Paul Murphy
Question:1. Deputy Paul Murphy asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on European affairs last met. [33524/16]
Ceisteanna - Questions
Cabinet Committee Meetings
Ruth Coppinger
Question:2. Deputy Ruth Coppinger asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on European affairs last met. [33552/16]
Richard Boyd Barrett
Question:3. Deputy Richard Boyd Barrett asked the Taoiseach the number of times the Cabinet committee on European affairs has met; and if he will provide its forward schedule of meetings. [33564/16]
I propose to take Questions Nos. 1 to 3, inclusive, together.
The Cabinet committee on European affairs was re-established by the Government on 23 May 2016 and has met on two occasions since. It met on 21 June prior to the June European Council and on 17 October prior to the October European Council. It is scheduled to meet again in December before the next European Council meeting. The purpose of the Cabinet committee on European affairs is to discuss and shape Ireland's strategic approach to EU engagement. The committee will continue to work to ensure a coherent approach across all policy areas, in particular in relation to priority issues for Ireland, and to anchor Ireland's influence and interests in Brussels. This strategic approach at EU level will continue to include engagement at bilateral level with fellow member states and alliance building with other partners. In addition to the Cabinet committee on EU affairs, a separate Cabinet committee was established on 8 September to co-ordinate our response to issues arising from the UK decision to leave the European Union. The committee last met on 7 November and will meet again shortly.
Did the committee discuss the question of CETA, the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement with Canada, which has been a source of major controversy across Europe over the past number of weeks? CETA is seen to represent TTIP in Canadian clothes. The investor-state dispute settlement, ISDS, system is simply renamed "the investor court system" and provides corporations with the right to sue states if they interfere with the right to profit. The race to the bottom in regulation is reflected in the establishment of a regulatory co-operation forum. The forum will see a race to the bottom in consumer rights, labour rights and environmental rights in the interest of corporations. The fundamentally undemocratic nature of the agreement is reflected in the fact that it is a living agreement and an ongoing committee of so-called experts will play a role in drafting regulations to the detriment of workers and ordinary people and to the benefit of big business.
It is telling that for an issue that has no popular support whatsoever in Europe or Canada, such huge pressure was brought to bear on regional governments in Belgium, including the Walloon, Brussels and German-speaking governments. Immense pressure was brought to bear against their resistance and opposition in order to force them to accept the provisional application which has since been agreed.
I have some questions for the Taoiseach on the sub-committee. Did Ireland join in applying undemocratic pressure on regional Belgian governments in order to pressure them to agree to the signing and provisional application of CETA? Has the sub-committee considered whether there is any constitutional problem with the provisional application of CETA, given that Article 29.5.2° of the Irish Constitution states: "The State shall not be bound by any international agreement involving a charge upon public funds until the terms of the agreement shall have been approved by Dáil Éireann."? They have not been approved by Dáil Éireann, yet provisional application means that the investor court system now applies. That means a charge can apply on the Irish State if, for example, it told various Canadian corporations they could not do various things they consider as going against their right to profit, which represents indirect expropriation.
Considering the opposition and difficulty the European elites had with getting provisional application through and signing, never mind ratifying, the agreement, how does the Taoiseach feel about getting it through parliaments across the European Union? How will it be passed by this Parliament, given that the more people become aware of what are in international trade agreements the more opposition to them exists?
Has the sub-committee discussed the question of unaccompanied children in Calais? As the Taoiseach knows, given that I raised the issue with him last week, there have been discussions with the Business Committee and so on, and a specific request from the Not On Our Watch group that 200 unaccompanied children who are in serious danger and are very vulnerable are taken in by Ireland. There are well over 1,000 young people in the jungle in Calais. This is against a background where thousands of unaccompanied children have disappeared, hundreds from Calais itself. Has the sub-committee made a decision on whether it will accede to the request that we tell the French authorities we will take in 200 children?
I have seen the draft motion from the Government. It is vague and makes no specific reference to numbers, commitments or anything like it. It is all about considering this and that. That is not what we asked for. Having consulted with the Not On Our Watch group, I can now signal that an amendment will be tabled in the next hour or two unless the Government is willing to make specific commitments. An e-mail was sent to the Government stating what is required for the motion to get all-party support. I want a direct answer from the Taoiseach.
In the United States a President who plans to shut the door on children and immigrants from war zones has been elected. A disgraceful and utterly racist policy has been articulated by the new President of the United States. There is no time more appropriate for us to send a message in the opposite direction, namely that this country will open its arms and doors to young, vulnerable children whose lives and safety are at risk and send a message to Mr. Trump that we are not going along with his nasty vilification of desperately vulnerable people. Will the Taoiseach tell us the position of the Government and Cabinet committee on European affairs on taking in 200 unaccompanied children?
