Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 2 Dec 2015

Vol. 899 No. 1

Rent Certainty and Prevention of Homelessness Bill 2015: Second Stage (Resumed) [Private Members]

Question again proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

Deputy John Halligan

I support the Bill. It is interesting that it speaks about the definition of homelessness. It is important for all of us that we would redefine what homelessness is. For instance, the normal definition of homelessness is having no home or permanent place of residence. However, we are way behind other countries in this regard. In Canada, having a home is defined as having a stable, permanent and appropriate housing. In Australia, the adequacy and security of tenure of the dwelling, as well as control of access to space to have social relationships, are what are seen as most important. The European Federation of the National Organisations Working with the Homeless has stated it is about living in secure housing, not inadequate accommodation.

When I was speaking on this issue a couple of weeks ago, I asked how often have we come across an individual who may have had to go back to the family home because he or she cannot get on the housing list or will be too long on it, or cannot afford rented accommodation. Such a person ends up sleeping in the family home, perhaps sleeping in the sitting room or a small bedroom with a young child. That is not security of tenure and it does not give people access to a space where they can have social relationships; in other words, they do not have privacy.

I have been told the Bill that Sinn Féin has put forward is based on what the Society of St. Vincent de Paul is defining as homelessness. I believe we need to redefine exactly how we see someone who is homeless. It has gone beyond the fact that someone is homeless because he or she sleeps rough on the streets. There are people living in the most woeful and horrendous accommodation. I have seen this myself in Waterford and I am sure it can be seen all over the country. People do not consider these places to be a home. I believe that, at some stage, we have to redefine exactly what homelessness is. The reason for that is simple, namely, so we can procure a quality of life for a person or persons who want to go on the housing list. We can define this so it will be unacceptable for them to have to live with their parents or in insecure or bad quality accommodation. I welcome the Bill. At some stage, we will need to redefine what is a homeless person.

Deputy Paul Murphy

I welcome the Bill and agree with its different aspects. The broadening of the definition of homelessness is necessary and reflects the reality that there are thousands upon thousands of people in a condition of homelessness. They perhaps do not fit people's traditional image of what homelessness is, which is generally equated with rough sleeping, which continues to persist in our society. However, to have thousands of people living on friends' couches or living in cars and vans is an absolute epidemic and it is getting worse on a daily basis.

The question is how those people are seen and treated. In that regard, I want to briefly refer to an incident that was filmed this morning on Chancery Lane in Dublin 8, and which appeared on the www.broadsheet.ie website. People should look at this online. The footage shows someone who is rough sleeping interacting with a garda and being pepper-sprayed and treated in a rough manner. At first viewing, this would seem be very troubling and deserves investigation as to what happened.

In regard to the question of rent controls, which I think essential, it is clear the Labour Party was beaten. I notice the Minister, Deputy Alan Kelly, did not turn up to the start of the debate last night and did not turn up again for the start of the debate today, as he did not turn up at the start of the Private Members' debate put forward by the Anti-Austerity Alliance on this question some weeks ago. He supposedly put up a great fight for rent control against Fine Gael, lost and is now entirely captured by the logic of Fine Gael that says we simply cannot have rent control because it would represent an interference with the market.

The reality is that rent controls exist. Nearly half of all rental homes in New York are rent controlled, Berlin has just introduced stricter rent controls and Sweden has a model whereby rents are negotiated by committees of tenants, local authorities and landlords. In a number of countries, rent controls do not exist in existing tenancies, which is all the so-called rent certainty of the Government proposes, but apply to new tenancies. We need proper rent controls, not the certainty of massive increases on a two-yearly basis that the Government offers us.

Deputy Richard Boyd Barrett

The availability and accessibility of a roof over a person's head should be a right, not a matter for the market. That is the point. People cannot exist and function in a meaningful way in our society if they do not have a roof over their heads, and that should be obvious.

A government that is incapable of providing a secure roof over the heads of its citizens is not worth the name "government". It should be ashamed of itself, particularly if, at the beginning of the 21st century, we are still trying to succeed in achieving the most elementary requirement for existence and functioning in society. The Government has failed spectacularly on this because it does not want to upset people who are profiting from homelessness and the housing crisis. That is what this is about.

The failure of the Government to tackle the crisis relating to homelessness and housing is due to the fact that it wanted to improve the balance sheets of the banks, the landlords, NAMA and developers and to put them back in business. Now, it does not even want to impose rent controls. This is utterly shameful. I do not expect the Government will do anything about this. While I support the Sinn Féin proposal, I believe we need to go further and introduce a differential rent scheme because, as a result of the dwindling number of council houses, rent is now related to people's ability to pay. We need an ample stock of council houses - the rents relating to which are controlled and linked to income - to be provided by the State. This should be standard, quality housing that reaches the proper standards. This housing does not exist currently and I have no real faith the Government is serious about delivering it.

Deputy Michael Fitzmaurice

I welcome the opportunity to speak on this issue. We need to determine the types of homelessness that face society. Unfortunately, some people are homeless due to an underlying problem. If we do not tackle the root cause of why people with these underlying problems are homeless, we will not arrive at a solution. I have seen many cases where the cause of homelessness is drink or some other issue and for these, even if we had tin houses for them, they would not live in them. Unfortunately, despite the legislation that has been introduced during the past five or six years, we have a situation where if people do not go someplace for help, there is nothing we can do to solve the problem. I have seen this myself time and again.

The other side of homelessness is happening in middle Ireland. Unfortunately, some of those people who had large mortgages have lost their homes through no fault of their own because of the downturn. These people are homeless now, but it is not their fault. We need to tackle this problem but we need to do so in a realistic manner. I understand we are going down the road of modular homes but I firmly believe that we have all we need to build homes. We have the bricks and the mortar and the skillsets required and if councils have land, houses can be built at a reasonable price. If an effort is made to do so, there is no reason a house cannot be built in 16 to 20 weeks. I know some companies in Ireland are producing modular homes but I do not believe we should import units we could build here, while also creating employment at the same time. That would be a win-win situation that would help our economy.

Acting Chairman (Deputy Joe O'Reilly)

Deputy Mary Mitchell O'Connor is sharing time with Deputies Mulherin, Neville, Dowds and Catherine Byrne.

Deputy Mary Mitchell O'Connor

I welcome the Government's recent announcement of its package of rent stability measures. These are badly needed and will go some way towards providing certainty for both tenants and landlords. The situation could no longer continue whereby tenants were arriving home to find notification letters stating their rent was increasing by 20% or 30% with immediate effect. I have heard of cases where tenants were subletting their bedroom at weekends so that they could pay the exorbitant rents at the end of the month. People need security and rent certainty. Many tenants are working hard to pay rent and they deserve to be able to plan for their future and be secure in the knowledge that rent reviews can only take place every 24 months.

I am also cognisant of the problem faced by many landlords who own single dwellings as a result of negative equity and know that they are often struggling too. I am aware of a number of couples who bought apartments during the Celtic tiger years thinking they were getting onto the property ladder. Some of these couples now have families and some have split up and are now forced to rent somewhere else while renting out the properties they bought as a starter home.

