Brendan Howlin
Question:1. Deputy Brendan Howlin asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet sub-committee on justice reform was last convened. [19812/16]
Ceisteanna - Questions
Cabinet Committees
Gerry Adams
Question:2. Deputy Gerry Adams asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on justice reform last met. [22524/16]
I propose to take Questions Nos. 1 and 2 together. The Government re-established the Cabinet committee on justice reform in May 2016 to provide political oversight of the delivery of the commitments in the programme for a partnership Government to reform the policing, justice and legal systems and related issues. The Cabinet committee last met on 6 July 2016.
Can the Taoiseach set out the membership of the committee? In respect of the committee's terms of reference, the former committee looked in particular at the two reform proposals from the Garda Síochána Inspectorate which were not only very comprehensive but very critical of the current structure of An Garda Síochána. They looked at the way the force was deployed, the way resources were deployed, its mechanism for following through on investigations and its information relating to the time for investigation of every particular type of crime in each division. Will the inspectorate reports remain the basis for the reform agenda to be delivered by the Cabinet sub-committee?
My next question concerns the plan of the Garda Commissioner.
Is that the plan that is being implemented? Is it being implemented in tandem with the Inspectorate reform, or how are the two being co-ordinated? In terms of investment, would the Taoiseach agree with me that one of the most critical issues for An Garda Síochána has been the lack of proper IT infrastructure? That is why the previous administration allocated more than €200 million to upgrade IT. Will the Taoiseach set out for the House where we are on the roll-out of that significant upgrade of PULSE and the timeline for its delivery across the country?
In terms of what might be described as local political interference, with individual Garda stations that were closed but that are in the constituencies of members or supporters of the Government are now, as part of the new Government agreement, to be reopened, on what basis are objective decisions being taken about the deployment of An Garda Síochána and the structure of Garda stations across the country?
Eight men have been murdered as part of a criminal gang feud in Dublin, and the impact of this on the whole community, especially in the north inner city, has been enormous. Many residents - families and their children - are living in fear. The Taoiseach met with some of them recently and he quite rightly praised and commended their resilience and steadfastness. Since then, as well as the fear arising from the gang feud and the ongoing drugs trade in that area, there is also a concern that once the media focus moves off onto other issues the commitments and promises of support from the Government will not be delivered. The Taoiseach will know that what the people want and need is an integrated plan for the social, economic, educational and community development of their community. They are looking for funding, projects, jobs, counsellors, homes, teachers for children, Garda youth diversion projects, addiction services and so on.
The Taoiseach asked recently for the terms of reference of the community coalition in Dublin's north inner city and, with their permission, Deputy Mary Lou McDonald provided him with this. He agreed to meet with representatives of the coalition and bring back proposals to them about the task force and its terms of reference and so on. I do not want to presume or make judgment on what the Taoiseach said earlier but, if I heard him properly, he said he was going to the constituency tomorrow and appears to have agreed the terms of reference. Will he give us some sense of the terms of reference and recommit to consulting in good faith with the people he met, given the seriousness of the issues involved? It is all about empowering people. These people have empowered themselves. The Taoiseach said in an earlier discussion here that there appeared to be a gap between what has happened in here and what is happening down there. I challenged the Taoiseach on this. I said it is not that there appears to be a gap; there is a gap. The Taoiseach made a firm commitment about consultation and going back to consult with the folks he met previously. I ask him to give us as much information as he can on that.
I request an update on the implementation of the recommendations contained in the Garda Inspectorate report, Changing Policing in Ireland, and I also request that he address the concern about a whole range of Garda appointments that were made. I do not want to go through them all, as I do not want to take up other people's time. A whole range of promotions were made which could and should have been made by the policing authority, but there was a rush to do this at the request of the Garda Commissioner before the authority was authorised to do it. Is the Taoiseach concerned about this? It strikes me as being something that does not bode well for what we are trying to do in terms of a new beginning to policing, or at least the effort to reform the gardaí so that it is a service that its men and women deserve and that those whom they mind deserve also.
