Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 3 Nov 2015

Vol. 894 No. 3

Other Questions

Northern Ireland

Seán Crowe

Question:

105. Deputy Seán Crowe asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade if he has concerns about the lack of engagement or leadership shown by the British Government and Unionist political leaders in the current talks, particularly in honouring commitments made in previous agreements, recognising that we are facing into a period of major political challenges in the coming weeks; and if he will agree to urgently call on the British Government to provide a workable and sustainable budget for the Executive in order for it to deliver public services and protect the most vulnerable in society. [36922/15]

Deputy Seán Crowe

The question I tabled is now probably dated. I Iistened to the Minister's earlier response to Deputy Brendan Smith's question when he said the talks had entered an intensive stage. There was concern about the lack of engagement. As the Minister knows, there is a crisis in the political institutions in the North which is being facilitated by the failure of the British Government to honour commitments made in previous agreements, the failure of the Unionist political leadership, particularly to face up to loyalist violence, and the British Government's refusal to provide the North with a workable budget. Given the fact that this impacts on the Good Friday Agreement and other agreements, has the Minister discussed this aspect with his British counterparts and urged them to live up to their commitments and provide the North with a workable and sustainable budget?

Deputy Charles Flanagan

Following the request made by the Taoiseach and the British Prime Minister, Mr. Cameron, my colleague, the Minister of State, Deputy Sean Sherlock, and I, together with the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, Ms Theresa Villiers, facilitated the return of all five main parties in Northern Ireland to round table talks. The talks resumed on 21 September and are still continuing in a constructive atmosphere.

I have worked closely with the Secretary of State in encouraging all parties to continue to engage constructively in the talks process, both in round table format and the various bilateral and trilateral meetings. My current assessment is that the talks have moved to a more intensive phase. There is a good measure of progress in the implementation of the Stormont House Agreement, as well as in dealing with the legacy and impact of paramilitarism. The Stormont House Agreement offers a blueprint for overcoming current difficulties in the Executive, especially in financing, welfare reform and dealing with the legacy of the past.

With regard to the budget, the Agreement contained a commitment of close to £2 billion sterling in additional spending capacity for the Northern Ireland Executive. It also included specific financial commitments by the Irish Government in respect of the A5 road to Derry and the reconciliation work of the International Fund for Ireland. While financing and welfare reform is primarily an issue for the Northern Ireland Executive and Assembly, I have continually encouraged the parties to resolve their differences for the sake of Northern Ireland’s economic stability and the sustainability of public services.

The British Government has a key role to play in this area and its engagement will, I hope, continue to recognise the particular circumstances of Northern Ireland as a society still addressing the legacy of conflict.

It is also crucial that the work started by the Stormont House Agreement on establishing institutions to deal with the legacy of the past is completed to ensure justice and truth can bring what healing is possible to victims and survivors of the Troubles and their families.

Deputy Seán Crowe

Sinn Féin is on record as saying it will not be part of the institutions if their function is to implement mass social spending cuts that the Tories in London are dreaming up. We would argue that the Tories have no political mandate in the North.

In recent weeks, we have also seen the British Government attempt to breach the Stormont House Agreement on legacy and victims issues. Last week, a group met with the Good Friday implementation committee on this. The Stormont House Agreement clearly sets out a need to provide justice and truth recovery mechanisms for the families of the victims of the conflict. This needs the Irish and British Governments to pass legislation. The draft legislation put forward by the British Government on dealing with the legacy of the past would allow it to regulate the handover of what it terms “sensitive information” to historical inquiries, however.

We believe this is a clear breach of the Stormont House Agreement. It is a blatant piece of stroke politics designed to hide the British State’s role as an active and central participant in the conflict, in particular its collusion with loyalist death squads, including those who planted the Dublin-Monaghan bombs. Elements of the British security establishment, with a political oversight that ended up in Downing Street, armed, trained, supplied intelligence, directed and controlled many of these death squads. Considering the British Government is failing to meet its legal responsibilities on dealing with the past, will the Minister urgently raise this issue with the British Government and tackle this latest attempt to narrow the options for truth recovery for families, victims and their representatives?

Deputy Charles Flanagan

I am aware the Deputy’s party is represented at the talks and I wish to acknowledge the contribution of Martin McGuinness and his team in that regard.