I welcome the affordable rental pilot project to be developed and launched in early 2016. Urban areas, such as Dún Laoghaire and its environs, are extremely densely populated. Long-term, affordable residential accommodation must be provided for low to moderate income workers in these areas. We cannot allow spiralling rents to continue to push many homes beyond the reach of moderate income workers. The issue of housing supply must be addressed, and in a way that is sustainable. Nobody wants to see a repeat of the pyrite issues or poorly constructed houses. Every time I return home to visit my parents in County Galway, I am angered by the sight of the many partly vacant estates throughout rural Ireland while families are crying out for housing. The introduction of a vacant site levy from 2019 will, hopefully, incentivise many developers around the country to start building sustainable housing.

This issue must be addressed as a matter of urgency. The long-term solution to homelessness is to increase the supply of homes. I too have received calls and e-mails from constituents who are homeless or on a housing list and in desperate need. One man who contacted me recently informed me his parents had recently passed away and he now finds himself homeless. He is now living in a bed and breakfast establishment. I am also aware of recently separated mothers and their children becoming homeless and being forced to live in bed and breakfast accommodation and emergency refuge shelters. People who have suffered domestic violence and who have been forced to leave their homes are searching for new ones.

The cold weather action plan for rough sleepers in the Dublin region is now in place. This plan has guaranteed additional beds, hot food, showers and on site health supports for the homeless. I urge county councils to rush through the provision of the 500 modular housing units approved for homeless families across Dublin. While these units are not a long-term solution to the problem of homelessness, they are a safe and immediate response that will take people off the streets.

I urge the Government to proceed with the introduction of rent certainty and for the housing of the homeless to continue to be a top priority. I fully recognise that no magic wand will solve these issues tomorrow and that tonight's business has not proposed any real solutions. I welcome the recent measures announced by the Minister and I urge for their implementation as a priority.

Deputy Michelle Mulherin

I also welcome the rent stability measures and the suite of other measures announced by the Government and, in particular, by the Minister for the Environment, Heritage and Local Government, Deputy Kelly, to address our housing shortage and the issue of homelessness. The rent stability measure proposed is a short-term measure, pending restoration of equilibrium in the rental market.

On the issue of rent certainty, we are living in extraordinary times as regards the market. The massive constraint on supply has led to the current shortage of housing. In conditions where we have such restricted availability of housing, we can understand how rents increase. I believe sensitive interference in that market is justifiable in the short term, on the basis that we are addressing the supply side. I understand that the discussions that took place were concerned with getting the balance right and providing evidence that interference in the market works. There are various views on this, but I welcome the decisions that have been made and look forward to their benefits for tenants who now can expect their rents to be reviewed every 24 months rather than every 12.

This is a significant step. As Deputy Mitchell O'Connor said, we have to continuously address this as a matter of urgency.

In our drive to address the housing shortage and homelessness, I welcome the €4 billion social housing strategy. Social housing has held families in great stead in terms of what we used to call council housing. We can safely say that some of our best and closest knit communities are council housing areas. It is testament to the sort of people who are there. I also welcome the fact a tenant purchase scheme has now been announced. This allows people, in due course, to buy out their houses and have a further stake in their communities, if they so wish.

Returning to something Deputy Mitchell O'Connor mentioned about her visits to rural Ireland, I wish to raise a matter the Minister of State, Deputy Phelan, and I have discussed at length. I know it is close to her heart and her portfolio. Deputy Mitchell O'Connor spoke about the housing estates but I wish to speak about the town centres, the rural market towns of some size. There are houses and residences over shops and when the last person dies, the house is left empty. Some of them are very fine with some significant heritage value. We see them in the town cores. This was happening even during the Celtic tiger; people were moving out of towns and moving to housing estates. In many cases, there was inferior-type building or construction going on and many are now paying the price out of their own pockets. The most extreme example of this is pyrite.

Will the Minister of State look at the issue of revitalising and repopulating these towns? It is not so many years ago since families lived in them. We can incentivise owner-occupiers and first-time buyers to live in these houses by giving them a tax break. It would not be developer-led but aimed at individuals who are interested in buying a property to live in. We need some incentivisation beyond normal market forces.

The other issue is zoning of our town cores. The way retail has gone, we will no longer need a shop on every corner. People's habits have changed and yet we want to ensure there are essential services in these towns, such as a shop, a post office, a doctor, etc. We need to plan a new model for market towns so that we have basic services. In that sense, we also need to look at rezoning some commercial premises and supporting small, independent traders. Tax breaks for people who will redevelop and live in the centre of towns is part of a suite of measures we should be undertaking to address housing supply in the longer term. Everybody does not have to move to the countryside or live on the edge of a town. People should be able to live in the centre of towns. We must take the bull by the horns because the situation will not get better by itself. The market towns will continue to be the sort of depressing places people have described, even if farming is on the pig's back, so to speak. Farmers never admit to that. However, this situation is very serious.

I welcome the allocations the Minister, Deputy Kelly, has made for energy efficiency measures in local authority housing stock. They allow people to have warmer homes and save on electricity and heating bills. In the case of Mayo County Council, between 2011 and 2014 approximately €2 million was allocated and €1.8 million drawn down by the local authority. Although this shows real benefits for tenants, one issue needs to be seriously looked at. People's heating systems are being upgraded and we know that new boilers, be they oil boilers or whatever, are far more efficient. Whether in local authority or other housing, these upgrades need to be done. However, I take particular issue with the fact local authorities are doing planned maintenance and upgrading heating systems by putting in oil-fired central heating. They are taking out ranges and back boilers. I regularly make representations for people who cannot afford to fill a tank with oil. They are living in a cold house whereas in the past, they had solid fuel. If we are looking at low carbon emissions, it should be wood pellets. The fact local authorities are investing in these heating systems means they are putting people in fuel poverty. That is what is happening; they cannot afford to heat their houses. It is wrong and needs to be revisited. I ask the Minister of State, Deputy Phelan, to take that up with the Minister, Deputy Kelly.

Deputy Dan Neville

I welcome the opportunity to contribute to the debate. I want to deal with the area to which the Taoiseach referred yesterday, namely, the rough sleepers on the streets. There are different types of homelessness. I would like to give special recognition to the Simon Community for the work it does. I know of the work it has been doing in Limerick, Clare and north Tipperary for decades with people who are sleeping on the streets.

The Simon Community did a survey in 2011 of people who use its services. It explored physical and mental health status, drug and alcohol use, health implications and access to medical services among other issues. Some of its key findings were as follows: 65% of those who were rough sleepers had one diagnosis of a physical health condition; 47% had at least one diagnosis of a mental health condition - that is, approximately half of the people; 46% had at least one diagnosis of a physical and one diagnosis of a mental health condition; 12% had an intellectual disability; 50% had alcohol abuse issues; 31% had drug abuse issues; 7% had attempted suicide in the previous six months; 19% had self harmed; and 55% had used an accident and emergency department in the period prior to the survey. That gives an indication of the experience of people on the streets. It is not just sleeping day-to-day. There are a lot of difficulties. The study demonstrates the many health and related needs of those using the Simon Community's services. People who are very sick and very vulnerable - 603 people who had used Simon projects around the country - participated in the study.

