles, what happened in Ballymurphy was one of the most appalling and controversial. At the start of Operation Demetrius18 people from this community were grabbed and removed from their own homes, taken to the hall and beaten up before they were removed to another location. This caused a huge stir and barricades were put up. Because of the obvious aggression of the soldiers, people were preparing for the worst. Ten people were murdered and one more died from heart failure following the brutal attacks. Witnesses say he had been cruelly subjected to a mock execution by soldiers and then had a heart attack. None of the people who was killed was armed. At the time, there was no international condemnation of the killings. One of the victims was a priest, Fr. Mullan, who had actually telephoned the army to inform it that soldiers were shooting at civilians. This was before he himself was shot twice while giving the last rites to one of the victims. Another, Mrs. Joan Connolly, a mother of eight children, was shot in the face. Another, Mr. Noel Phillips, was just 20 years of age and unarmed when he was shot dead. Mr. Daniel Teggart was shot as he attempted to cross open ground in front of an army base and, as he lay on the ground, was shot several times more.

It has been described as a prolonged killing spree by soldiers of the Parachute Regiment just a few months before the same regiment massacred protestors on Bloody Sunday in Derry. Unfortunately, there were no journalists or camera crews present in Ballymurphy between 9 and 11 August when the killings occurred. The Provisional IRA stated at the time that no shots had been fired at the Parachute Regiment during this period of 36 hours in 1971. By any yardstick, there is no possible justification for the murders by British troops.

Relatives have fought with dignity for the past 44 years for an independent panel of inquiry and submitted detailed proposals to both the Irish and British Governments, as well as the political parties in the Northern Assembly. I had the honour of meeting the relatives when I visited the Ballymurphy site in May 2010 in my capacity as Minister for Foreign Affairs. I welcome the families to the Visitors Gallery. It was through the relatives' own creativity that they approached the Attorney General for Northern Ireland in November 2011 and made an application to have the inquests reopened under section 14 of the Coroners Act 1959. The Attorney General has directed that the coroner reopen the inquests into the deaths, although it will not have the statutory, independent powers to truly examine the circumstances involved, as well as compellability powers.

The families do not want to go down another cul-de-sac. Some reports have been carried out on the Ballymurphy massacre, but none of them actually addresses the true concerns of the families involved. There are direct contradictions of the soldiers by witnesses who were interviewed about the events. There were members of the Nationalist community who were brutally taken in the prime of their lives. The RUC performed an investigation at the time, but only members of the Royal Military Police were allowed to interview the troops involved. The soldiers maintained that they had been reacting to terrorists, that some of the deceased had been gunmen and that others had just been caught in the crossfire. Of course, no evidence was ever found of arms on the deceased and the RUC did not carry out an investigation. An inquiry was never conducted where compellability was required.

The shadows of the past will never be truly dealt with unless the nettle is grasped and an independent inquiry is established. We all accept that the families of victims of the Dublin and Monaghan bombings, Justice for the Forgotten, the Disappeared, the Kingsmill massacre, east Fermanagh and the Enniskillen bombings all need and deserve to know the truth. There has to be a genuine effort at senior political level to address this glaring anomaly. There are families on both sides who have been left bereft of the basic right to know what happened to their loved ones and who was responsible. Until we address the rights of all sides to seek and get the truth, we cannot fully deal with our island's past.

Commitments have been made on how to deal with the past in the latest Stormont House Agreement. These commitments cannot be treated flippantly, nor can they be used as an excuse not to do the right thing. The British Government has refused to set up an independent panel of inquiry into the Ballymurphy massacre, which is disappointing, to say the least. There is all-party support in the Oireachtas for an independent panel of inquiry and the Taoiseach has said numerous times since 2011 that he also favours such an inquiry. Since 2012 the economic and social position of Northern Ireland has deteriorated, we have had a succession of political crises, sectarian tensions have risen, the level of political participation has declined, the level of alienation has grown and issue after issue is being left to fester. We are returning to a damaging cycle of crises which has to stop. A genuinely open and honest reckoning with the past has to be a part of this process.