The current talks process offers an opportunity for all of us, the governments and the political parties, to agree a comprehensive approach which sees us working collectively to achieve a society free from the shadow of paramilitary activity. While significant challenges remain, I am hopeful that with committed collective engagement, we can make real progress in the coming days on the issues raised by Deputy Crowe and others.

We are currently debating the contents of the Stormont House Agreement Bill. I believe that and other areas are moving to a stage where we can, hopefully, be in a position to reach agreement shortly. An agreed outcome would be an important step forward, not just for political parties but for everyone in Northern Ireland. I urge Deputy Crowe and his colleagues to continue their positive engagement.

Deputy Seán Crowe

I have no doubt we will continue to try to resolve this issue. However, on the legacy issues and the draft legislation put forward by representatives of the British Government, has the Irish Government had any input into that legislation? Is the Minister concerned about this whole area of sensitive security information that the British are putting forward? I know many of the victims’ groups which I have been talking to are certainly concerned about this element of the legislation. Has the Irish Government a view on this legislation proposed by the British Government?

Deputy Charles Flanagan

As Deputy Crowe rightly points out, the British Government has agreed, at the request of the five Northern Ireland parties, to introduce legislation for the various legacy institutions, as envisaged under the Stormont House Agreement. The Bill will be introduced in the Commons in the coming weeks with a view towards having the institutions established in the course of 2016. However, aspects of the status and functions of the legacy institutions are the subject of discussions among the parties. The outcome of these discussions will have an impact on the final shape of the Bill.

I understand the point raised by the Deputy in so far as there are certain concerns over aspects of the detail of the legislation. I, along with my officials, am following the discussions closely and we are contributing to the facilitation of the parties in overcoming any difficult issues that might arise as regards the setting up of these institutions. It is important that all parties continue to focus on the Stormont House Agreement, the promotion of reconciliation, upholding the rule of law, acknowledging and addressing the suffering of victims and survivors and facilitating the pursuit of justice. In the context of the current talks, it is important that all aspects of the Stormont House Agreement are implemented in the interests of everyone in Northern Ireland.

Foreign Conflicts

Thomas Pringle

Question:

106. Deputy Thomas Pringle asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade the concrete and effective pressure that his Department will place on Israel to curb the recent influx of violence in the region and to prevent the possible development of another violent conflict in the area; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [36846/15]

Deputy Thomas Pringle

This question relates to the recent upsurge in violence in the West Bank between the Israelis and the Palestinians and the disproportionate use of force by the Israeli authorities in dealing with that trouble.

Deputy Charles Flanagan

I will not repeat fully the reply I gave to Priority Question no. 101. I agree it is important that we do everything we can to avoid a further escalation of the situation into a full-scale conflict. The surrounding region offers a salutary lesson of how much worse things could be. It is important in addressing the situation not to focus on the sufferings or shortcomings of one side because civilian deaths continue to occur on both sides. The address to the current violence must involve the leaders on both sides reacting responsibly and with restraint and reducing rather than stoking up the temperature.

Measures by the international community need to be carefully considered at such a sensitive time lest we ourselves contribute to the heightening of tension in the region. High Representative Mogherini, in a recent visit, stressed to both sides the need to de-escalate and avoid provocative actions on the ground as well as to re-open a perspective for political progress. A commitment by Israel to respect the status quo in holy places is clearly one essential element of this process.

Ireland has consistently argued for a stronger engagement by the international community, including the European Union, on the issues on the ground which we believe continue to heighten tension and thereby undermine the real prospects for peace. These centre, in particular, on the settlement enterprise. The EU has begun more clearly to follow a clear policy of differentiation between the settlements and Israel, including, so far, action on settlement goods and investment in the settlements. I assure the Deputy that it is my intention to see soon the promised EU guidelines on the labelling of settlement goods and I wrote last Friday to High Representative Mogherini in this regard. I expect the matter to be on the agenda for the forthcoming Foreign Affairs Council meeting. It is essential that such pressures continue beyond the current crisis. In the immediate future, it is important that measures be assisted by the international community to de-escalate the violent activity in Jerusalem and beyond.