We should recognise the difference between the broad homeless, whose situation it is crucial we discuss and deal with, and the particular difficulty of those on the streets. The study referred to the number having mental health difficulties. Having a mental health problem can put people at risk of homelessness for various reasons. After discharge from hospital, they are at risk of homelessness for various reasons. Without proper mental health support after discharge from hospital, a homeless person may fall out of treatment and end up relapsing. In other words, a person coming out from a mental health institution requires very careful treatment, often supervised by carers and family. How can a person on the street have that level of service? There is mistrust there.

There is often dissatisfaction with an overly medicated treatment regime that can put people off seeking assistance and support, leaving them to struggle alone. There are more barriers to accessing mental health treatment for those with addiction until the addiction has finally been brought under control, which puts those people in a catch-22. They are told that before their mental illness can be treated in an institution, they must overcome their alcohol problem, but alcohol is a disease in itself that requires treatment. Often they are told that they cannot get the treatment they need because of their alcohol problem.

Being homeless puts people at risk of developing mental health problems. I have dealt with those who can become homeless because of a mental health issue, but being homeless puts people at risk of mental distress. It exposes people to the risk of trauma, violence, low self-esteem and serious difficulties because of the chaotic lifestyle on the streets, and this makes it difficult for them to access mental health services in a crisis.

Homeless services too often are unable to get mental health support for clients in crisis and are forced to turn to busy hospital emergency departments where the individual in distress often cannot afford to wait the many hours it might take to get help. Somebody coming off the streets who is in extreme distress and is seriously agitated because of their mental health now must wait for hours to get the service. They are more likely to leave and not wait for the service.

According to a good piece of US research, people with mental health difficulties are seen in greater numbers among the prison population. Many among the prison population suffer from mental ill health and difficulties and many of them have intellectual difficulties as well. This group is not for debate in this motion but it is linked to the difficulties people with homelessness experience.

Deputy Robert Dowds

In speaking in this debate, I recognise that housing and the issues around it are the most pressing issues that face us. In this regard, I very much regret the absence of Fianna Fáil from this Chamber because many of the problems we have go back to the time when it was in government.

As Deputy Boyd Barrett was speaking, I became increasingly irritated because I am so aware of the significant amount of hard work the Minister for the Environment, Community and Local Government and his staff have done to try to get on top of the homelessness and housing issue in all its different manifestations. When I thought about it a bit more, I realised that if the People Before Profit Alliance came to power, it would solve the housing problem because the economy would go into a nosedive, many people would leave the country as a result and, therefore, there would be many homes for those who remained. I recognise it would probably solve the housing problem in that way.

I regret that Fianna Fáil Members are not present because over the long period during which their party was in government, it left much of the housing issue to chance. I will not go through all the different issues but the Fianna Fáil Governments could have delivered up to 10,000 social houses but failed to do so because they did not insist on developers building the houses they were supposed to build for social use and instead allowed them under legislation to buy their way out of their responsibilities. It effectively privatised the delivery of social housing for the majority of people coming on to the housing list. Its ridiculous section 23 tax relief permitted houses to be built where they were not needed which meant not enough houses were built where they were needed. This led to further problems because many of the skills that county councils had in respect of the delivery of social housing were lost. We must change the culture in order that local authorities get back to providing social housing. With the collapse of the Celtic tiger, developers have not building private housing either, which has greatly exacerbated the problem.

Deputy Boyd Barrett tried to suggest the Government had done nothing whatsoever to address this issue, which is utter nonsense. His party recently held a public meeting in my constituency and, when challenged, it had no practical or realistic suggestions for delivering housing.

The Minister has done a great deal to help the situation relating to rents. The most important of these measures is the stipulation that the minimum period between rent reviews for all tenancies be increased from 12 to 24 months for a four-year period. This means that anybody who has had a rent review in 2015 will not face a rent increase until at least 2017. Based on current rent levels and current rates of rent increases, extending the period of rent reviews will save an average renter €750 in 2016. As rents are higher in Dublin, an average renter will save something like €1,400 a year. It is not true to say that nothing has been done on this front. There are other measures that have addressed this issue as well such as a longer notice of new rent, a new form of notification of new rents to tenants and measures to guard against termination of tenancies on false grounds such as a suggestion that a family member wants to move into the house where that is not the case in many if not most cases where this excuse is given. There are a string of measures to try to address this issue and it is vital they have been put in place.

It must be recognised that this in itself is only part of the answer. Clearly, the biggest requirement to deal with this issue is the development of more housing, whether private, social or co-operative housing. There is a great deal of work to be done. There are measures in place to tackle homelessness? While the aims of this Bill are worthy, it is questionable how practical some of them are.

Deputy Catherine Byrne

Homelessness occurs for many reasons, as has been pointed out by many speakers in this debate. It can occur because of the loss of property, which Deputy Fitzmaurice mentioned, family disputes, alcoholism, drug addiction, mental health issues, abuse and other social problems. People find themselves homeless for many reasons. The figures show very clearly that part of the problem is due to insufficient social housing for people who want to be housed.

With that in mind this Government has taken many measures, some of which have been spoken about tonight. Even through the Department of Social Protection, an increase in the level of rent supplement has been granted to over 5,000 households over the past 18 months. With the new cold weather initiative for another 175 beds there will be no need for anybody to sleep rough if they do not wish to do so. There are some people who want to sleep rough for a number of reasons and that is their choice. Even if there was housing for everybody tomorrow we would still need the Alice Leahys of this world from Trust, the Simon Community and Merchants Quay Project. These people who have made their life’s work helping the needy, not only homeless people but people with the issues I have mentioned, deal with them daily.

Like any mother I would agree that a hotel room is an inappropriate place for any family to have to spend Christmas or live for any period. When I had young children I never had the opportunity to go to a hotel room on holidays but I rented a caravan in the country. It was very difficult to control a group of children in such a confined space. It is inconvenient and impractical not to be able to cook for oneself or wash clothes properly. Hotel rooms are not a solution.

I appeal to families who have children and loved ones in hotel rooms to ask them not to leave their loved ones in hotel rooms but take them into their own homes and allow them be part of the bigger assembly of the family. As a mother and grandmother there would be no doubt in my mind but that I would want to bring my children home for Christmas. A hotel room is not a solution to homelessness for families, particularly young children. Every day I receive many representations from young people in my constituency trying to study for exams in a hotel room where there are three or four other children. That is practically impossible. I appeal to families who have loved ones in hotel rooms this Christmas to bring them back under their roof.

Deputy Jonathan O'Brien

Is the Deputy serious? In all fairness we should not have to listen to this crap.

Deputy Catherine Byrne

It might be a bit crowded but Christmas is a time people should spend together.

There have been several housing initiatives in Dublin South Central such as the de-tenanting of Teresa’s Gardens involving over 400 families. All these people have been reallocated. There are 18 families left there. Over 60 units were refurbished and set aside for those people who wanted to remain in Teresa’s Gardens until the new houses were built. Demolition has started on some of the blocks. Hopefully by the beginning of the year some houses will be built. I could go on about Dolphin House and Thornton Heights, and the new 76 units on the old St. Michael’s Estate site. The Lord Mayor, Críona Ní Dhálaigh, today turned the sod on new senior citizens’ units in Avonmore Crescent. There will be 70 apartments there. Flats in a very derelict complex in Basin Street, Oliver Bond Flats and Tyrone Place have been refurbished and people have been housed there. Deputy Ó Snodaigh and I were at the opening of 19 new apartments in Bluebell recently by the Minister for the Environment, Community and Local Government, Deputy Kelly. I welcome the fact that today work will begin again on the modular housing project in Ballymun. People say they are only temporary homes but if the 22 families living in hotel rooms will more than welcome having them for Christmas.

