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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 30 Sep 2015

Vol. 891 No. 1

Climate Action and Low Carbon Development Bill 2015: Report Stage (Resumed)

Debate resumed on amendment No. 27:
In page 6, line 9, to delete “24 months” and substitute “18 months”.
(Minister of State at the Department of the Environment, Community and Local Government, Deputy Ann Phelan)

Along with the Minister of State, Deputy Ann Phelan, we have been around the houses on this a few times.

These amendments seek to shorten the timeframe for the production of the first national mitigation plan from 24 months after enactment of the Bill to less than that. I know that many in the Opposition and in the environmental NGO community were concerned at the original 24 month timeframe, considering it to be too long in the context of our pressing mitigation targets up to 2020. Accordingly, in amendment No. 27, I have decided to shorten this timeframe to 18 months. I did so on the basis of what I heard on Committee Stage, taking on board what Deputies said on Committee Stage. I am not sure if the Deputies opposite were there at the time. While I know this will probably not be enough for them, I feel it is a fair compromise. It is the bare minimum necessary to allow robust mitigation policy measures to be developed and to be made subject to strategic environmental assessment and appropriate assessment pursuant to EU directives, as well as to statutory body processes.

Amendment put:
The Dáil divided: Tá, 51; Níl, 36.

  • Breen, Pat.
  • Burton, Joan.
  • Buttimer, Jerry.
  • Byrne, Catherine.
  • Cannon, Ciarán.
  • Carey, Joe.
  • Collins, Áine.
  • Conlan, Seán.
  • Conway, Ciara.
  • Corcoran Kennedy, Marcella.
  • Costello, Joe.
  • Creed, Michael.
  • Daly, Jim.
  • Deasy, John.
  • Deenihan, Jimmy.
  • Deering, Pat.
  • Dowds, Robert.
  • Doyle, Andrew.
  • Durkan, Bernard J.
  • Feighan, Frank.
  • Fitzpatrick, Peter.
  • Griffin, Brendan.
  • Harrington, Noel.
  • Heydon, Martin.
  • Humphreys, Heather.
  • Humphreys, Kevin.
  • Keating, Derek.
  • Kelly, Alan.
  • Kenny, Seán.
  • Kyne, Seán.
  • Lawlor, Anthony.
  • McCarthy, Michael.
  • McEntee, Helen.
  • McFadden, Gabrielle.
  • McGinley, Dinny.
  • McHugh, Joe.
  • McLoughlin, Tony.
  • Murphy, Dara.
  • Murphy, Eoghan.
  • Neville, Dan.
  • O'Donnell, Kieran.
  • O'Donovan, Patrick.
  • O'Dowd, Fergus.
  • Penrose, Willie.
  • Perry, John.
  • Phelan, John Paul.
  • Rabbitte, Pat.
  • Spring, Arthur.
  • Stanton, David.
  • Twomey, Liam.
  • Wall, Jack.

Níl

  • Aylward, Bobby.
  • Boyd Barrett, Richard.
  • Broughan, Thomas P.
  • Collins, Joan.
  • Colreavy, Michael.
  • Cowen, Barry.
  • Daly, Clare.
  • Doherty, Pearse.
  • Dooley, Timmy.
  • Ellis, Dessie.
  • Ferris, Martin.
  • Flanagan, Terence.
  • Fleming, Tom.
  • Grealish, Noel.
  • Healy, Seamus.
  • Kelleher, Billy.
  • Mac Lochlainn, Pádraig.
  • Martin, Micheál.
  • Mathews, Peter.
  • McGrath, Finian.
  • McGrath, Michael.
  • McLellan, Sandra.
  • Moynihan, Michael.
  • Murphy, Catherine.
  • Murphy, Paul.
  • Naughten, Denis.
  • Ó Caoláin, Caoimhghín.
  • Ó Fearghaíl, Seán.
  • O'Dea, Willie.
  • O'Sullivan, Maureen.
  • Ross, Shane.
  • Smith, Brendan.
  • Stanley, Brian.
  • Timmins, Billy.
  • Troy, Robert.
  • Wallace, Mick.
Tellers: Tá, Deputies Joe Carey and Arthur Spring; Níl, Deputies Mick Wallace and Clare Daly.
Amendment declared carried.

Amendment No. 28 in the name of Deputies Clare Daly, Mick Wallace, Brian Stanley, Paul Murphy, Ruth Coppinger and Joe Higgins cannot be moved. It was already discussed with amendment No. 27. Amendment No. 29 in the name of Deputies Cowen and Boyd Barrett cannot be moved. It was also discussed with amendment No. 27.