Deputy Thomas Pringle

I thank the Minister for his response. Unfortunately the response puts blame on both sides for the escalation in violence in the area. This is the typical response of the Government and shows the failure of diplomatic efforts. There is no doubt but that any reasonable person looking at the context of what is happening will see that 42 Palestinians, including children, have been killed by the Israelis in recent weeks. Ten Israelis have been killed and more than 1,300 Palestinians have been injured. An Eritrean national was shot dead by Israeli security forces because he was mistaken for an Arab. The violence is disproportionate and I believe the onus to be on the Israeli side to engage in the peace process. Rather than publicly trying to derail the peace process, the Israeli side should engage in it.

That should be the focus of European governments' and of the Irish Government's objectives in dealing with this process as well. The Palestinians have called for restraint and Palestinian security forces have been instructed not to participate in any of the protests, yet the Israeli armed forces continue to kill Palestinian civilians. The onus is on the Israelis to engage in the peace process. The Palestinians want the peace process and they want to talk, but the Israelis do not. Unfortunately, the European Union and the Irish Government through their stance are supporting the Israelis and ignoring the prospects for a peace process.

Deputy Charles Flanagan

I again repeat the call for all sides to exercise restraint. The Irish Government and the European Union continue to state clearly that all violence against civilians must end, that both sides should avoid any provocation and that both sides should respect fully the existing status quo in respect of holy sites and places. In addition, the European Union is underlining that the lack of a political path is clearly exacerbating the sense of despair which may have fuelled some of the recent attacks. All parties should recommit themselves to a renewed effort to work for a political solution to the overall conflict. Only two weeks ago the EU High Representative, Federica Mogherini, visited Israel and Palestine to underline these messages in person. Earlier this year I, too, had the opportunity to visit the region, and last Friday I committed myself to writing on the matter of having this issue high on the agenda for the forthcoming meeting of EU Foreign Ministers on 16 November next.

I urge Deputy Pringle to read the High Representative's address to the European Parliament on 22 October last, in which she elaborated on the approach of the European Union. She stated clearly that two goals must be pursued in parallel - first, de-escalation on the ground and, second, perspectives on a political process. These two must go together. This issue continues to be more urgent than ever.

Deputy Thomas Pringle

The Minister referred to despair. There is certainly despair in the individual who attacks civilians with a knife in the face of armed soldiers and armed police. That is the side where the despair is. Unfortunately, the European Union is building and contributing to that despair by continuously kowtowing to the Israelis and not forcing them back to the table and to the peace process. That is where the despair originates. The Israeli soldiers, armed to the teeth and standing at checkpoints and in the streets of Jerusalem, are not despairing. They are relishing the fact that they can take violent action on the Palestinian community. The Minister must stand with the people who are despairing and strongly reinforce the policy that the peace process must take precedence. That can only be done by talking to the Israelis, not by urging calm on both sides on the streets.

Deputy Charles Flanagan

Of course, I agree with the Deputy that any response from a security point of view must be proportionate in the circumstances. However, we must also look to the medium and long term. It is important that we reiterate our goal and objective. A negotiated two-state solution remains the objective of Ireland and of the European Union. It is also important that we acknowledge what some commentators have argued, that the continued expansion of the settlements means that a viable Palestinian state is heading beyond reach. As I said earlier, there is no alternative to the two-state solution, and certainly not one that has been advanced by way of any form of convincing response.

I believe viability in the future depends on the parameters and the detail of negotiations in terms of land swaps and other arrangements. A two-state solution is possible but it will require vision and leadership. That leadership and vision must come from, primarily, the Israeli and Palestinian sides. However, the international community continues to have a role to play and Ireland has an important role to play in that context, having regard to our experience of conflict on our island.

Overseas Development Aid Expenditure

Brendan Smith

Question:

107. Deputy Brendan Smith asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade his proposals to reach the United Nations target of 0.7% of gross national product for overseas development aid; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [36929/15]

Deputy Brendan Smith

Ireland has a long-standing and internationally respected tradition of contributing overseas aid in various forms, as peacekeepers, mediators and through the work of missionaries, medical and nursing personnel. The contributions of this country through the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, through other Departments and statutory agencies and, in particular, through Irish Aid in untied overseas aid have repeatedly received international praise.

The Government commitment in 2011 to provide 0.7% of GNP for ODA has not been reached, although I welcome the increase for 2016. Will the Minister indicate the particular proposals he has to reach 0.7% of GNP, given this has been outlined once again by the Taoiseach and the Minister, Deputy Flanagan?