The relatives of the Ballymurphy families, in their submission requesting an independent panel of investigation, referred to the British Government-funded work of the Hillsborough independent panel, which would allow the disclosure of documents and add to the public understanding of how the murders occurred. It would also be able to help to "create a public archive of all documents reviewed by an independent panel which would establish an evidence base on which further legal actions and new inquests could be progressed".

Fianna Fáil has submitted amendments to the motion. I put it to the Taoiseach that it will not be a genuinely all-party motion until the inputs of others are fully acknowledged. We accept that a strong statement is required from the Oireachtas to ensure the British Government will face up to its responsibilities and grant a genuinely independent inquiry. I have difficulty in understanding why the British Government remains so unpersuaded and resolute in its refusal to facilitate the kind of independent inquiry mooted and suggested in the motion before the House which is quite modest in the language used which, in some respects, could be even stronger, given what happened and the failure to respond with a suitable inquiry.

The first five years of Prime Minister Cameron's premiership were marked with an eloquent statement on Bloody Sunday and then, unfortunately, a general disengagement from Northern Ireland. The refusal to allow transparency about the events of 44 years ago marks a return to a defensive and damaging approach to the past.

The fundamental point is that if we compare the approach to Bloody Sunday with that to Ballymurphy, there is an extraordinary difference. We want Prime Minister Cameron to rediscover the spirit with which he approached the conclusion of the Saville inquiry into the murders of Bloody Sunday, and to reapply that spirit and approach to the massacre at Ballymurphy. The only logical conclusion he can come to, reading his speech in the aftermath of Bloody Sunday, is to facilitate the establishment of such an independent panel of inquiry into the Ballymurphy massacre.

The paramilitaries maintain the strategy of self-justification and covering up their worst excesses. Political parties continue to exploit sectarian tensions. It is up to the Governments to take the lead and fully embrace the ever more urgent need for openness and honesty about the past, thereby facilitating the only response to the legitimate, dignified and persistent campaign of the families of those who were so brutally murdered. That is the point of this motion.

Ba mhaith liom mo bhuíochas a ghabháil leis an Taoiseach as díospóireacht uile-pháirtí an lae. Seo céim thábhachtach chun tosaigh do theaghlaigh Bhaile Uí Mhurchú agus iad sa tóir ar an fhírinne agus ar an chóir.

Today's motion is an important step forward in the search for truth and justice for the Ballymurphy families. Ballymurphy is a large housing estate at the foot of Black Mountain in west Belfast. Like other housing estates throughout these islands, it was badly built in the 1950s - jerry-built houses in an area which lacked many of the basic facilities for education, recreation, jobs, and for young people. My mother was allocated a home there in the late 1950s, so the people who are gathered in the Visitors Gallery today are my neighbours or the children or grandchildren of my neighbours and friends. They are the relatives of the 11 citizens killed in Ballymurphy in August 1971. Tá fáilte mhór rompu uilig.

I also want to welcome the British ambassador, Dominick Chilcott, here today. I trust he will convey the feeling of this Oireachtas to his Government and ask why, decades into a peace process, the Government in London does not accept the right of these victims of British state terrorism to have their truth acknowledged.

I also welcome the relatives of some of the victims of the McGurk's pub bombings, who have accompanied the Ballymurphy relatives today. Tá gaolta na ndaoine seo ag lorg na fírinne. They are the victims of a war which commenced in the north-eastern part of the island in the late 1960s. War was the British state’s response to the civil rights struggle. The Irish Government of the day stood idly by as ordinary people found themselves caught up in a carnival of reaction against very modest demands for civil rights.

On 9 August 1971, internment was introduced. By that time British troops had been on the streets for two years. They enforced their will through curfew, rubber bullets, gas, water cannon and lead bullets. On the back of the initial internment swoops, the Parachute Regiment was deployed in Ballymurphy. They, like the royal marine commandos, were the shock troops of the British military, deployed against communities which were deemed to be particularly rebellious. When I was growing up in Ballymurphy it was not particularly rebellious at all, but the events of 1969, 1970 and 1971 politicised and republicanised an entire community. Ballymurphy never went to war. The war came to us.

The bombing at McGurk’s pub in north Belfast was another horrific example of that war. It took place in December 1971, four months after the events in Ballymurphy. In both instances, as in many others involving British state forces, the establishment sought to cover up and to deny any responsibility for the deaths. The McGurk's families have initiated legal proceedings against the PSNI, the British Ministry of Defence and the Norther Ireland Office, NIO.