A number of questions were asked. Deputy Howlin raised the membership of the Cabinet committee on justice reform, comprised of myself, as chair, the Tánaiste and Minister for Justice and Equality, the Minister for Public Expenditure and Reform, the Minister for Transport, Tourism and Sport and the Attorney General. As others are needed they will attend. The terms of reference are to provide political oversight of the delivery of commitments in the programme for a partnership Government, to reform the policing, justice and legal systems and related issues.
Deputy Howlin mentioned the Inspectorate report. In November 2014, the Garda Inspectorate published a comprehensive report on crime investigation, and significant work is continuing to implement the recommendations. That includes a review of crime counting rules by the CSO, the establishment of a data quality team in An Garda Síochána, significant reorganisation and amalgamation of Garda national units, and the establishment of a criminal justice steering group to provide greater co-ordination between all bodies operating within the criminal justice system. The Garda has established a new incident recording process and a working group has examined the need for increased investment in Garda ICT as part of the upcoming capital programme. The Garda has established a victim support office in every local Garda division and, in addition, the previous Government put in place measures to ensure and enhance ongoing public confidence in policing in Ireland while continuing to support the men and women of An Garda Síochána in their day-to-day duties of keeping communities in the country safe. On the Garda Inspectorate report on management and structures, the Tánaiste put in place a process to seek the views of the Garda Commissioner, to whom the bulk of recommendations are directed, and other bodies to whom recommendations are directed.
The Deputy also mentioned modern technology. As he is aware, €330 million, including €205 million under the capital programme, is being invested in the Garda ICT infrastructure between 2016 and 2021. This major investment will allow the gardaí to deploy the latest cutting-edge technologies in the fight against crime and will facilitate progress on an important set of reforms arising from the Garda Inspectorate's report on crime investigation. A considerable amount of the new Garda ICT solutions have been delivered over the past five years. These include the deployment of a secure national digital radio system, the deployment and support of Garda and community CCTV systems, an automated number plate registration, ANPR, system, and the addition of many new functions to the PULSE system, which is further supported by a dedicated Garda data entry service in Davitt House in Castlebar.
The substantial additional investment under the capital programme out to 2021 will facilitate progress on a range of other important reforms that arise from the Inspectorate report on crime investigation. Examples of some of the new systems to be developed include new computer-aided despatch to ensure responsive and co-ordinated deployment of gardaí in the community, mobile technology to give gardaí secure mobile access to critical information when and where they need it, investigation management systems to ensure enhanced management of crime investigations, and an upgrade of the ANPR to enhance policing of road safety and compliance.
Obviously, there is an interest in supplying increased numbers of CCTV systems as well.
In respect of Deputy Adams' question on gangland crime, the Tánaiste and Minister for Justice and Equality has been in close and extensive engagement with the Garda Commissioner and senior officers on the measures to tackle the appalling crime situation in certain areas where gangs operate and significant progress has been made in the investigations which are under way. Both the Tánaiste and Minister for Justice and Equality and I have assured the Garda that whatever resources are necessary will be made available to it. On the basis of that assurance, the Garda, day in and day out, is incurring substantial additional expenditure, including overtime expenditure.
On 8 June, the Government approved substantial additional funding to be provided to the Garda. An additional allocation of €55 million is being made available this year for the purpose of tackling organised crime. These additional moneys are made available based on information from Garda management regarding the level of funding required to maintain the necessary policing response to the current situation. This will allow for concentrated policing targeting gang-related crime and the continued intensive and strategic targeting of burglaries and related crime through the support for Operation Thor, which has been successful, and continued support for measures against terrorism.
Underpinning all of that has been the reopening of Templemore and the decision to increase the Garda strength to 15,000 by way of recruitment. While in the short term substantial funds continue to be made available for overtime working measures to accelerate the planned programme of recruitment, they are being worked on now so that additional new gardaí can be provided as quickly as possible.
I note that the Criminal Assets Bureau is one of the few areas of public expenditure that was largely ring-fenced from reductions in public service staffing during the economic crisis. Its staffing complement now of approximately 70 is similar to what it was in the late 2000s.