Minister of State at the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (Deputy Sean Sherlock)

The Government is strongly committed to Ireland’s overseas aid programme and to its place at the heart of our foreign policy. “One World, One Future”, our policy for international development, clearly articulates the Government’s commitment to the UN target of providing 0.7% of GNP for official development assistance, ODA. This commitment was reiterated by the Taoiseach at the UN Summit in New York in September which adopted a new set of sustainable development goals to guide international development policy and action for the next 15 years.

Our track record in support of Ireland’s aid programme is clear. Over the past four years, we have protected and stabilised budget allocations at a time of extraordinary economic difficulty. In that time, we have provided over €3 billion for ODA. We have stated that we would make progress towards the 0.7% target, once economic conditions allow. Now, as our economic recovery gains momentum and becomes more widely established, we can begin to make good on that commitment. On budget day, the Government announced the first substantial increase in the aid budget in over seven years. For 2016, we have provided a total of over €640 million in ODA, an increase of €40 million or almost 7% on the 2015 level. We estimate this will entail a small increase in our ODA-GNP percentage from a projected 0.35% in 2015 to a projected 0.36% in 2016, so we still have a long way to go. The challenge now is to ensure Ireland continues to play a leading role in the comprehensive response to the unprecedented humanitarian crises throughout the globe, especially in Europe’s broader neighbourhood, while ensuring our aid programme remains effective in addressing the root causes of poverty and hunger.

Deputy Brendan Smith

I thank the Minister of State. The 0.7% of GNP target is proportionate, whether we are in good or in very challenging economic times. The highest level of assistance provided at any time was €920 million in 2008, which was 0.59% of GNP at that time.

Very respected non-governmental organisations, such as Trócaire, GOAL, Oxfam and Dóchas, have been advocating very strongly on the need for the Government to outline the roadmap to achieve the 0.7% target. This is an issue that needs to be addressed. We are aware the Irish commitment to overseas aid has widespread public support and a survey last year indicated that more than 75% of the public were very strongly in support of increasing ODA, if at all possible.

Is the Minister of State satisfied that ODA is going to countries where there is proper accountability and that the programmes are reaching the people most in need in the many countries where there are crises and disasters and where people are in need of practical, day-to-day assistance?

Deputy Sean Sherlock

We continue to maintain a very strong relationship with the NGOs, which are partly funded by the taxpayer through Irish Aid. The issue the UN and the multilateral organisations are trying to grapple with at present is the major challenge of how, globally, governments are going to be able to fund the commitment into the future. To answer the Deputy's question, one of the issues we are now looking at is that of how we manage the dynamic between long-term development goals, such as the eradication of poverty and hunger, and the numerous humanitarian crises that are breaking out, for example, in the Mediterranean, as well as how we manage the interoperability between long-term development goals and humanitarian crises. There is also the question of how we leverage the opportunities within the global private sector. The private sector has a role to play and, within the Department, we are trying to get a greater degree of traction in that relationship which goes beyond mere corporate social responsibility. At the multilateral level, through the UN and other organisations, Ireland has an important role to play.

Deputy Brendan Smith

As the Minister of State knows, our aid has always been classed as untied aid, which is very important. A substantial part of ODA goes to international agencies such as the UN, the World Health Organization and so on. I read a report recently which suggested that GOAL was able to use the funding provided by our State as leverage to draw down very substantial funding from the British Government, the United States Government and other global players. As a result, there was an exceptionally good return on the seed funding the State provided to GOAL. Is the Minister considering giving momentum to that type of policy and perhaps reducing the assistance we give directly to the international statutory organisations?

Deputy Sean Sherlock

We would openly encourage organisations to interact with each other. We would really like to see a greater degree of consolidation of effort and we do not want to see any duplication of effort. Irish Aid has a track record, through its relationships with organisations like GOAL, of providing the seed funding that then allows GOAL to leverage the opportunities, such as in its response in Syria. If we can encourage a greater degree of that kind of leveraging effort and bring in the private sector, as I said, beyond mere corporate social responsibility, then I believe that pitches Ireland onto a greater global stage. We advocate that policy and we are working towards trying to get a greater degree of traction in that regard.