We need to consider building more senior citizen units. There are many elderly people in houses who cannot mind them. A survey done by Father Michael at Fr. Bidone Court in Ballyfermot showed that 47 older people would like to move into senior citizen units and see their family homes back into use for families.

Deputy Seán Crowe

We are facing one of the biggest housing crises in the history of this State. A total of 5000 men, women, and children are trapped in emergency accommodation with no hope of a home anytime soon. Homelessness has increased by 80%, the number of children who are homeless has doubled, and 73 new families became homeless last month. In Dublin alone there are over 1,500 children in emergency accommodation. It certainly is not a lifestyle choice. People listening at home to the last contribution must be fuming. The idea that people deliberately make themselves homeless and stay in hotel rooms when they have the option of going home is not dealing with the issue. There may be one or two who do that but the majority of families we talk to do not have a choice. We need to nail that lie tonight. It does not happen. Let us be honest in this debate.

This is not a Government failure, according to the Taoiseach. He claims the lack of house building is a county manager problem. There is a bed for every homeless person if they want it, he claimed yesterday. Progress is being made on this issue, according to the Taoiseach. Meanwhile, the human tragedy continues with more and more families and individuals becoming homeless. More and more families and individuals are waiting longer and longer for accommodation and a place they can call home. Looking around the doorways of this city today we see the extent of the homelessness situation. I was recently made aware of a man who became homeless with his two children. He was walking the streets during the day and his family slept in the departure lounge of Dublin Airport at night, telling anyone who asked that they were waiting for a flight. This man is now living in Cork, although he is originally from the constituency I represent.

Rent certainty is the minimum that Sinn Féin wants. In government we would be committed to introducing strong rent regulations. We are putting this Bill forward because we feel it is a moderate proposal and the Government has no rational excuse to oppose it. Preventing someone from becoming homeless is the most sensible approach to tackling homelessness while of course we need measures to house people already in homelessness.

Our Bill prioritises preventative measures. Government inaction has created this multifaceted housing crisis. There is no one solution to the current emergency, it needs short-term emergency action, and medium and long-term action to stop people becoming homeless. Our Bill is one step on that road. An important first step would be for the Government to accept there is a crisis, acknowledge the scale of the problem and support this Bill tonight.

Deputy Jonathan O'Brien

I will start with some of the comments made by the Minister for the Environment, Community and Local Government last night. If he is not listening the Minister of State, Deputy Coffey, can bring them back to him.

I wish to examine some of the solutions he claims to have brought forward. First, he has stated he has sent a directive to local authorities that they are to have a 50% allocation rate to those who are homeless or vulnerable and for Dublin and Cork, a rate of 30% has been set for those who are classed as being homeless or vulnerable. I am unsure whether the Minister of State is aware of this, but I suggest 90% of the people on the housing list are at risk and classed as vulnerable. As they either have mental health issues or may be at risk of poverty, to try to put out this proposal that the Government has introduced a directive to which local authorities must adhere is nonsense because every local authority with which I am familiar and definitely Cork City Council has been exceeding the 30% rate for many years. Consequently, this is no new departure by the Government.

Another solution the Government has been lauding for the past 12 months is the provision of 75,000 houses in the private sector which will alleviate the housing problem. However, what it fails to tell people is that all it is doing in respect of these 75,000 Houses is moving people from rent supplement to the housing assistance payment, HAP, scheme. No additional housing is being provided. People currently are in receipt of rent supplement are moving to the HAP scheme and being taken off a housing list. Not one single additional family will be housed as a result of the much heralded 75,000 houses promised last year by the Minister.

Another issue is rent certainty. No matter what the Minister of State might say, there is no rent certainty because when this legislation is passed, if one has not had a rent increase in the preceding 12 months, one will be eligible for one. It is true that one cannot have one's rent increased for another two years, but the problem with it is the Government has specified the rent increase can only be in line with the market rate. It is again leaving housing policy to the market rather than bringing forward a proposal that any rent increase would be index-linked with the rate of inflation. That would have been the most prudent way to deal with this issue. Last night, the Minister stated that when he went on his foreign travels, he was the envy of every other European Minister because of the proactivity of the Government in dealing with the homelessness problem. It is a pity that he does not take on board the European model when it comes to rent certainty because that model, used by nearly every European Union member state, is to link rent increases or decreases with the rate of inflation. Consequently, this constitutes another failing on the part of the Government.

In the context of another issue I wish to discuss, I refer to some of the solutions proposed by Deputy Catherine Byrne, whereby the solution for anyone living in a hotel this Christmas with her kids and stuck in one room is that her family should take them home. The solution proposed by Deputy Eric Byrne to people who have family members who are homeless is to take them home. Again, this is an example of the State completely negating its responsibility and stating one's family should look after the problem. This is not possible in all cases and I will provide the Minister of State with some examples. In the case of somebody who is homeless and whose only living relative is his or her mother or father who is in receipt of a disability payment, were that parent to take in the family member who may be homeless, the parent would lose some supports that are vital to him or her. If a family member who earns a good wage takes in a family member who is homeless, the individual who is homeless will lose any right to social welfare payments or a medical card because the family member who has brought that person into his or her own home is earning too much and the household income is taken into account, rather than that of the individual who has just been taken off the streets. Were I to take my own brother off the streets and bring him into my home, he would lose his medical card and social welfare payments. However, without a medical card, he cannot access the necessary and vital supports he needs as a recovering drug addict. This is not a position into which any family member should be put, but these are the policies of the Government, which is putting family members into such a position.

Deputy Aengus Ó Snodaigh

Bliain i ndiaidh bás tragóideach Jonathan Corrie ar thairseach trasna an bhóthair uainn, tá rudaí tar éis dul in olcas. Tá sé soiléir domsa agus don domhan mór go bhfuil géarchéim easpa dídine agus easpa tithíochta insan Stát seo agus nach bhfuil an Rialtas ag déanamh mar ba chóir i leith iad siúd atá ar an liosta feithimh ó thaobh tithíochta de agus an liosta feithimh dóibh siúd atá gan dídean.

A year has passed since the death of Jonathan Corrie focused many minds on the ongoing question of homelessness, but it is a pity that it did not focus for long enough the minds of the Government parties and the Cabinet, in particular. The position in this city and across the country has become much worse since that horrific day last year. More than 800 families have lost their homes since the Minister for statements and no action, that is, the Minister, Deputy Alan Kelly, announced a supposed raft of measures that were meant to respond to this crisis but which have not done so. More than 100,000 families are now on local authorities housing waiting lists across the State, with the numbers rough sleeping in this city alone doubling in the past year. So much for the Labour Party Minister and his solution. The Minister of State also should remember that the Taoiseach and his supposed conversations with rough sleepers. Were the Minister of State or the Taoiseach genuinely interested in tackling homelessness and the housing crisis, the Government would have declared a national emergency and would not be pandering to the property classes and, in particular, increasing the scandalous subsidising of private landlordism to deliver social housing. Socialism mar dhea, from the Labour Party, but I would not have expected anything less from Fine Gael.