In respect of Garda measures to deal with gangland crime, the new special crime task force has been put in place. This will operate in co-operation with other agencies, such as the Revenue Commissioners and the Department of Social Protection. The task force will use-----
A Cheann Comhairle, gabh mo leithscéal-----
The Taoiseach did not answer the question.
-----the expertise of Garda divisional asset profilers, all of whom have received specific specialised training, as well as the expertise of the Garda Síochána analyst service, and the purpose of the task force will be to focus relentlessly on persons involved in gangland activities.
I would say also to Deputy Adams that the decision was made to strengthen Garda resources this year, including steps to establish a dedicated armed support unit in the Dublin area. The Dublin armed support unit is in the process of being set up and trained. However, it must be clearly understood that, pending the full establishment of the new unit, arrangements have been put in place so that the necessary armed support is being provided on an overtime basis. The Tánaiste and Minister for Justice and Equality is being kept up to date on this work on the establishment of the unit, including all of the necessary training, and preparatory arrangements are being put on place as a matter of priority.
On a point of order-----
I am implementing the rules. The time is up. If Deputy Adams wants to make a point of order, I will allow him.
Tá mé fíor-bhuíoch den Chathaoirleach. Winning and sustaining the confidence of communities which are victimised by gangs is really important.
That is not a point of order.
I asked the Taoiseach a specific question about consulting with the people in the Dublin north inner city who he met and who he promised to go back to meet.
That is not a point of order.
The Taoiseach did not answer the question.
The time is up for this question.
The Taoiseach deliberately did not answer it.
The Taoiseach ran the clock down and did not answer.
I will send the details to Deputy Adams. I will meet the group.
If Deputy Adams has an issue, I ask him to go to the Ceann Comhairle. I am taking the next question which is from Deputy Micheál Martin.
European Council Meetings
Micheál Martin
Question:3. Deputy Micheál Martin asked the Taoiseach the detail of his contributions and comments at the June 2016 European Council meeting regarding Scotland and the responses he received. [19833/16]
My objective at the European Council meeting on 28 June, and the informal meeting of 27 Heads of State or Government the following day, was to present Ireland's views and concerns in relation to the impact and effects of the referendum in the UK, and to ensure, once again, that there is an understanding among EU partners of our particular national position, including as regards Northern Ireland and North-South relations. I am satisfied that is the case.
We work closely with the devolved administrations in the context of the institutions established by the Good Friday Agreement, including the British-Irish Council and the North-South Ministerial Council. In preparing for the European Council meeting, I had a wide range of discussions, including with the Northern Ireland First Minister and Deputy First Minister and with the Scottish First Minister, Ms Sturgeon, whom I had also met at the British-Irish Council in Glasgow on 17 June.
Ireland and Scotland enjoy excellent and close relations, as, indeed, we do with the UK as a whole. The recent visit by President Higgins underlined once more the strength of the ties between the peoples of Scotland and Ireland. The First Minister, Ms Sturgeon, was anxious that European leaders would be aware of her concerns about the future situation and status of Scotland following a UK departure from the Union. I undertook to mention those concerns during the European Council meeting, which I did. This was in the context of a wide-ranging discussion on the referendum outcome and its consequences, on which I reported in detail to the House on 5 July. I look forward to ongoing contact with the First Minister and her administration at political, diplomatic and official levels. We will have an opportunity to meet again at the extraordinary meeting of the British-Irish Council on Friday of this week in Cardiff.
It is self-evident that the outcome of the referendum on EU membership has generated significant debate in all parts of the United Kingdom and beyond. Many aspects of the next steps in this process require clarification that will only emerge now that the new British Prime Minister, Mrs. Theresa May, has been appointed. In my discussions with Mrs. May last week, we discussed a range of issues of mutual interest, not least the importance of continuing to work together to build on the excellent relationship that now exists between Ireland and Britain, including our joint support of the peace process and the wider development of co-operation between these two islands. We agreed to stay in touch and to meet each other in the coming weeks.