Amendments Nos. 28 and 29 not moved.

Amendment No. 30 is in the names of Deputies Clare Daly and Mick Wallace. It arises out of Committee Stage proceedings. Amendments Nos. 30, 38, 50 to 52, inclusive, and 56 are related and will be discussed together.

I move amendment No. 30:

In page 6, line 11, to delete “submit to the Government for approval” and substitute “submit to Dáil Éireann for approval”.

The point of the amendment is to overcome the ambiguity in the proposed Bill that seems to imply that the low carbon and mitigation plan will not be put before the Dáil for approval and discussion, but instead will be left to the approval of the ruling party alone. That would be a disaster for transparency, accountability and democracy. It is essential, in light of the seriousness of the situation and the short-term and long-term effects that any such plan would have on the country and the environment, that it would be debated in an open and democratic manner.

The Government subsidises the fossil fuel industry by more than €1 billion a year, propping up the development of oil and gas reserves that cannot be exploited if the world is to avoid dangerous climate change. It is presumptuous of me to predict it, but the chances of the next Government most likely also being a neoliberal one are pretty strong and the criminal corporate welfare will more than likely continue.

Deputy Wallace should not be pessimistic.

It is plain that the final decision on the plan cannot be left in the hands of the people who actively prop up the proliferation of the filthy fossil fuel industry. I hope the Minister will be in agreement with me on the matter.

I wish to speak on the amendment. I understand we are taking amendments Nos. 30, 38, 50 to 52, inclusive, and 56 together. Amendments Nos. 38 and 52 are in my name. Do I move the amendments now?

No. The Deputy should just speak to them now.

Amendment No. 38 seeks to delete the word "Government" and substitute the word "Oireachtas". This is important because Governments come and go and, as we see in the economics sphere, they take their line from a very small, elusive and distant group of people such as economic management councils. Even within Cabinet a very small group, basically four people, set economic policy. It is important the whole of the Oireachtas has an input and that the whole process is debated in this House. It is important that Departments and sectors are held accountable by the Oireachtas.

Addressing climate change will take the efforts of all sectors of society and there is no one sector, whether supporters of Government or Opposition, which will change it. Instead, it will be the people we all represent, either as Opposition Members or as Members of the Government benches, as Independents, members of Sinn Féin, Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael or the Labour Party. That is the reason I am putting forward my amendment No. 38.

My amendment No. 52 makes the same point and suggests the insertion of "both Houses of the Oireachtas" after "Government". Very few of us would disagree that the Seanad needs reform but hopefully it will, in the future, be more representative. It is the Upper House and the Chamber which applies checks and balances to what happens in this House. It gives a second view. It is important that both Houses of the Oireachtas have an input and it is important both can scrutinise what is happening with climate change. One might question whether the Seanad represents various sectors, as it is supposed to do now, but hopefully it will do so after the changes brought in by new Seanad proposals. They will not happen before the next Seanad elections but I hope the elections after that will be to a reformed Seanad, which our party fully supports. Hopefully, its Members will then bring the various sectors of Irish society with us.

The Government came into power on the promise of a democratic revolution which is now a well-worn cliché but the Minister has the opportunity today to put his words into action and open up the process. He should not feel threatened by the Opposition as the people on the Opposition benches want to play their part on climate change. We want to do that within our own communities and to give leadership in the Chamber by making sure there is legislation in place which is fit for purpose. The Minister does not have anything to fear from the Opposition benches on this matter because, if anything, we are even more concerned about climate change than Government Deputies and Ministers. This is a real opportunity to give a little bit of power to, and to include, Members right across the Chamber by involving the full Dáil in the process of dealing with climate change. I ask the Minister, not in a cynical way but in a very honest way, to accept amendments Nos. 38 and 52.

On the first occasion he addressed the Dáil as a Minister, he said he wanted to leave a legacy. Here is an opportunity-----

Was that the first time I addressed the Dáil?

The first time as the Minister for the Environment, Community and Local Government.

I remember the Minister saying it during Question Time.

No. It is a good line but it is not true. The Deputy should ask Deputy Barry Cowen as he knows how to use the phrase much better than I.

There is nothing wrong with wanting to leave a legacy. I am asking the Minister to leave a positive legacy, which he has the opportunity to do this morning by opening up this process to the Dáil. He has nothing to fear but we all have everything to gain, the most important thing being the reduction of greenhouse gas emissions.