An investigation by the Police Ombudsman for the North found the RUC had exhibited an investigative bias by blaming the loyalist attack on republicans. New evidence uncovered by researchers for the families at the British National Archives in London reveals links between the McGurk's bar bombing and other similar incidents, including the Kelly's bar attack on 13 May 1972 in Ballymurphy. These links provide evidence of collusion between British state agencies and Unionist death squads. We have also seen this in the recent RTE and BBC television programmes which looked at collusion, and which reinforce the view that the issue of collusion warrants a stand-alone debate in this Dáil. We have put this case to the Taoiseach and I ask once again that a debate be scheduled in the autumn.

Ach inniu táimid ag díriú isteach ar an slad a tharla i mBaile Uí Mhurchú. For the Ballymurphy families with us today, their story begins in the early hours of Monday, 9 August 1971. Thousands of British soldiers, supported by the RUC, smashed their way into hundreds of Nationalist homes. I was in Ballymurphy that night. I watched my own home being smashed into. I watched other male members of my family being dragged off. I watched my mother and my younger brothers and sisters fleeing. The house was occupied for days by the Parachute Regiment. They destroyed everything. They shit on beds, they urinated in wardrobes, they broke up family and religious memorabilia They dragged away over 300 men and boys into the night, many of them to be tortured later. In the following hours in the Murph, they shot dead ten citizens: nine men, including a local priest, and a mother of eight children. Contrary to what the Tánaiste implies, there was gunfire only from one side when these citizens were killed. That gunfire came from the Parachute Regiment.

The innocent victims were Fr. Hugh Mullan, Francis Quinn, Daniel Teggart, Joan Connolly – a mother of eight - Joseph Murphy, Noel Phillips, Edward Doherty, John Laverty, Joseph Corr and John McKerr. An 11th man, local community worker Paddy McCarthy, died from a heart attack after a British army patrol subjected him to a mock execution. Eleven families lost loved ones and 57 children were bereaved.

As a consequence of internment, many Belfast citizens fled their homes seeking safety in refugee camps in this State. Among them were some of the Ballymurphy families and their children. Some of those in the Visitors Gallery today watched the funerals of their parents on news footage broadcast by RTE. Others were too young to comprehend the enormity of what happened.

Five months later the same paras were on the streets of Derry and shot dead 14 people. The main difference between what happened on Bloody Sunday in Derry and what happened in Ballymurphy was that a part of the assault in Derry was televised. It immediately became a huge issue of controversy while, in Ballymurphy, only the people there knew what had happened. Of course, the British, the regiments, the commanders and the British Ministry of Defence knew.

Six months after Bloody Sunday, the paras returned to west Belfast and carried out another attack in Springhill, the housing estate adjacent to Ballymurphy, where they shot dead another five people, including three children and another Catholic priest. Two Catholic priests were killed in the one community. Margaret Gargan was aged 13, John Dougal was 16, Davy McCafferty was 15, Patrick Butler was aged 40 and the second Catholic priest, Fr. Noel Fitzpatrick, was aged 40.

For 44 years the Ballymurphy families, like many others, have demonstrated extraordinary courage and determination in the face of British secrecy and obstruction. Le fada an lá ní bhfuair scéal Bhaile Uí Mhurchú cluas éisteachta. It was the forgotten massacre. Ach d’fhág sé brón a bhí chomh fíor agus chomh trua le haon slad eile.

For four decades the families have campaigned with great dignity and with grace. I have accompanied them to meet successive British Secretaries of State and shadow Secretaries of State. Truth to tell, I have lost count of the number we met. None of them did anything of any consequence, although some of them were moved to tears by what they were told. We have also briefed successive taoisigh and Ministers for Foreign Affairs, and today the families briefed the Oireachtas. Are we also going to let them down? It is obvious that the memories from that cruel period in our history are still fresh and the pain and grief is as strong as it was 40 years ago, but the families have also refused to be broken. They have refused to hate. They go forward with positivity. They have compiled significant evidence which shows that all who died were killed unlawfully and in breach of Article 2 of the European Convention on Human Rights, ECHR. The case also raises serious questions regarding human rights abuses committed by the British Army and exposes a culture of impunity in which members of the British forces routinely acted outside the law and were protected while so doing.