I believe any announcement from the Labour Party, as it strives to stave off oblivion, given that the general election is only days away, is too little too late. The Government had time for action in the past five years, including both the Minister of State and the Labour Party Minister. We have experienced a crisis which the Government will not admit to being a national emergency. People literally are dying on the streets while waiting for the Government to act. The time is up and the time for waffle is over. What is also needed is a referendum to ensure property rights do not prevent the common good, which would allow for rent control and the confiscation of long derelict properties being hoarded by profiteers in this city and elsewhere. The Minister of State has no understanding of the reality for either the homeless or those on housing lists or even at this stage, for those on low pay who are trying to rent privately. The scale of the problem is such that it demands emergency powers.

The Government's rejection of the Sinn Féin Bill is not good enough; it is laughable when compared with its lack of action. Shortcomings in Sinn Féin's Bill could have been addressed on Committee Stage if the Government had any interest in delivering for the tens of thousands of people who need housing in the State. I hope the Government's failures in office will continue to haunt its members for many years to come, just as the situation for those who are homeless in this city haunts them every night as they try to deal with the consequences of the actions of the Government and its predecessor. This problem is not going away and will get worse unless the Government takes the action I propose.

Dublin City Council is only proposing to build 3,347 new homes by 2017. While it sounds great, this is despite having 22,000 on its waiting list and an additional 70 families going homeless in the city every month. The maths dictates that its new homes are only a drop in the ocean compared with what is required.

Of the 3,374 new homes I mentioned, 873 are current stock and not new build, 63 qualify for HAP thereby subsiding private landlords and 245 are supposed to be temporary very expensive modular homes the Government announced. That blatantly leaves a very inadequate new house building programme. It should be remembered that this state of play is mainly because of the failure of this Government - and the previous one - to put money where its gob is.

In my constituency, the local Sinn Féin councillors and I have demanded more social housing to address local needs for years. We have been very imaginative and proactive in our proposals. However, Dublin City Council has been hampered at every turn by this Government's, and the previous one's, lack of investment in building social housing.

The Minister must immediately release the long-promised €8 million for a redevelopment of the Traveller halting site, Labre Park. Work must be allowed commence on the building of the Cornamona senior citizen’s complex to deliver 60 senior citizens' homes which has been promised for more than ten years. While we welcome the move to begin the long-awaited refurbishment of the Canon Troy complex and hope that NABCO manages to build its 72 houses in Cherry Orchard, these must not be treated as photo opportunities but should be recognised as part of the solution.

Quite a number of other things need to be done in my constituency. Another Deputy mentioned the regeneration of Dolphin House and St. Michael’s estate earlier. That will not even replenish the housing stock lost by the demolition of St. Michael's estate, the demolition of St. Teresa's Gardens and the partial demolition in the near future of Dolphin House.

Other complexes have been promised by the local authority but the Government and its predecessor did not fund them. I refer to the senior citizens' complexes at Raleigh Square, Armagh Road and at the Ranch and the complex on Jamestown Road. Whatever happened to the plans for housing in the OPW site on Jamestown Road, which was supposed to have 220 homes? That was shelved because the private developer could not deliver. Why is the local authority not given the money to deliver that?

I pay tribute to those in sleeping bags, those sleeping in cars and the couch surfers around this city. I also pay tribute to those working with the homeless in the city trying to alleviate the hardships they face daily from this crisis and, in particular, to a grassroots organisation which has shone a light for many others and which has sprung up in my area, Ballyfermot Help 4 the Homeless, which participated in yesterday's rally.

Go n-éirí an t-ádh leo siúd ar fad agus mo náire iad siúd atá sa Rialtas nár dhein faic in aon chor chun déileáil leis an gcruachás mór seo.

Deputy Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin

Fr. Peter McVerry, well known to all of us in this House as a Trojan campaigner for the homeless, said yesterday on RTE’s "Morning Ireland" that homelessness is even worse today than this time last year. He said:

The situation is much worse than last year. 270 beds were opened and within four weeks they were full and the numbers sleeping on the streets were beginning to climb again...

On average, 40 families a month are becoming homeless. At the moment, the average number of families becoming homeless per month is 73.

These are shocking facts. We are not even talking about individuals incidents here; we are talking about families. It would break the coldest of hearts to see the number of people cold and hungry on the streets of our capital city. Yesterday marked the first anniversary of the death of Jonathan Corrie who passed away in a doorway in the shadow of this very building. We were united in our grief. The Government pledged to address this issue. The Minister for the Environment, Community and Local Government, Deputy Kelly, convened an emergency summit on homelessness and the immediate response was to make an additional 220 emergency beds available in Dublin. This was clearly not enough then and it is certainly not enough now.

The homeless and housing emergency ravages on. Approximately 89,872 households are on local authority waiting lists, with some people waiting nine to ten years for a home. The number of social houses being built has plummeted from 4,209 in 2005 to only 499 in the first six months of 2015. From January to June of this year, more than 1,000 children were sleeping in emergency accommodation. The Disability Federation of Ireland reports that 2,900 people are currently living in congregated settings, denying them their right to privacy and independent living. They cannot be forgotten in all of this.

This is all happening under the Government’s watch. In budget 2016, the Government allocated €17 million to tackle the emergency homeless crisis while allocating €28 million to increase the thresholds for tax-free inheritances and gifts, which is testament to where its priorities lie.

The issue of homelessness is not exclusive to Dublin or other major urban centres. Some 1,327 individuals and families are currently on the housing waiting lists across County Monaghan. In sheer desperation people are coming to our elected team on an almost daily basis telling their own personal stories and expressing their sheer frustration at the length of time they have been waiting for a house, somewhere they can call home. It was recently revealed that 28 vacant council houses are available in County Monaghan. I reiterate a point I made a number of weeks ago when I said that it beggars belief and defies logic that these houses are lying idle when more than 1,300 applicants are on housing waiting lists across my home county.

It is blindingly obvious that there is a need to refocus and re-evaluate the so-called strategy employed by this Government. The Bill offers viable, realistic and effective measures to address all of these pressing issues. It literally is a matter of life or death.

The Bill brought forward by my colleague, Deputy Ellis, focuses on protection of those at risk of losing their homes, tenants and mortgage holders alike. We need to put an end to rent uncertainty. The Government’s failure to do this will undoubtedly see more people face the prospect of homelessness. If this legislation were to be enacted, rents would be linked to the rate of inflation and rent increases would be limited over a period of time. It also updates the definition of homelessness to put an onus on local authorities to act in support of people who are facing homelessness.

The lipservice needs to end. A sea change in Government policy is needed. The Bill provides us with the perfect opportunity to move forward and to do something that actually works and makes a difference. I, therefore, call on all Deputies to do the right thing and vote in favour of this Bill.