The question of climate change is simply too important for there not to be the fullest possible scrutiny and oversight of mitigation plans and of the actions to be taken to reduce CO2 emissions. I do not see why the Minister should resist these amendments, of which mine is amendment No. 50, which all make the same point that these plans need to be assessed and scrutinised by the entire Oireachtas. It is about hardwiring the question of dealing with climate change into the political system so it does not become a decision for the Government of the day which will spin its view of the situation on climate change. Instead, there will be the fullest possible scrutiny of the issue and it will be centre stage in the political system, overseen in the most transparent and accountable way by all the political forces of the Dáil and the public who will be looking in. It is necessary that the entire matter be fully interrogated on a regular basis.

This series of amendments is fully in line with the promised democratic revolution. I do not really see how the Minister can say with a straight face that he remains committed to democratic reform, Dáil reform, political reform and the high-blown rhetoric of democratic revolution and then resist this. A capital plan has just come out and announcements about dealing with the housing crisis are being made month after month but we never get a real opportunity to scrutinise the detail of these announcements. Instead, we get Government by press conference, press release, photo-op and political stunt where the Government merely appears to be doing something. We have blaring headlines suggesting something big, something good and dramatic is happening on a particular issue but we never get the opportunity to scrutinise the detail. The reason we do not get the chance to scrutinise the detail is that if we did get the chance to do so, the whole thing would unravel and we would discover that nothing was really happening. It is all generalities and any measures are simply rehashed and recycled versions of measures that have been announced previously while nothing is happening on the ground. In fact, in many cases, the situation is getting much worse on the ground, as is certainly the case with the housing crisis.

It should not be allowed happen with the housing crisis, which is a disaster, but let us not compound that sort of bad politics by doing the same on an issue as important and as vital to the survival of humanity and this planet as climate change.

I do not see why the Minister would resist these amendments and I do not see what is at stake other than a desire by the Government to continue closed and unaccountable government that operates by diktat and spin. If that is not the Government Fine Gael and the Labour Party are, and they are keen to prove they are serious about open, accountable, more democratic government, then they should agree to these amendments. They relate to the most basic reform of democracy that one could imagine. Important plans should be subject to such scrutiny and it would send a clear message that the Government is serious about the issue of climate change and so serious that it intends to hard-wire regular scrutiny of the matter into the political system in order that it cannot be spun, ignored or manipulated by this or that Government now or in the future.

I refer to my amendment No. 56. The many commitments and promises made by the Government included the putting of a question to the people regarding the abolition of the Seanad. I remind the Government that this wish was rejected by the people and that having been the case, I would have expected legislation to go through the normal procedures in both Houses of the Oireachtas. I concur with previous speakers in this regard. I am anxious for the House to be informed as to why these amendments were not accepted on Committee Stage and for the Minister to reiterate why they will not be accepted on Report Stage. Irrespective of the contention, shared by all of us, that the Seanad is due for reform, it is the will of the people that it be retained. Parties other than that of the Taoiseach have committed to such reform. Following such a recent poll in which the people sought the retention of the Seanad and the additional scrutiny that takes place there following the passage of legislation in this House, the people's decision is being rejected in the form of the proposal whereby the Government wishes to bypass that process, which is constitutionally enshrined. I ask the Minister to respond.

As I stated on Committee Stage, the amendments call for national mitigation plans and-or national adaptation frameworks to be approved by either Dáil Éireann or the Oireachtas instead of, or in addition to, approval by the Government of the day. I strongly disagree with these proposals, as the Government of the day should be the approving authority and should be held accountable for its approved plans. Delegating approval to the Dáil or the Oireachtas as a whole undercuts the role of the Government of the day to the detriment of accountability and, accordingly, I will not support the amendments, a point I clearly made on Committee Stage. Governments have a mandate. They are elected by the people and they have a mandate to serve. Governments will come and go but all governments have that mandate and, rightly, should have authority in this area.

On that principle, once a government is elected and has a mandate from the people, it should be able to do what it likes until the following election and nothing should be put to the Dáil. The Parliament would be surplus to requirements if we were to follow that philosophy through. My point is rational.

That is a wider debate than climate change.

The Minister said that Governments are elected to govern, which is fair enough, but they are also accountable to this House. There will be 158 Members following the election, which will probably be sooner rather than later and the next Government will be accountable to them.

Under my amendment No. 52, I fail to see how laying the national mitigation plan before the Houses of the Oireachtas will in any way undermine the Government. Are Labour Party Members now on this gung-ho, right-wing, Fine Gael track with their chests out as they swagger around the place because they were elected to Government?