In November 2010 the families made an application to the Attorney General to re-open the inquests. A year later he agreed. That was a welcome development but the families and I remain concerned about the limitations of the inquest system. Consequently, they have proposed the appointment of an independent panel to examine all documents relating to the context, circumstances and aftermath of the deaths of their loved ones. The British Secretary of State has rejected this proposal. She is one in a long line. For that reason the families are looking to the Government and to Oireachtas Members to demand that the British Government stop blocking and hiding and agree to an independent review. This all-party motion is an important step on the road to achieving that, but let no one think that voting for this is enough. It is not enough to say that we support the families or other victims. As the Dáil knows only too well from its experience with successive British Governments in respect of the Dublin and Monaghan bombings, for example, motions on their own will not make a difference.

The Government has not done it yet, but it needs to put in place a strategic approach which ensures the British Government is challenged on this issue at every meeting and in every international forum. Unless we do that, the British Government will continue to refuse to give the people of Ballymurphy, and in particular the families and other families what they deserve. If our Government does not do it, how on earth can we expect anyone else to do it? If we are not making this the main issue of this time on the back of the all-party Oireachtas motion we cannot expect anyone else to do it. The matter must be on every agenda between Irish and British officials. The full resources of the State must be employed to challenge the actions that took place. It would be good for the people of Britain for the lid to be lifted on this phase of our joint history. It is not enough to raise the issue, tick the box and talk quietly on the side. It is only when one has a build-up, using diplomatic and other influences, that one will get the British Government to respond as it did on Bloody Sunday. Of course Mr. Cameron deserves commendation for his apology at that time, but we should remember that it too took decades to get.

We should not forget the pain, suffering and tragedies from decades of conflict because for many they are as real today as they were when they first occurred. Almost 4,000 people died and countless others were injured in a war that was vicious and brutal. Fuair tuairim is ceithre mhíle duine bás le linn cogadh a bhí géar uafásach. Over the years I have met many victims, including victims of the IRA. I am prepared to do that, as are other leaders of Sinn Féin. The grief of all victims of the conflict must be respected and acknowledged and all of us in political leadership have a responsibility to do all that we can to ensure no future generation suffers the pain of war. We who have survived have a duty to set them free. For many however, the past remains a reality of the present. Even though it was over 40 years ago, it is as if it was yesterday. I found myself getting emotional when making my opening remarks here today, even though it is almost half a century ago. The past is the present for so many people, and it remains an obstacle to dealing with the future or a pretext or excuse for refusing to build a new future of equality, fairness and prosperity for everyone.

For that reason Sinn Féin endorsed the measures in the Stormont House Agreement for addressing legacy matters. Notwithstanding the difficulties that exist, there is an onus on the Irish and British Governments to implement those elements of the Stormont House Agreement that deal with the past and legacy issues. There is no need to wait for the local political parties - none at all. Issues of security and for the forces involved are the responsibility of the two Governments. They are not the responsibility of Sinn Féin, the DUP, the UUP, the SDLP or the Alliance Party. The Governments can put together the process for dealing with the past and Sinn Féin will co-operate with it. The peace process needs continuous nourishment. It needs to be at the top of the Government’s agenda. Notwithstanding any of the other political priorities, that is where we need to put it. Unfortunately, that is not the case currently, although the Oireachtas all-party motion is very welcome and is a good step in the right direction. I commend the motion to the Dáil.

Deputy John Halligan is sharing time with Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan. Is that agreed? Agreed. Deputy Halligan has seven and a half minutes.

This is an important motion and one would hope, given the overwhelming cross-party support and proposals, that the British Government would acknowledge the solidarity of this Parliament by reconsidering calls for an independent panel of inquiry into the events in Ballymurphy in August 1971 and their aftermath. The Ballymurphy massacre is one of many unresolved legacy issues that need to be addressed in Northern Ireland.