Deputy Brian Stanley

I welcome the opportunity to speak on this important Bill. We have heard many excuses from the Government about why we cannot have rent certainty, which is one of the measures that is needed to deal with the issue. We have a crisis but the Government's response to date has amounted to sticking-plaster solutions. Very little was done to address the crisis for the past three to four years and as the election draws near, some attempt is being made to put in place measures to deal with increasing rents. Those measures will not work. We must have effective rent regulations but these are not among the Government's proposals.

We also have a crisis because of the supply of local authority housing. There has been a bias, not just on the part of the Government but also on that of those which preceded it, in the provision of local authority housing. We have moved away from that and handed the rental sector over to private landlords, voluntary housing bodies, developers or, in effect, anybody who would take on the challenge. We have thrown money at those solutions. We have been highlighting the issue for years. Since the 1990s, Sinn Féin councillors throughout the country have been highlighting the problem. It is unfortunate that the situation has mushroomed into a crisis that we are now trying to address.

Modular houses are among the solutions that have been presented. When I first heard about modular housing , I thought it was fair enough as an emergency solution. Now, however, there are reports that modular units could cost as much as €190,000 each. I do not know whether that is the cost of the unit or whether it also includes development charges for the site and the cost of providing services. Could the Minister of State, Deputy Coffey, please clarify the amount involved? One can provide local authority houses for less than €190,000, even in Dublin. If that is the case, it would amount to a considerable cost and would require a significant outlay for what is being hailed as a temporary solution.

We have the scandalous situation where a substantial number of properties are still on the books of NAMA and the IBRC. The properties could be provided and work could be completed on them for a fraction of the proposed cost of the modular housing. That would be far better than throwing money at private landlords and developers. We could also use some more of the new houses that are supposed to be provided by NAMA. The State has asked NAMA to build 20,000 new houses, a maximum of 2,000 of which will be provided as social housing. We could have 50% of the allocation going to social housing, as that is where the need is at present. I urge the Government to examine the matter again.

Another issue of concern is the amount of rent provided to people in receipt of rent subsidy. The cost of private rented accommodation has increased by 35% since the Government came to office. In the past year alone rents have increased by 12.8% in Kildare and 13.4% in Laois for a three-bedroom house. The increases are significant but the rent cap has not been increased. In County Laois at present a family of two adults and two children are supposed to be able to rent for €480, the maximum provided to them to rent a house but one cannot rent a family home for €480. I defy anybody to find one. The Simon Community carried out a survey which found that no property was available to rent in Portlaoise for that amount.

In the time remaining, I wish to deal with voids. The Minister of State, Deputy Coffey, and the Minister, Deputy Kelly, have talked a great deal about this issue in the past two years. I welcome some of the progress that has been made but now, on one hand, the Government is saying it will deal with the issue of voids while, on the other, regulations have been put in place that will give rise more voids. The regulations that have been introduced force local authorities to advertise houses considered to be abandoned in the local press. After a month they must advertise the property again in the local press. First, the fact that the house is vacant is being advertised. Local authorities can only board up houses in specific circumstances, which leaves them open to squatters and vandalism. The system is unworkable. The Minister of State will hear that from officials in local authorities around the country in the coming weeks. We are opening up a hole in the existing local authority housing stock, which is already small enough. The pool of social housing is small enough and this will create a black hole that cannot be tenanted. It will cost a lot of money to refurbish abandoned houses. People on local authority housing lists are being denied houses. The Government must examine the matter again. Rents are not being collected on such properties and local authorities are losing rent also. Everyone is losing in that situation. The Minister is saying he is committed to ensuring voids are filled quickly but the situation to which I refer will give rise to problems. It is already causing difficulties in some areas.

The Minister must bin the new regulations and revert to the old system concerning houses that are abandoned in order that they might be brought back into use quickly and tenants put into them. People are on the waiting lists for up to ten years. I will not repeat what has been said about the homelessness crisis but the situation is having an effect, not only on housing but also on people's health, the education of children and people's mental health. This is a crisis and the Government must use all the methods available to it to address it. I urge the Government to take the matter seriously as it has not done so up to now.

Minister of State at the Department of the Environment, Community and Local Government (Deputy Paudie Coffey)

I acknowledge that housing is a considerable challenge for this country but, as the Minister, Deputy Kelly, made clear last night - I agree with him in this regard - the Sinn Féin Bill before the House is fundamentally flawed in both its detail and focus in respect of homelessness prevention and would create a legal obligation and an unquantified risk to the State that would give rise to unintended consequences.

Deputy Aengus Ó Snodaigh

That is what an emergency is.

Deputy Paudie Coffey

I have heard much rhetoric from those opposite. It is easy for Deputies to rail against the Government and for them to say that we must produce more social housing. That is obvious. We are all very much in agreement on that matter. We are also agreed that the long-term solution to homelessness is to increase the supply of homes. However, I have not heard any new or tangible solutions to homelessness being offered by those opposite. Nothing has been said over and above the multifaceted approach the Government is already undertaking to address and increase the housing supply and to deal with homelessness. That is the reason the Government's social housing strategy is based on the provision of 35,000 new social housing units at a cost of €3.8 billion and, in addition, the delivery of up to 75,000 units of long-term, quality accommodation to meet housing needs through local authority housing supports schemes.

Deputies have been critical of the number of units constructed to date, but that is a lazy critique when we all know the length of time required to bring construction projects to completion.

Deputy Gerry Adams

Five years.

Deputy Paudie Coffey

Completions are already ramping up around the country and more than 200 projects have been approved and are under way in various local authorities areas. Only this week I, along with Deputies Halligan and Conway, visited a Government-supported scheme in my city that is being completed by the Respond housing agency that has delivered 57 new units. That is also having a knock-on effect in creating market mobility by creating vacancies in other parts of the city.

I wish to confirm to the House that in the region of 5,000 tenancies will have been supported under the housing assistance payment, HAP, scheme this year. That corresponds to the housing needs of 5,000 households that are being met by this scheme. A total of 200 HAP tenancies were set up last week and 300 are scheduled for completion next week. That is significant progress.

It is also necessary to reiterate the Government's position on rent supplement limits. A review of the rent limits earlier this year found that the impact of increasing limits at a time of constrained supply in the private rented market would increase costs disproportionately for the Exchequer with little or no new housing available to recipients. Rather than providing for a blanket increase on rent limits, which would not address the fundamental issue of supply, the Department of Social Protection's preventative policy allows for flexibility in assessing people's individual accommodation needs on a case-by-case basis. Under the Department's tenancy sustainment measures, more than 5,000 rent supplement households have been provided with uplifts and have retained their rented accommodation in the past 18 months.

With regard to rent certainty, the Government is implementing measures aimed at stabilising rents. The most important change is that the minimum period between rent reviews for all tenancies is being increased from 12 to 24 months. That means anyone who has had a rent review in 2015 will not face a rent review again until at least 2017. This intervention will be temporary, pending the restoration of normality in the housing market, an approach that will bring stability and predictability for the tenant, protecting them from the circumstances that currently exist in the rental market.