I will take two brief supplementary questions from Deputies Adams and Martin.
I also want to raise the issue of the attitude of the Government to the call to bring 200 unaccompanied refugee children, who face serious risk in Calais, as articulated by Not On Our Watch, to Ireland. I have a copy of the proposed draft motion. I have not had the opportunity to consult with anyone on it, but it is ambiguous, unconditional and makes no real commitments.
It certainly does not deal with the specific request made of the Oireachtas, which is to take in 200 of these children.
Has the Cabinet committee discussed the Government's response to the ongoing humanitarian tragedy? A report by the UN High Commissioner for Refugees confirmed last Friday that at least 240 refugees had drowned recently off the coast of Libya. We are almost immune to it. We are speaking about people. Five rescue boats were within sight of the refugees but, despite their best efforts, most of those refugees died. The Government is still remiss in terms of its commitments, which are too limited. We should be making a greater commitment to bringing those people to this country, but the Government has not even kept to its own targets. In terms of the Not On Our Watch group's request, it appears to me that the Government is dodging the issue. Will the Taoiseach reconsider and accept the imperative of taking these 200 children from France?
A question was asked about the Cabinet committee on European affairs. We are in the middle of a crisis. The EU itself is in a crisis. Brexit has been a catalyst for that and there are other issues as well, including economic, social and political ones. Ireland needs to have a position on how we want to see the European Union evolve post-Brexit. Our membership changes as a result of the decision of the UK to leave the EU and our relationships with other countries will have to take stock of that change. Other countries, for example, France and Germany, are raising the old tax harmonisation agenda. There is talk of more centralisation of powers within the European Union. We need to speak up for what we want and how we envisage the European Union evolving. Is it not time for us to produce a detailed White Paper on European Union policy?
I have sought a debate on the EU-Canada Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement, CETA, for the past three weeks. I disagree fundamentally with what previous Deputies have stated. Trade matters for Ireland. It creates jobs for Ireland. Are we seriously stating that Ireland should be an isolationist Ireland on the periphery of Europe that does not want to be part of any global trade agreements? It beggars belief that such an argument is gaining sway without any counterargument being facilitated in the national Parliament. We need a full-blooded debate on what Ireland wants in terms of trade. The lifeblood of small to medium-sized enterprises, services, agrifood and traditional manufacturing is trade.
The Canadian deal opens up significant opportunities for those involved in the export of infant formula, beef and other products as well as those involved in software services. It presents a great opportunity, so why the hell are people arguing that we should not create that opportunity for Irish companies? It is always a one-way train: this must be terrible, is terrible and should never happen. People should realise that Canada and Ireland have a lot in common. We have similar systems and we can and will benefit from access to the Canadian market. This is particularly so for our services sector and some of our food companies. We need a proper, comprehensive debate in this House so that the other side of the argument is heard. There is value in having open trade. In the late 1950s and early 1960s, this country decided to be outward-looking and to be open in its approach to trade. The approach has been beneficial in terms of jobs and industrial policy. It is time to state that fact.
May I ask two short questions of the Taoiseach, a Cheann Comhairle?
Yes.
I add my voice of concern to that of those who spoke on the draft motion. Rather than having a division on the floor of the House, could we sit down to try to reach consensus? There was a huge degree of consensus last week on this issue. I believe the Government was party to that consensus, although it may not have been well expressed by those on the Government benches. Let us try to get an agreement on the motion.
On the Cabinet committee on European affairs, yesterday the Taoiseach stated that he would look for some regular mechanism to update the House, for instance, by way of a weekly bulletin or debate. Has he thought further on how that can be done?
Can we have a consolidated response from the Taoiseach?
Yes, indeed.
The final matter, which was raised by Deputy Howlin, relates to Brexit. I am open to having an opportunity for everybody in the House. I do not know if the Deputy would like to have 30 minutes or one hour per week for a brief resumé on what is going on. We could have contributions from Members or we could continue with a more regular briefing of the leaders of the parties to bring them up to date or-----
I would like everyone to be provided with a weekly update on Brexit.
We can do that. If leaders of the parties request an interim update on some aspect, we will also supply them with that.
Deputy Paul Murphy raised the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement, CETA, about which Deputy Micheál Martin spoke very clearly. I am not sure what we, as a trading nation, are afraid of in respect of having agreements that provide trade and job opportunities for hundreds of thousands of our people. I do not know if the Deputy has been around the country but he should visit many of the smaller firms all over Ireland to see what they are doing and where they are exporting. He should not be afraid of that.