I thank the Taoiseach for his reply. With a new Government in place in London, there is emerging a basic shape of the approach that may be taken by the United Kingdom Government to negotiations with the European Union. Mr. Davis, the new British Secretary of State responsible for Brexit, has suggested that he is fine with simply seeking a trade pact and that he may delay the triggering of Article 50 until next year. That would have significant implications for Ireland, and particularly Mr. Davis's narrow view of the negotiation parameters with Britain. It could involve the return of a customs border here, if his thinking gains any further momentum.
Mr. Davis also seemed somewhat confused as to the status of what he termed "southern Ireland", when asked about this country on Sunday. He seemed to be unaware of our constitutional status, to put it mildly. Could the Taoiseach, at the earliest opportunity, ensure that a member of Government holds an early meeting with Mr. Davis to update him on our perspectives on it?
More specifically concerning Scotland, it is clear that we need to stay closely in contact with the Scottish Government on an ongoing basis. I welcome the fact that the Government has decided to implement a suggestion I made to increase staffing in our European embassies and delegations - the Taoiseach made that clear at the leaders' meeting last week - but the Taoiseach needs to make a similar commitment to increasing the staff levels at our Edinburgh consulate, which was set up quite a number of years ago and which has played a valuable role in developing relationships between Ireland and the Scottish Government and, indeed, the Scottish Parliament.
The Taoiseach was correct in raising the matter at the European Council meeting because it is the elephant in the room in some respects as well. It is relevant in terms of what may happen down the road in Scotland, if it was ever to secede from the United Kingdom. That is something that may take some time to happen.
The Taoiseach mentioned in his reply the British-Irish Council and the broader sets of relationships. I note the key issues, apart from Mr. David Davis saying it is about trade. For us, it is obviously the retention of and, ideally and optimally, the UK's access to the Single Market to avoid tariffs between Ireland and Britain, but also the common travel area. The retention of the Single Market on the island of Ireland is critical, as is the avoidance of a hard border. I suggested an all-island dialogue on Brexit which would involve community groups, non-governmental organisations, the economic stakeholders, unions, business, etc.
Apart from the political constitutional elements, I am looking at a civil dialogue involving civil organisations. The Taoiseach is broadly committed to that. It would allow people from the civic and social side in Northern Ireland to make a contribution to such a national dialogue on the implications of Brexit and the optimal outcome for the island of Ireland that could be achieved in the context of negotiations between the Republic of Ireland, within the European Union and with the United Kingdom.
To be frank, that leaves aside the constitutional and political issues under the umbrella of the Good Friday Agreement, which should be dealt with separately. I made it clear in my remarks at the weekend that there is no evidence now there has been any shift in terms of public opinion vis-à-vis a united Ireland, as per the Good Friday Agreement. All the evidence up to the Brexit referendum was to the contrary and that public opinion was not moving in the direction of a united Ireland in previous polls. It is important not to use Brexit as a kind of basis for an immediate Border poll or anything like that. I just want to make it clear that my position on that has been very consistent and understood. Much work must be done on that question.
On the Brexit issue itself, there is a very clear need for substantive dialogue, including with Scotland and others. I do not believe the full implications of this have been readily understood. As a former Minister, I went on trade missions to Scotland and we engaged with their universities. They are particularly strong on research and the application of research to business ideas and industry. It seems that many partnerships that have developed between Irish companies and companies in the UK or Northern Ireland could be in jeopardy as a result of Horizon 2020 funding being cut from partners in England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. When in Brussels recently, the first person I met at the airport was a young person involved with a Northern Irish company who was very concerned about the partnership that had been developed. Where do such people now stand in terms of funding?
The Taoiseach got some criticism on the Scottish issue. We need voices on the UK side to surface as they will suddenly realise the implications of this for them if some proper negotiating platform, broader than just a trade agreement, is embarked upon. That needs to happen organically within the UK on issues like research, education, the Erasmus programme and so on, all of which could be cut off from young British people as a result of the decision to leave the European Union. There are a panoply of issues beyond trade and many people in the UK would be anxious to have some continuing engagement with them in any new agreement arising between the European Union and the United Kingdom.
Will the Taoiseach indicate if he will take practical steps on the dialogue issue, including inviting in civil and social groups? When can we expect a national conference or a plenary session of such stakeholders to take place and enable us to start the process?