It is also necessary to reiterate some of the other actions being taken on housing and homelessness. The ministerial direction requiring key local authorities to prioritise the homeless and vulnerable households in the allocation of tenancies under their control is operating successfully. At the end of quarter three in the Dublin region, a total of 739 homeless households had exited homeless accommodation into verified and sustained tenancy arrangements. That compares with a total of 545 exits for homeless households at the same point in 2014.

The direction is a significant factor in the increased level of success.

Deputies should be aware of the Dublin region homelessness pilot scheme in the context of the housing assistance payment. There are positive indications with regard to the enhancements made to the scheme under budget 2016. While the pilot scheme is still in its infancy, it is significant that the number of tenancies secured in the past two months is equal to the total for the preceding nine months.

Last night the Minister reaffirmed his commitment to the significant national programme to return void local authority units to beneficial use. Some 2,333 voids were returned to productive use during 2014 and the expected figure for this year is in the region of 2,500. All of the returned units fall to be allocated under the terms of the direction.

The Opposition has not acknowledged the increase in budget 2016 by the Government in the provision for the homeless budget, an increase of 32%, from €53 million to €70 million. It is incorrect, therefore, to say nothing is being done.

Also public awareness campaigns are playing a crucial role in homelessness prevention. Complementary campaigns have been implemented by the homeless executive, Dublin region, the Department of Social Protection and the Private Residential Tenancies Board. A range of measures, identified in the Government's implementation plan on the State's response to homelessness, continue to be progressed. Some 50% of the 106 measures included in the two plans have been dealt with, with the remaining measures still on track.

It is important in this debate that we have factual information. On the number of rough sleepers - this is an important point - Sinn Féin is conflating the figures. In April there were 106 rough sleepers, which I acknowledge is still far too many. In April 2013 the number was 350. Therefore, the number is reducing.

Deputy Aengus Ó Snodaigh

Why did the Government open another homeless unit in my area?

An Ceann Comhairle

Other speakers from the Deputy's party will be contributing. The Deputy should, therefore, stop interrupting.

Deputy Aengus Ó Snodaigh

The Minister of State has accused us of giving wrong figures. If 400 beds are being produced, that is doubling the number that were already available in the city. The Minister of State, therefore, is giving the lie to his own figures.

Deputy Paudie Coffey

The number of rough sleepers is reducing. The Government has guaranteed rough sleepers a bed for the night. This is the only capital city in Europe in which a bed can be guaranteed for anyone who wants one.

An Ceann Comhairle

The next timeslot will be shared by Deputies Mary Lou McDonnell, Gerry Adams and Dessie Ellis.

Deputy Mary Lou McDonald

The hour is late, the Government benches are bare and the Minister of State, predictably, has stood up and incanted the same robotic garbage to which we have been listening for the past five years. If he wants the factual position, this is it.

In 2014 the number of additional families entering emergency accommodation in Dublin alone was 40 a month, a doubling of the figure in the previous year. January 2015 saw a further increase, with a total of 400 families in emergency accommodation. By August this figure had increased by 76% to 700 families. Here is a fact for the Minister of State - these families include 1,500 children. The biggest fact for him is that the State is deliberately failing each and every one of these families and children, in particular. No amount of sanctimonious guff from Government Deputies, including Deputies Catherine Byrne and Eric Byrne, as well as the Minister of State or anyone else, will alter that fact or hide the Government's failure.

The Minister of State criticised Deputy Dessie Ellis's Bill and cited unintended consequences. Let us spell out what the very intentional consequences of the Bill would be. First, it seeks to provide rent certainly for people who are terrified that they will lose the roof over their heads. Second, it would prevent homelessness and place the appropriate burden and responsibility on the Government and the State. How dare anybody in the Government question families who have loved ones who find themselves homeless? How dare the Minister of State do this? If he lived in the same world as the rest of us, he would know that families across the State worry and fret and do their very best for their sons and daughters who cannot cope with their mortgage repayments and lose their homes and are now living in rental accommodation or for loved ones suffering from substance abuse. How dare the Government suggest the responsibility to clear up the mess over which the Minister of State presides lies with these same families? They are more than measuring up. The big failures of the piece are the Minister of State, the Minister and his colleagues who could not even be bothered to show up in the Chamber to have a discussion on this critical matter.

Deputy Gerry Adams

The Minister, Deputy Alan Kelly, said last night that the Government would oppose this Bill which he said was flawed, but he did not tell us where or how it was flawed. He also dismissed Sinn Féin in his usual charming and persuasive way. He said our tabling of the Bill was opportunistic. The fact is that the only thing that is flawed is his attitude to the housing crisis. Our position is straightforward. Sinn Féin believes citizens have a right to a home. The Minister said this would put a legal obligation on the State. He is right. We think the State has a legal obligation to ensure its citizens have a home. It is interesting that the same excuse he used that the Bill would put a legal obligation on the State is used when he defends putting money into the pockets of the elites, paying the top advisers, making sure those who have creamed it receive huge bonuses. He says there is a legal obligation on us to do this. We believe citizens have a right to a home, but the Government does not. It believes in making things up as it goes along. The Minister is competing for the position of the very best Minister in the Government at making things up as he or she goes along. He also has a deep concern about his legacy. He actually told us that. He is also the Minister who persists in saying the 20,000 NAMA units due to built by 2020 should be sold on the private market, rather than used as social housing. NAMA is owned by the State and its citizens, yet these units will be built for the private sector. That is socialism according to comrade Kelly and à la Fine Gael.

I want to deal briefly with the issue of rent regulation. In my constituency of Louth 1 ,571 people are in receipt of rent supplement. Rents for three-bedroom homes in County Louth are, on average, around €1,100 a month, while the rent supplement limit for a family with three children has been set at just €600. I ask the Minister of State to square these figures. Recent responses to parliamentary questions I submitted show that just 55 applicants in County Louth have had their rent supplement payments increased, that is in spite of the Tánaiste stating - the Taoiseach does it nearly every week - community welfare officers would be instructed to increase payments where not doing so might lead to homelessness.

The Government recently scrapped any idea of introducing rent certainty, which the Minister had been promising since the Labour Party conference in February. He said at the time: "What we are looking for is a process whereby people can have some certainty as regards rent into the future while housing supply is being dealt with." His Department later briefed the media that his plans would involve landlords not being able to increase rent beyond the rise in the consumer price index. It is now obvious that those Fine Gael Ministers - perhaps the Minister of State was among them, I do not know - referred to as "anonymous cowards" and who warned against the rent certainty proposal have won the argument within the Government. The recently announced rent regulation is too little too late. For many tenants, the Government's plans do not amount to a rent freeze, as has been claimed. There is no rent limit in the case of new tenancies. This is because the Government has done nothing to limit increases, apart from harking back to the existing regulations which have failed utterly.

Increases in housing assistance payment rates in some counties are welcome, but without proper controls on rent levels, this will not be enough. Tax breaks announced for landlords who receive large sums in rent supplement and rental accommodation scheme payments are not a solution because they are always driven by the market and the motivation of profit, and they ensure unscrupulous landlords are able to get whatever cream there is at the top of the milk.