CETA was signed on Sunday, 30 October 2016. The European Parliament must give its consent before the agreement can be provisionally applied. I strongly support CETA and the Government strongly supported its provisional application. We are of the view that there should be no impediment to Irish companies taking immediate advantage of the provisions of CETA which are of EU competence, including the all-important chapters in the programme on public procurement rules and tariffs. We very much welcome the clarity afforded in the joint interpretative declaration on issues which were the subject of some disquiet and speculation. This provides further assurances in respect of public services, labour and environmental rights and the investment courts system. These areas have been the subject of much public debate.
In addition, the investment protection and investment dispute settlement mechanisms have been specifically carved out from provisional application. This means these provisions will not come into effect until voted for by the Dáil. Provisional application is a standard process in free trade agreements, which provides for the coming into effect of those areas over which the European Union has competence. The full entering into force of CETA will be subject to the approval of all member states through the relevant national ratification procedures. This means the Dáil will be part of the final decision to ratify CETA in accordance with Article 29.5.2° of the Constitution.
CETA will save on duty costs, as 99.9% of all industrial tariffs will be eliminated on it entering into force. It will open up new markets and opportunities for many Irish firms and end limitations in access to public contracts. It will open up services markets and offer predictable conditions for investors. Irish firms will benefit from the recognition of products standards and certification, thus saving on the double testing on each country on both sides of the Atlantic.
The agreement has been publicly available online in all languages since 5 July.
We must move on to the next question.
The Taoiseach did not answer my question on unaccompanied children in Calais.
I am sorry but we are out of time.
Three Deputies asked questions on the issue.
Will Deputy Mick Barry cede some of the time provided for the next question?
I will cede one minute.
Discussions are taking place between the parties in respect of the Calais situation. This matter, which has been raised at European Council meetings on a number of occasions, is between Britain and France. The British Government has duties and responsibilities under the European Union treaties to take in unaccompanied minors and children where they have relatives or family in the United Kingdom. This matter was dealt with between President Hollande and the former Prime Minister, Mr. David Cameron, on a number of occasions.
The situation in Calais was completely unacceptable. The humanitarian crisis has been dealt with to the extent that some children have been taken into Britain and the French social services are looking after the remaining children. A case has been made for Ireland to take 200 children. We have taken more than 100 unaccompanied children under the programme to which we signed up. I make the point to Deputy Boyd Barrett that when we brought children here before we put them into hostels and some of them died in the care of the Health Service Executive, while others disappeared or were trafficked into the sex industry. We will not stand for a repeat of that situation.
I understand only 28 foster parents are available. Tusla has stated that an exceptional cost applies to this, although I do not want to talk about money in this regard. If we do this, and we want to help, we need to have services and proper accommodation available for young unaccompanied minors.
We have over 100 here already. Tusla has spoken about the medical, language, health and the educational requirements. They should be in foster homes. While this has been a terribly disappointing situation, Ireland wants to help. We did sign on for 4,000 refugees. There are numbers coming in already who are children.
That is a "No".
Up to 209 of those who came in under the resettlement programme are children. Of the 109 who arrived under the relocation programme, 47% of them are children. I understand there are over 100 here.
You are saying "No" then.
We cannot go back to the way we were. We do want to help, Deputy Richard Boyd Barrett. I hope some conclusion can be reached to have agreement in respect of what we might be able to do.
Taoiseach's Meetings and Engagements
Mick Barry
Question:4. Deputy Mick Barry asked the Taoiseach if he has had contact with outgoing US President, Barack Obama; and if not, his plans to do so before the US President relinquishes his office. [33545/16]
Since taking office I have met with the US President, Barack Obama, on several occasions.
I last met with him in Washington in March for the traditional St. Patrick's Day engagements at the White House. As always, our meeting on that occasion was mutually beneficial and an opportunity to promote Ireland's priorities with the US Administration. I reported to the House in May on my visit to the United States in March for the St. Patrick's Day programme of events, including my meeting with the US President.
I correspond with the US President as appropriate. For example, I wrote to him in June to convey the condolences of the Government and the Irish people following the atrocity and loss of life due to a terrorist attack at a nightclub in Orlando on 12 June of this year.
I anticipate I will be in contact with the US President before he leaves office in January. I would like to take this opportunity to put on the record of the House my best wishes to him, the First Lady, Michelle, and their family for their future endeavours.
Earlier today, I issued a statement and wrote to the President-elect, Donald Trump and Vice-President-elect, Mike Pence, offering my congratulations on their success in the US elections. I wish them well for what is sure to be a challenging and crucially important period ahead.
I will work to ensure that the bonds of friendship and co-operation that have flourished during President Obama's tenure will continue with the new Administration. I look forward to working with the new US Administration to further strengthen the deep friendship between Ireland and the United States which has been fostered over many years.
We now have a racist, sexist, bigoted billionaire in the White House or at least he will be in the White House from the start of the new year. I listened to the Taoiseach's comments today on that issue. He pointed to the acceptance speech made by Donald Trump this morning and expressed the hope that Donald Trump will heal divisions in US society. The Taoiseach has indicated it will be business as usual between the Irish Government and the US Administration.