I will see to it that Mr. Davis is contacted at an early stage to have the full range of our constitutional position fully outlined for him. I will ask the relevant Minister to deal with that fairly quickly.
When I was in Edinburgh at the last British-Irish Council, we spoke about the possibilities of increased business and trade between Ireland and Scotland before the decision. The Deputy is aware that Scotland has opened an office in Dublin. We will look at the question of beefing up the capacity in Edinburgh. I was very impressed with their approach when I met people in Glasgow about the possibilities for Irish business. The British-Irish Council meets in a special session in Cardiff this week on Friday to speak about the Brexit position, the Single Market and the CTA. They will all be points of discussion.
I would like to think there will be an opportunity for everybody to have their say on this. It may well be necessary to do it separately from the formalities of the Good Friday Agreement structure. As I stated before, although there is no mandate from here to negotiate for Northern Ireland, it is very important that we have a responsibility as co-guarantor of the agreement to understand the challenges that Northern Ireland businesses and entrepreneurs feel they face arising from Brexit. The Deputy is quite right in that many of these issues have not even been thought of in terms of how there will be an impact from the decision of the electorate to leave the European Union.
When I was in Donegal yesterday, the point I was making was that when the Good Friday Agreement was drafted, people were long-sighted enough to put into the agreement a clause whereby a time might arrive - we are now 20 years on - when a secretary of state could invoke the clause on the basis of sufficient support for a Border poll. That does not apply now because there is not sufficient support. I make the point that in years to come, it may well be that with Britain having left the European Union and Northern Ireland having voted to stay in the European Union but remaining a member of the United Kingdom, there may be general negotiations and discussions. The Deputy made the point, quite rightly, about Scotland wanting to join the European Union if it leaves the UK. We should be able to make the arrangement on a long-term basis if it arises in future that a secretary of state triggers that clause, which will by then have been in the Good Friday Agreement for many years. That is if Northern Ireland would want to extract itself from the United Kingdom to join a country that continued as a member of the European Union. The only point I was making was that the discussions should be long-sighted and visionary enough to cater for that kind of issue if it happened. I am not saying it will happen and I do not see any evidence of a Border poll now. Some time in the future, they should not have to go through the process of a long drawn-out application to join the Republic, if that was the wish, but to be a member of the European Union as well. These are the kinds of issues that should be encompassed in this.
I agree with the Deputy because under the Horizon 2020 programme we have 500 partnerships with Britain in universities, research, scientific analysis and so on. This is very worrying as the Commission has informed some of those people that funding might not be likely to continue. There are also many thousands of Irish students going to college in colleges of technology and universities in Britain, so the issue of what happens with them must be discussed.
There is also the question of electricity supply. Northern Ireland depends on the Republic of Ireland. We have interconnections with gas. These are important elements. If Britain is to leave and no longer be subject to the regulations in so far as climate change is concerned or the other implications of EU directives, these will all need to be discussed. We will also need to discuss what applies in terms of the law currently. If there is a single island electricity market underpinned by legislation in Dublin or Westminster, when Britain leaves we presume the legislation will continue to be enforced. In the longer term, part of the European Union philosophy is not to have any energy islands and we should be connected to mainland Europe. Currently that connection comes through Britain with undersea and land connections. These are all part of the dialogue we must have.
I would like to think we could put the best possible proposition together to have that kind of discussion from political parties, non-governmental organisations, business people, trade unions and everybody else who wants to have a say. We are working to devise what might be an appropriate operation to allow that to happen. I hope we can do that in September but I will consult the leaders opposite for their views on it.
On a point of order and the way questions are grouped, this was a question about discussions between the Taoiseach and the Scottish First Minister which interacted with a raft of further questions. Given these are really significant issues on which we would all like to contribute, could we look at how questions are grouped?
I take the Deputy's point and will pass it on to the Ceann Comhairle.
Cabinet Committee Meetings
Ruth Coppinger
Question:4. Deputy Ruth Coppinger asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet sub-committee on social policy and public service reform last met. [20695/16]
Ceist Uimh. 4 is in the name of Deputy Ruth Coppinger.