Our Bill, which the Minister of State says is flawed and would lead to unforeseen consequences, seeks to link rents to the rate of inflation and to limit rent increases over a period of time. He should tell us what is wrong with that. That is what hard pressed tenants at risk of homelessness require. We also seek to update the definition of "homelessness" and to put an onus on local authorities to act in support of people facing homelessness. I met young people from Ballyfermot at the rally last night and they have done more to address and tackle the issue of homelessness than the Government. If the House passes this legislation, it will have finally done something constructive to tackle homelessness after years of passing measures that created the crisis in the first place. The Government has said it will not do this. Why would it? The Government has thrown shapes at this in its final months. Shame on the Minister of State. The next time he passes a person in a shop doorway wrapped up in a sleeping bag or covered in cardboard, he should remember that his policy has that person there.

Deputy Dessie Ellis

Ba mhaith liom buíochas a ghabháil le gach éinne a ghlac páirt sa díospóireacht. I thank everyone who took part in the debate. Even though I might not have agreed with everyone's opinion, it was an important debate. It was a little difficult to listen to the nonsense the Minister for the Environment, Community and Local Government had to share with us last night. To have the Bill dismissed on Second Stage due to supposed flaws is hard to take from a member of the Government presiding over the mess of the Legal Services Bill 2011 in the Seanad, with pages of amendments being added one day only to be deleted the next. He is, of course, the Minister who last week took a three-year old Bill stuck in the Seanad and tacked on 54 pages of amendments to pretend to be doing something about rents. Let us not pretend the opposition to this Bill is anything to do with its drafting. It is purely ideological; if not, it could be accepted and amended on Committee Stage like every other Bill. If it was anything other than ideological, the Minister would have created legislative provisions for people at risk of homelessness previously. If it was anything other than the Government parties' pathetic subservience to landlords and developers, it would have created rent certainty. Instead, they have kicked the can down the road while ensuring a rent increase for most tenants just before Christmas as landlords prepare for their weak new measures.

The Minister's response last night would have been disappointing if it was not true to form. With one breath, he was complimenting groups such Threshold and, with another, condemning the measures they have called for because they were being put forward by Sinn Féin. Perhaps if he had made it to the debate on time, he might have heard me quoting from the very report that highlighted the need for this reform, which was published by Threshold, Focus, Simon Community and the Society of St. Vincent de Paul. I did not miss his contribution on the RTE news last night where he bragged about the provision of 4,600 emergency beds. He never stopped to think how disgraceful it is that this number of emergency beds is needed in Ireland in 2015. He certainly did not seem to think about that when he came into the House and arrogantly dismissed provisions for homelessness prevention and rent certainty in this legislation.

The Minister said Sinn Féin is strong on rhetoric. This is from someone who has created more pages of reports and press releases than he has built homes. He clearly has no clue. His solution to homelessness is to buy modular units, which are a third more expensive than houses currently for sale. They will cost €191,000 each. It will cost €75 million for 500 units, yet houses can be bought for less than €120,000 in the areas he plans to put these units. It took him a full year to get around to a one-year delay in rent increases with absolutely no provision for rent certainty or rent control. He called his measures innovative but there is nothing new or different about spin and bluster from him and the Government and there is nothing new about failing to deliver for those most in need.

This Bill, like every Bill taken on Second Stage, is imperfect, but its objectives are positive and good. It seeks to give local authorities and other relevant bodies the power and responsibility to help those at risk of losing their homes and to provide support to keep them in their homes because they have nowhere else to go. Surely in a country where 73 families become homeless every month, there is a need to keep people in their homes. Surely in a country where we spend €70 million a year just to stand still on homelessness, we need to protect people in their homes. When hotel rooms, bed and breakfast accommodation, and modular units costing €191,000 each are the other options, keeping people in their homes becomes the only real, humane and sensible option. The same logic applies to rent certainty. Rent certainty is not what the Government falsely called a rent freeze; it is a rent increase delay. It is the limiting of future increases to give certainty to tenants. It is the bare minimum as rent regulation goes. It is far short of the model we would like in place where rents are controlled by local standard rates, which goes much further than the Government's weak offering. The only certainty the Government offers renters is that they will be subject to higher rents before Christmas and they will be even higher in two years. The Minister has also put a limit of four years on this measure and has called it a sunset clause. He needs to go into the sunset, like all the other members of Government. The rejection of the Bill by the Government is unacceptable and pathetic.

Question put:

The Dáil divided: Tá, 32; Níl, 58.

Tá

• Adams, Gerry.
• Broughan, Thomas P.
• Calleary, Dara.
• Collins, Joan.
• Colreavy, Michael.
• Coppinger, Ruth.
• Crowe, Seán.
• Ellis, Dessie.
• Ferris, Martin.
• Fitzmaurice, Michael.
• Fleming, Tom.
• Grealish, Noel.
• Halligan, John.
• Healy, Seamus.
• Kitt, Michael P.
• Mac Lochlainn, Pádraig.
• McConalogue, Charlie.
• McDonald, Mary Lou.
• McGrath, Finian.
• McGrath, Mattie.
• McLellan, Sandra.
• Murphy, Catherine.
• Ó Caoláin, Caoimhghín.
• Ó Cuív, Éamon.
• Ó Snodaigh, Aengus.
• O'Brien, Jonathan.
• O'Sullivan, Maureen.
• Pringle, Thomas.
• Shortall, Róisín.
• Smith, Brendan.
• Stanley, Brian.
• Tóibín, Peadar.

Níl

• Bannon, James.
• Barry, Tom.
• Breen, Pat.
• Bruton, Richard.
• Butler, Ray.
• Buttimer, Jerry.
• Byrne, Catherine.
• Byrne, Eric.
• Cannon, Ciarán.
• Carey, Joe.
• Coffey, Paudie.
• Conaghan, Michael.
• Connaughton, Paul J.
• Conway, Ciara.
• Coonan, Noel.
• Corcoran Kennedy, Marcella.
• Costello, Joe.
• Creed, Michael.
• Deenihan, Jimmy.
• Deering, Pat.
• Durkan, Bernard J.
• English, Damien.
• Farrell, Alan.
• Feighan, Frank.
• Fitzpatrick, Peter.
• Hannigan, Dominic.
• Harrington, Noel.
• Harris, Simon.
• Heydon, Martin.
• Humphreys, Kevin.
• Keating, Derek.
• Kehoe, Paul.
• Kelly, Alan.
• Kyne, Seán.
• Lynch, Kathleen.
• McCarthy, Michael.
• McEntee, Helen.
• McFadden, Gabrielle.
• McGinley, Dinny.
• McLoughlin, Tony.
• Mitchell O'Connor, Mary.
• Mulherin, Michelle.
• Murphy, Dara.
• Neville, Dan.
• Nolan, Derek.
• O'Mahony, John.
• O'Reilly, Joe.
• O'Sullivan, Jan.
• Perry, John.
• Phelan, Ann.
• Ring, Michael.
• Ryan, Brendan.
• Shatter, Alan.
• Stagg, Emmet.
• Stanton, David.
• Twomey, Liam.
• Varadkar, Leo.
• Wall, Jack.

Tellers: Tá, Deputies Dessie Ellis and Aengus Ó Snodaigh; Níl, Deputies Emmet Stagg and Paul Kehoe.

Question declared lost.

The Dáil adjourned at 11 p.m. until 9.30 a.m. on Thursday, 3 December 2015.