The Minister should come on. I thought he was more fair-minded than that. There is an opportunity for him to lay the plan before the Oireachtas in order that the Dáil can scrutinise it. That is our role. When I was elected by the people of Laois-Offaly, that is what they sent me here to do. Opposition Members need to have an input into these plans. The Minister is keeping the Opposition outside the tent unnecessarily on this issue; he is pushing the Opposition outside the door. He can shake his head all he likes but that is what he is doing. He has an opportunity, particularly through amendment No. 52, to allow that to happen. He has nothing to fear and everything to gain from laying the plan before the Dáil and allowing a debate for a few hours on it. Let us consider some of the issues that have been debated in the House over the past four and a half years. Long evenings and nights have been spent on obscure issues that, perhaps, were not that important.

A national mitigation plan is hugely important. The issue of climate change will be a matter for life and death; it will be a matter of survival for some coastal areas. We have witnessed the effects of rising sea levels along the west coast. We also witnessed the negative effects of climate change on agriculture in recent years, following extreme weather patterns, which were damaging. This is an important issue and I represent those people the same as the Minister. It is important that the Minister addresses this and I ask him to accept this amendment.

The Minister's attitude to these amendments sums up why the political system is so discredited and why people are so alienated from it. I am surprised he is shaking his head because the language the Government parties used when they were elected about democratic revolution was used precisely because they knew that the slaughtering the previous Government received at the polls was at least in part due to enormous disaffection and alienation from the political system and the political establishment, which continues to exist. The Government parties felt the need to use that language because they knew that is what the people wanted. They want more accountability, a more participatory democracy and more oversight of what governments do regarding the decisions that affect them. A democracy which is just about an election every five years with the Government going off to do what the hell it likes in the interim is discredited. It needs to change and this was acknowledged in the programme for Government, but like so many other proposals, the Government parties are busily abandoning it.

In this case, it is abandoning it on an issue that is of vital importance for the survival of the planet, namely, that of climate change. All that is being asked in these amendments is that the effectiveness of the national mitigation plan to do with reducing CO2 emissions, and the measures that will be taken to do that, would be scrutinised by the Houses of the Oireachtas and not simply spun by the Government of the day in whatever way it feels like so doing. That is extremely important because, as I said, many of these announcements and plans are being made about crucial issues such as housing and capital investment. We get the public relations, the press release and the photo opportunity but we do not get an opportunity to scrutinise the detail. However, that is the point of democracy. That is the point of this House and it is what the people are demanding. The Minister is flying in the face of the demands of the people of this country for real democratic, thoroughgoing reform. He is reverting to type in terms of the way a discredited political establishment has done its business for far too long. Therefore, I appeal to the Minister on this. There is nothing at stake in accepting these amendments except reform of, and improvement in, democracy, which would require that the scrutiny of our efforts to deal with climate change would be hardwired into the political system. That is what we are asking for.

The Minister was very forthright and almost curt in his response. I acknowledge that what is contained in the Bill will receive the scrutiny it deserves in the Seanad. However, one of the main elements of it is the publication of a climate change plan. It would have targets, proposals and responsibilities and much of what would be contained in it would have to be adhered to by various Departments. The Seanad has the authority to agree or disagree with, and scrutinise and amend, many aspects of the Bill, including the general plan. The Minister believes it is right and proper to discard that collective authority of the Seanad and the wisdom that may be contained within it. If the Seanad is entitled to agree the parameters of the plan, by virtue of amending and eventually voting on this Bill, it is entitled, on a regular basis, to be appraised of it and of its success or failure in order for it to initiate amendments to the Bill into the future. I do not believe it is at the behest, or within the remit, of the Minister to rid it of that authority because, as other speakers have said, the Seanad, as the second or the Upper House, has a role to play and that is provided for in the Constitution. It is very disappointing that the Minister can do this on a whim and in such a fashion so soon after the people disagreed with the Taoiseach who felt it necessary to rid us of the Seanad, irrespective of reforms that might have emanated from whatever parties within this House or outside it.

I again ask the Minister to reconsider his decision and to allow for the Seanad, the same as this House, to be appraised, on a regular basis, of the successor or otherwise of this plan, as constituted by this Bill, in order for the Members of the Seanad, like us, to make recommendations for a new Bill or new amendments to address any deficiencies there may be.

I thank the Deputies for their comments. I repeat that I believe the Government should be the approving body. I said that on Committee Stage and I am saying it again on Report Stage. The Government should be held accountable.