Almost 50 children were bereaved as a result of the atrocity. If details of such a travesty in a foreign country were broadcast on tonight's news, there would be immediate calls for a human rights investigation. If details unfolded of the terror and trauma that ensued when family homes were raided, when areas were put under military occupation and people were taken away and tortured, the international press would flood into the area to turn the spotlight on the injustices being perpetrated. Today, we see many forms of terrorism around the world. What happened in Ballymurphy was terrorism of the worst kind, inflicted by the British army and sponsored by the British state. There is no question about that.

As suspicions grew about the legal and judicial cover-up, there would certainly be calls for a UN investigation, as is happening in many countries around the world today. Instead, the families of the 11 victims have met with a wall of silence. Some of those people are here today and I have met them. I take the opportunity to convey my deepest sympathies to them on their loss. Their trauma and bereavement has been followed by years of frustration and anger. Briege Foyle and her sister were staying in Waterford with relatives after being evacuated from Belfast. Members might recall that she heard on an RTE bulletin that her mother had been buried. When she returned home and tried to come to terms with her devastating loss, she faced the ordeal of taunts and horrendous abuse by paratroopers outside her home. Such behaviour was horrendous, outrageous and unbelievable. One could ask how we could allow such an injustice to be perpetrated and remain unaddressed. According to the old adage, the only thing necessary for the triumph of evil is for good men to do nothing. There is no denying that the British State had a role in the abuse of innocent children. At the time, the paratroopers were abusing children and saying horrendous, awful things to them. If we heard about such events today in any other part of the world, there would be outrage in every parliament across the world.

The Attorney General in the North, in ordering new inquests in ten of the cases, has made an important step towards justice. The collective voice of this Parliament must now play its part by co-ordinating with the efforts of the Ballymurphy massacre campaign to do everything in our power to help.

Nothing less than a full international investigation will suffice. I do not trust the British to hold their own investigation into it. The circumstances were horrendous. Today, I spoke with a former member of the British Army, who said people needed to be called, including the county officers who were in charge, those who are still alive. It must be done. Given that we are still holding people to account for atrocities that happened in Auschwitz and Belsen 1940 and 1944, there is no reason we should not hold these people to account.

The people deserve closure on their 40 year quest for truth. So too do the victims of the IRA, UVF, UDA and other groups that operated in Northern Ireland. The families of Jean McConville and Joseph Lynskey also deserve closure on their years of torment. We cannot be selective about which horrors are to stay in the past and which are to be examined. Almost 3,000 people lost their lives during the Troubles, many of them murdered. Many people have been bereaved by killings on both sides and they deserve truth and transparency about their loved ones and recognition of the pain caused by atrocities on both sides. They deserve a body to bury respectfully, which is a major issue for many people.

The issue will not fade away into history, nor should it be allowed to, although it has been 40 years. As democrats and reasonably minded people, we in this Parliament have a duty to ensure it does not happen. These people were Irish people, not British citizens. Irish children were tormented and abused. Irish people were murdered. Everybody looks to us rather than the British Parliament to be strong and resolute. The French and German Governments have been strong on atrocities that were committed 40 or 50 years ago. To this day, they hunt down people who committed atrocities and, irrespective of their age or health, bring them to court. There is an onus on all of us to do the same. This Parliament has a duty to prevent what happened 40 years ago from happening again by demonstrating that there will be a recourse to action, that we will not stand by and allow it. If some atrocity took place in some other parts of the world today affecting children, all of us would find it abhorrent and seek accountability and justice. That is all we and the families are seeking.

Ballymurphy is one in a long list of appalling tragedies in Ireland, atrocities that have cost so much. I include in this list Bloody Sunday, the Dublin and Monaghan bombings, the murders of so many individuals including Pat Finucane, Rosemary Nelson and the Miami Showband members, what happened at Darkley and incidents such as the hooded men. In the vast majority of those cases, the truth has not been established. Not having the truth prevents recovery for those left behind, the victims and their loved ones. I turn to the poetry of Michael Longley from the North, who can capture it so well, particularly in his poem Wreaths, in which he examines the ordinariness of the people whom he describes in the poem, such as the civil servant "preparing an Ulster fry for breakfast", the greengrocer who "ran a good shop" and "died/Serving even the death-dealers", and the linen workers. His comment on those three particular examples was that the attacks had desecrated civilisation and he spoke about the awful, inhuman cost of violence.