Thank you, Acting Chairman.
The Taoiseach is to go first and then the Deputy can speak.
My apologies. I thought the Acting Chairman was calling me first and giving me priority.
I will give Deputy Coppinger my reply. The Cabinet sub-committee on social policy and public service reform last met on 4 July.
Deputy Coppinger, the floor is now yours.
I thank the Taoiseach. His reply was worth waiting for.
There was purpose to the question. In light of the fantastic economic figures released last week, I thought we might be adjusting completely our social and public sector policies. I am sure the Taoiseach read the article in the Financial Times last week. It opened by stating:
The Irish have written some notable works of fiction - James Joyce and Flann O'Brien produced imperishable classics. Now there is a new addition to the national [canon] - the official narrative of the country's economy. According to data released on Tuesday, it grew by 26.3 per cent last year.
Arising from this and the previous Government's policy of creating a tax haven in the country and other such incentives for multinationals to locate here, we are now disguising the real economic figures and making ourselves an international laughing stock. I do not know how the Taoiseach was greeted in Europe last week but the idea that there has been a 26% growth in the economy - I do not know if even Soviet Russia in the 1930s exceeded these figures - means we have all now heard the phrase leprechaun economics being bandied around internationally.
Has the Taoiseach reconsidered this country's policy of having the lowest rate of corporation tax in Europe, particularly when we have the most acute housing emergency? The Government has just released a plan which, unfortunately and sadly for those on housing lists, will continue to see people waiting up to 15 years to be housed and puts housing in the lap of the private sector. Meanwhile in the real world, while these figures were making us a laughing stock, according to Social Justice Ireland the number of people living in poverty in Ireland has increased by more than 110,000. Today, more than 750,000 people in the State live in poverty and 18% of adults with incomes below the poverty line are in employment.
The Taoiseach had a mantra during the election about making work pay. In actual fact, work does not pay for a huge number of people in the country. I am sure the Taoiseach has also noted the Low Pay Commission's derisory and insulting awarding of a 10 cent an hour increase to the minimum wage. Many have commented that it would have been better if no increase had been awarded because a 10 cent increase just adds insult to injury.
Will the Taoiseach reconsider his sacred policy of multinational domination of the economy? The policy allows them to have brass plate operations here and to source so much of their operations here they are distorting economic figures. It is now impossible to determine the rate of growth.
I will finish by mentioning the pursuit of Apple. Will the Taoiseach now drop his opposition to the European Commission's pursuit of Apple for back taxes in this country? These are estimated to amount to €17 billion. Imagine the houses we could build if we had €17 billion to hand. Will the Taoiseach consider bringing into effect the headline rate of corporation tax, which would increase our fiscal space of €2 billion this year alone? Those are the kinds of things we need to do to solve the housing crisis and not the kind of thing released earlier on today, which offers little hope to people.
I do not accept the premise of Deputy Coppinger's response at all. She states that we created a tax haven in the country. We did no such thing. Not only that, we have been very much upfront with the OECD in terms of the presentation of our corporate tax position. We abolished the double Irish concept. We got rid of the stateless concept. We were the first country to have a fully compliant regime in terms of the OECD requirements for countries. We have introduced the first fully OECD compliant knowledge development box with a tax rate of 6.25%. We defend strongly our corporate tax rate of 12.5% and will continue to do so. I note that other countries intend to reduce their corporate tax rate as well.
The Deputy mentioned last week's CSO figures. We dealt with them. Obviously, they do not reflect the average growth in the economy. The figures were impacted by the scale of aircraft leasing in the country, contracted manufacturing in other countries where firms are based here in Ireland, the transfer of public limited companies, plcs, to Ireland and the transfer of significant amounts of intellectual property rights to the country. These are all issues which impact on our economy, but clearly the figures produced last week do not impact in terms of job creation and job numbers.
The Cabinet sub-committee on social policy and public service reform has been dealing with quite a number of issues. It is important to reflect on the benefits of a rising economy on social injustice, unfairness and inequality and to demonstrate that Government does care about the quality of people's lives. My visits to the north inner city are a case in point. Within 100 yards of the IFSC, I witnessed people who deal in misery for money on the streets. Garda resources and facilities are needed to deal with these things and clean up these places. We also need to help those who have been waylaid.