Deputy Wallace raised what is a wider debate as regards the differentiation between Government and the Houses of the Oireachtas and what goes on between elections. That is an issue for a wider issue. There is a very detailed list of what should be contained in an annual transition statement in section 14 and the detail outlined is quite helpful.

I heard a few comments around hardwiring and transparency. I think Deputies are forgetting the role of the advisory council in regard to this. There is an annual transition statement as part of this process and that statement will be debated in the Dáil with respect to mitigation and adaptation. Every Member of the House will have the opportunity, through that process, to make his or her views on this issue known. However, ultimately, the differentiation here, which I have made very clear on Committee Stage and now on Report Stage, is that the Government, quite rightly, should be held accountable and it should be the approving authority in this and in many other areas. Therefore, there is a fundamental difference of opinion here. It has nothing to do with a democratic deficit but has to do with the fact that the Government should be the approving authority on this issue. We have the advisory council in place, which we will be discussing at a later point in this debate, and its role is quite important too.

I made a number of commitments on Second and Committee Stages to the effect that I would consider various proposals, amendments and options that were put forward by Deputies. As Deputies will note, there are examples of my doing so through amendments I have brought in, based on the earlier discussions we have had. I said on numerous occasions that this was a wider debate that needed to take on board many of the comments made on Second and Committee Stages and a number of the Deputies opposite were present during those debates. They will note from the amendments that have been put forward by me that I have, in many cases, done so.

Does Deputy Wallace wish to come back in?

No. I have said my piece.

Amendment put:
The Dáil divided: Tá, 41; Níl, 53.

  • Aylward, Bobby.
  • Boyd Barrett, Richard.
  • Broughan, Thomas P.
  • Calleary, Dara.
  • Collins, Joan.
  • Collins, Niall.
  • Colreavy, Michael.
  • Coppinger, Ruth.
  • Cowen, Barry.
  • Creighton, Lucinda.
  • Daly, Clare.
  • Doherty, Pearse.
  • Ellis, Dessie.
  • Ferris, Martin.
  • Flanagan, Terence.
  • Fleming, Sean.
  • Fleming, Tom.
  • Grealish, Noel.
  • Healy, Seamus.
  • Higgins, Joe.
  • Keaveney, Colm.
  • Kelleher, Billy.
  • Mac Lochlainn, Pádraig.
  • McGrath, Finian.
  • McGrath, Michael.
  • McLellan, Sandra.
  • Mathews, Peter.
  • Moynihan, Michael.
  • Murphy, Paul.
  • Naughten, Denis.
  • Ó Caoláin, Caoimhghín.
  • Ó Cuív, Éamon.
  • Ó Fearghaíl, Seán.
  • Ó Snodaigh, Aengus.
  • O'Dea, Willie.
  • O'Sullivan, Maureen.
  • Ross, Shane.
  • Smith, Brendan.
  • Stanley, Brian.
  • Troy, Robert.
  • Wallace, Mick.

Níl

  • Bannon, James.
  • Breen, Pat.
  • Burton, Joan.
  • Buttimer, Jerry.
  • Byrne, Catherine.
  • Carey, Joe.
  • Conaghan, Michael.
  • Coonan, Noel.
  • Corcoran Kennedy, Marcella.
  • Costello, Joe.
  • Daly, Jim.
  • Deasy, John.
  • Deenihan, Jimmy.
  • Deering, Pat.
  • Doherty, Regina.
  • Donohoe, Paschal.
  • Dowds, Robert.
  • Doyle, Andrew.
  • Durkan, Bernard J.
  • Fitzpatrick, Peter.
  • Griffin, Brendan.
  • Harrington, Noel.
  • Harris, Simon.
  • Hayes, Tom.
  • Heydon, Martin.
  • Humphreys, Heather.
  • Keating, Derek.
  • Kelly, Alan.
  • Kenny, Seán.
  • Kyne, Seán.
  • Lawlor, Anthony.
  • Lynch, Ciarán.
  • McCarthy, Michael.
  • McEntee, Helen.
  • McFadden, Gabrielle.
  • McGinley, Dinny.
  • McHugh, Joe.
  • McLoughlin, Tony.
  • Murphy, Dara.
  • Murphy, Eoghan.
  • Neville, Dan.
  • O'Donnell, Kieran.
  • O'Donovan, Patrick.
  • O'Sullivan, Jan.
  • Penrose, Willie.
  • Phelan, John Paul.
  • Rabbitte, Pat.
  • Ryan, Brendan.
  • Sherlock, Sean.
  • Spring, Arthur.
  • Twomey, Liam.
  • Wall, Jack.
  • White, Alex.
Tellers: Tá, Deputies Clare Daly and Mick Wallace; Níl, Deputies Arthur Spring and Joe Carey.
Amendment declared lost.