We remember other atrocities, such as Loughinisland, where the UVF burst into a pub in which the customers were watching a Republic of Ireland match. Ordinary life was going on. On Bloody Sunday thousands of ordinary, unarmed marchers were exercising their civil right to peaceful protest with no sense of fear, and 26 of them were shot, 14 of whom died. Many were shot while they were fleeing from the soldiers and others were shot, like in Ballymurphy, trying to help the wounded. Ballymurphy followed the internment, a practice that is widely condemned as an abuse of human rights. In August 1971 in Ballymurphy, 11 unarmed civilians were murdered and, from 1998, the Relatives for Justice conference began its campaign to raise awareness of what had happened and seek an independent investigation and accountability. We must be conscious of their determination and tenacity in continuing to seek it and also to correct the misinformation and inaccurate information about the victims. While the group has costed an inquiry, political will is required. The political will in this Chamber is positive.

The motion supports the Ballymurphy families in their efforts to find the truth. Why are we, Governments and political parties, so afraid of the truth? The Bible tells us the truth will set us free. First, there must be a commitment to finding the truth and not being afraid to face it, whatever emerges. Some 44 years on, families have not been given the truth, just like the Justice for the Forgotten group regarding the Dublin and Monaghan bombings. People who have spent their whole lives seeking the truth have said they do not want their grandchildren to have to continue it. The Secretary of State's unwillingness to support an independent review undermines her credibility. Tá súil agam go mbeidh an rún seo éifeachtach agus go n-athróidh daoine a n-aigne i dtreo is go mbeidh an fhírinne againn faoi dheireadh.

All the atrocities share certain common denominators, including swift retaliation and the lack of a thorough, independent, impartial investigation. Regarding Loughinisland, the Ombudsman concluded that there were major failings, and the solicitor for the families said "factual gymnastics" were being played. We saw the farce that was the Widgery report on Bloody Sunday and, finally, the Saville report, 26 years later. People involved in Justice for the Forgotten are still waiting for the truth about the Dublin and Monaghan bombings. They are also representing bereaved families and survivors of other bombings such as Belturbet in Dundalk and Castleblayney.

If Ballymurphy had not happened, or if there had been a prompt, thorough investigation into what happened, further atrocities such as Bloody Sunday might not have happened. It is harrowing to listen to and read about what happened to the 11 unarmed civilians, those who survived and those who are members of the committee. I am a member of the Oireachtas Joint Committee on the Implementation of the Good Friday Agreement and we have planned a day in October on legacy issues in Northern Ireland that are affecting victims and relatives. Facing legacy issues and trying to find the truth takes courage, patience, resilience and doggedness. Martin Luther King said, "Our lives begin to end the day we become silent about things that matter". There has been too much silence on Ballymurphy and other atrocities apart from the initial farcical investigation in which members of the military police interviewed the troops involved.

Despite some of the footage of recent events on 12 July, much has been achieved in the North. However, there is disquiet and dissatisfaction among certain groups of loyalists and republicans, those who disagreed with the Good Friday Agreement and who are in prison. The Minister knows a group of us in the Oireachtas has been involved in these prisoner issues and have raised them here and spoken to the authorities in the interests of a just peace, which is what the families of Ballymurphy seek. We know the series of human rights abuses, with revocation of licences, closed evidence, the length of time on remand, controlled movement, strip searching and the denial of due process to prisoners, who tell us their aim is a conflict-free environment. We know their expectations of the stocktake and their welcome of it, but what happened? Truth and justice are being undermined. We cannot allow these issues to continue unresolved. The way forward for everybody is to engage in real, meaningful dialogue and discussion.

The motion is "all party". Given that a significant number of us here belong to no party, I suggest it should be recorded that all parties and the Independent Members support the motion. We all support it.

I sometimes wonder if reconciliation is a step too far for some people. To reconcile means to make friendly after estrangement, make acquiescent or make compatible. Some people are intransigent and are not able for reconciliation. I wonder about using the word "tolerance", which allows the existence of difference, and means not being harmed because of difference. We must consider this if we want to escape the shadows of the past.