In recent years, we have protected the primary weekly social welfare rates. We have put in place a proactive approach to helping those who are unemployed through the provision of Intreo offices. We held a referendum on children's rights. We strengthened child protection through the National Vetting Bureau. We published the Education (Admission to Schools) Bill, which is going through the legislative process now. We launched the new junior cycle reforms. We increased the time spent on literacy and numeracy skills in all primary schools and introduced a comprehensive action plan on bullying. We ended the practice of sending 16 year olds to St. Patrick's Institution. We published the national positive ageing strategy and the national dementia strategy. We established the Child and Family Agency. We increased provision for special needs assistants to 12,600 until the end of 2016, which is an increase of 2,300. We put in place the Irish refugee protection programme to take in 4,000 persons to the country. We approved amendments to the Misuse of Drugs Act to give the Garda greater power to deal with the problem of illicit trade in street medicines. We introduced a two-week period of paternity leave and associated social welfare payments. Priorities for this year include the new model of in-school speech and language therapy and the implementation of the national plan for equality of access to higher education. They also include expanding the preschool provision under the early childhood care and education, ECCE, programme, which will see the number of children benefiting rise from approximately 67,000 to 127,000 in the programme next year. We published the Government's action plan for education inclusion.
I will give an example to Deputy Coppinger. We have been dealing with the issue of resource teachers for years. This is a sore point with people and rightly so because it means an awful lot to those for whom it should mean most - the students. The model was developed by the National Council for Special Education, NCSE, with Mr. Eamon Stack. It was discussed by the Cabinet sub-committee twice under the last Government. It was piloted in 47 schemes and the feedback has been positive.
We are going to roll it out nationally in a way that does not create any losers in the short term and at a once-off cost of €72 million. The situation in regard to some learning support schemes was wasteful and inequitable. In one example, if school A has 250 students with ten needing learning support while school B has 250 students with 75 needing learning support, both would get the same level of learning support under the current system and that is inequitable, wasteful and harmful to those who do not get the necessary support. We are changing all that with a model designed for Ireland by the NCSE which will eliminate that type of situation and will mean the accompanying stress and pressure will not be put on parents and children. All these matters are important and reflect inequality, unfairness and social disadvantage so we must focus where we can on using the resources of a rising economy to deal with them.
As I said to Deputy Adams on a previous occasion, there needs to be an output from this type of investment in order that we can help people. Last week I met reformed alcoholics, reformed drug addicts and women who had suffered the most horrendous physical violence in their relationships and who have tried hard over the years to make a comeback and live their lives again. We must and will continue to work in that area.
That was a cook's tour of everything. The Taoiseach was going off mike but I think he mentioned domestic violence. He said he had met victims of domestic violence but he has cut all the funding for the agencies that deal with violence against women and domestic violence. It was a strange example to pick.
The Taoiseach mentioned special needs, but in my area, which has massive schools of 900 pupils and more, mainly because not enough schools were built, there is huge concern at the way the Government is planning to change the allocation of resources for children. Meetings have been called in Castleknock on this subject. People should get special needs allocations because they need it, regardless of income. Taking from Peter to pay Paul does not create equality and the Government is planning, for its own ends, to take from one school to give to another.
I gave the Taoiseach an example from the multinational sector and asked him a specific question about Apple. Does he not now agree that he should drop his opposition to the European Commission's pursuit of Apple? It would allow the €17 billion in question to come into this country to be used for the housing crisis and for people on the ground who need it.
We have been upfront and clear as regards all multinationals wishing to invest here. The Deputy will be aware that the European Commission is following up on quite a number of countries and quite a number of firms, but the Irish position with regard to the Revenue Commissioners has been very clear over the years. We have been clear about the transparency and accountability of our corporate tax rate system, which applies in all areas of the country without discrimination. Other countries have different measures and higher and lower rates, depending on the sector, but ours have always been a cornerstone of our foreign direct investment policy and will continue to be so. The European Commission will make its own findings in its own time.