I move amendment No. 31:

In page 6, between lines 14 and 15, to insert the following:

“(a) this shall include agreed targets of reductions in CO2 emissions through 2050,”.

The Bill needs to set targets rather than aspirations. Otherwise there is no incentive to design a plan that will bring about any kind of meaningful reductions. Why were other amendments tabled by me and other Opposition Deputies that would incorporate and embody targets within the agreed timeframe not accepted? When discussing the need for this Bill and in its report on what it should contain, the all-party committee was clear in stating that the State needs to have targeted reductions in line with the international agreements to which it has signed up. The absence of such targets means the Bill lacks any real powers to ensure any meaningful steps are taken to address the issues involved in bringing about a reduction in CO2 emissions across the economy.

Will the Minister accept this amendment? I deliberately put this amendment in at the start of this section to ensure the national mitigation plan would be put up in big lights and that there would be agreed targets on reductions in CO2 emissions right through to 2050. We need to deal with this problem on an incremental basis, each year and every five years, right through to 2050. Our children will be adults by then. They may have children of their own. Our grandchildren may be in communities and workplaces throughout the State and they will be the ones dealing with the catastrophe of a carbon cliff. The State will also be burdened with the need to purchase carbon credits, which are not cheap. Apart from the environmental damage, this will place a financial burden on the State.

I have heard people on the Government's side of the House criticising Fianna Fáil Governments and Governments of other hues for short-termism in the past. This is an opportunity to set out a plan for the next 30 years, which is a relatively short period of time. Any one of us who remembers the past 34 years will realise they have gone quickly; perhaps more quickly than we would have liked. I hope most of us will still be around in 34 years' time, but we must do what we can during that time to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. We must have long-term plans and we need to move away from short-termism. We have to move away from three, four, five and six-year cycles and look at things over periods of ten, 20 and 30 years. Will the Government agree the targets in the national mitigation plan and set them out for the next 34 years?

We have already lost a lot of time on this matter. I am not saying it is the fault of the Minister but time has been lost. I first raised this issue in 2011, if memory serves me well, during my first year in this House. Other Deputies have also raised it. People who were here before us wanted this to be in place in 2008 and 2009. We are playing catch-up. We do not have the benefit of a springboard that will propel us half way towards those targets. We have increased our greenhouse gas emissions and we are not and have not been doing enough to reduce them. We cannot keep playing catch-up. If there is further slippage over the next three, four or five years, we will reach a carbon cliff in six or seven years' time. We will need to meet this challenge by reducing dramatically our greenhouse gas emissions at that point. We will also have the cost, perhaps, of paying for carbon credits.

Will the Minister and his officials deal with this matter? Will he accept the long-term approach Sinn Féin is proposing? It is not a great vote catcher. It will not result in votes immediately, but many young people see the benefits of looking at things over a 20 or 30 year period, particularly in the area of climate change. We cannot afford to leave the planet worse than we got it. This is an opportunity for us to take a hands-on approach and it is an opportunity for the Minister to leave behind him that legacy he wants to leave.

He is only on the one planet.

A Deputy

Planet Tipperary.

Some would say he is on Mars.

He will leave some legacy.

Deputy Boyd Barrett has the floor, please.

They are very concerned in Cloughjordan about this matter. They have an eco-village and they are very concerned about it.

It is telling that some of the amendments tabled by the Opposition that were specific in terms of targets for CO2 emissions reductions were ruled out of order on the basis that they would be a charge on the Exchequer. I know it has nothing to do with the Minister, but I find that fact interesting, because that tells its own story. The Government does not want specific targets in the national mitigation plan because they will cost it money. We need to deal with runaway and irreversible climate change. It threatens the future of humanity. We will have rising sea levels, greater levels of flooding, more desertification and threats to food security. There is also the potential of those things already happening in the area of fuel. We have conflict, war, starvation, famine and mass migration. All of these serious things are already happening. If we reach the tipping point because we fail to take concrete, specific and decisive action on climate change, we are facing into a very dark future that is not too far away.

As it is 12 noon I ask Deputy Boyd Barrett to move the adjournment.

Debate adjourned.
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