In Ballymurphy and the other atrocities we saw a senseless and cruel loss of life, the tit-for-tat nature of them and a lack of independent, thorough investigation that left survivors, loved ones of those killed and injured, and communities reeling with many unanswered questions.

I do not believe there is ever closure from certain tragedies and atrocities. There is, however, a possibility, with the truth being revealed and questions answered, for people to move forward when they see due process and justice. It requires courage on the part of all us to face the truth.

The Secretary of State for Northern Ireland said the inquiry would not be in the interest of the people. Which people is she talking about? To me, she is not talking about the people of Ballymurphy, the people of Ireland or all those others waiting on answers. It requires political courage to do that. I hope the political courage will be shown, not just in this jurisdiction where we are at least showing it, but in other jurisdictions, so that the truth can finally be found.

I thank Members for their contributions to the debate on this all-party motion on this important issue. I pay special tribute to members of the Ballymurphy families present in this House today for the debate. I know the pain of the loss of their loved ones will never cease. I hope, however, they will take some comfort from the fact that their quest for truth about what happened on those awful days in August 1971 is one which this House continues to support. I also acknowledge the presence here today of representatives of the McGurk's bar families who are here in support of the Ballymurphy families. They, too, suffered the pain of losing loved ones in violent circumstances in 1971. They have had to campaign over many years for truth about the circumstances of that horrendous bombing which scarred the lives of so many New Lodge families in the early days of the Troubles.

I acknowledge the presence in the Gallery of the British ambassador, Dominick Chilcott, and Alex Attwood, MLA. I also acknowledge the local knowledge and experience of the uachtarán of Sinn Féin.

Today’s motion sets out clearly what still needs to be done to achieve justice and truth for the deaths at Ballymurphy. A way needs to be found to get to the truth of what happened on those dreadful days almost 44 years ago and the role of the British Army and others in those events. It is important this House highlights our collective support for the Ballymurphy families in their quest. In particular, we support the families' call for an independent panel of inquiry into the context, circumstances and aftermath of those deaths. We regret and disagree with the decision of the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland in April 2014 not to establish independent reviews into certain Troubles related deaths, including those at Ballymurphy. The reasons given were wholly insufficient. It is insufficient to claim the balance of public interest does not lie in favour of establishing an independent panel. I take issue with the statement of the British Prime Minister, David Cameron, that “it would be highly likely that an independent review panel would cut across the ongoing legal process and would not necessarily provide any additional information or answers that are not already available to the families”.

It is important we reiterate our call that incidents such as Ballymurphy, and other cases of similar circumstance and contention, are dealt with in a manner and a timescale that meets international human rights standards. Where any state is involved in the killing of civilians, it has a particular duty to investigate. This is a fundamental principle of international human rights.

More than 3,500 lives were lost in the course of the Troubles, an appalling legacy which has left wounds which will never fully heal. We need, however, to continue to do everything we possibly can to meet the challenge of dealing with the legacy of the past. I believe the comprehensive framework envisaged in the Stormont House Agreement for dealing with Troubles related deaths offers the best path towards dealing with that terrible legacy. The agreement among all the Northern Ireland Executive parties and both Governments on the establishment of that framework represented a major breakthrough on an issue which has been so divisive for so long. The Stormont House Agreement framework is founded on a set of key principles, namely, to promote reconciliation, to uphold the rule of law, to acknowledge and to address the suffering of victims and survivors, to facilitate the pursuit of justice and information recovery, to be human rights compliant, and to be balanced, proportionate, transparent, fair and equitable.

The Government will continue to do everything it can to make that framework a reality. It is the very least that we owe to the families, relatives and friends of those killed during the Troubles. It will be noted the first principle listed in the Stormont House Agreement framework is to promote reconciliation. By doing so, we will honour the lives and the memory of all those whose lives were lost in the Troubles, including those individual men and women killed during the terrible events in Ballymurphy in August 1971. As was eloquently stated in the declaration of support to the Good Friday Agreement:

We must never forget those who have died or been injured, and their families. But we can best honour them through a fresh start, in which we firmly dedicate ourselves to the achievement of reconciliation, tolerance, and mutual trust, and to the protection and vindication of the human rights of all.

This motion contributes to that fresh start and I commend it to the House.

Question put and agreed to.
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