The Taoiseach might be the only person in the country who believes that Donald Trump is going to heal divisions in US society. He might be the only person in the country who puts great faith and stock in Donald Trump’s words this morning. I remind the Taoiseach that this is a man who has spoken of 11 million deportations from the United States over the coming period.
There are some points to be made about the idea that it is business as usual. The Taoiseach congratulated President-elect Trump. He said that, on behalf of the Government and the people of Ireland, he was pleased to offer our sincere congratulations to Donald J. Trump on his election as the 45th President of the United States. Those sentiments were echoed by the leader of Fianna Fáil. They were added to by a former leader of Fianna Fáil who said we needed to get into a love-in with the new US Administration.
They have also been echoed by Deputy Gerry Adams. Sinn Féin projects itself as a radical left-wing party. I doubt very much if the leader of any other party anywhere in Europe or in the world, which projects itself as radical left-wing, will be standing up today in their parliaments offering congratulations to Donald J. Trump. Deputy Gerry Adams should not be offering congratulations to Donald Trump. Many of his supporters will feel he should not be doing so either.
The Taoiseach said he is offering congratulations on behalf of the people of Ireland. He is not offering them in my name or in the name of AAA-PBP. I am sure many people will support me on this. Instead, the message we would like to project today is one for ordinary American people. It is for those who are facing mass deportations, those LGBTQ, lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans and queer, people facing attacks on their rights, and those working people who are facing attacks from an extremely right-wing Administration. We call on those working people, those immigrant communities and those minorities to resist these policies. We offer our support to those communities and to the resistance that is organised.
Earlier, Deputy Ruth Coppinger drew some comparisons between the policies of the Government and the leader of the new US Administration. I would like to make several other comparisons. Mr. Trump has spoken about putting up a wall between the United States and Mexico to stop immigration. There has been a certain amount of tut-tutting in the political establishment in Ireland and Europe about this and the naked way in which those points were explained by Mr. Trump at his rallies. Is there a significant difference between Europe and him? We have a fortress Europe policy in operation in the European Union. We have a policy being implemented in the Mediterranean of physically blocking, stopping and preventing migrants attempting to come to Europe from getting to Europe. Large numbers of migrant men, women and children have drowned as a result of that. Is there a big difference in reality?
Mr. Trump has spoken about punishing women who procure abortions in US states where abortion is not legal. He was forced to qualify his comments when there was a storm of opposition to them. However, he said it while the Administration in this country has actually done it in law. A Bill passed in the lifetime of the last Parliament means that a woman who procures an illegal abortion in this State can, under Irish law as it stands, face a prison sentence of up to 14 years.
The Deputy is straining way beyond the terms of his question.
I will come back to it, a Cheann Comhairle.
Mr. Trump has spoken about reducing US corporation tax from 35% to 15%. His low tax model does not go as far as the Irish Government’s rate of 12.5%. The Irish model has produced huge inequality, poor funding for public services and a race to the bottom.
I was born in the United States of America in the state of Ohio. This gives me a certain insight - I will not say more than that - into American politics and the attitudes of its people. I am strongly of the opinion that if Bernie Sanders had stood as an independent, left, anti-establishment candidate in this presidential election, he could have and would have beaten Donald Trump. It shows the need for the building of a radical, left, anti-establishment alternative. In the United States, there is a two-party system, Democrats and Republicans. In Ireland, there is also a two-party system which has been dominated by Fianna Fáil, on the one hand, and Fine Gael, on the other.
I listened to the Minister for Public Expenditure and Reform, Deputy Paschal Donohoe, and Deputy Michael McGrath when they made their speeches on the budget a couple of weeks ago. They expressed the hope that the centre would hold. In reality, they expressed the hope that the traditional right-wing parties would hold their grip on Irish politics. I remember thinking that night that the points they were making and hopes they were expressing were off the mark because they underestimated the effects of the policies of recent years on the mass of ordinary people. They underestimated the pain and anger that ordinary people feel and the mood and desire for real change among them.
Unfortunately, Mr. Trump has tapped not only into the reservoir of misogyny and racism but also into the justified anger that tens of millions of ordinary Americans feel because of austerity politics. The lesson in this country and others throughout the world is that the positive sentiment, the mood for change, must be tapped. It must not be tapped by the establishment because the mood is against it. We do not want it to be tapped by the populist right; it must be tapped by the radical left in a positive and progressive way. It must be anti-racist, in favour of women's and workers' rights and anti-establishment. AAA-PBP commits to redoubling its effort to building such a radical-left alternative in this country, as I am sure others will do in other countries.
Could the Deputy commit to giving the Taoiseach an opportunity to reply?
That is a key lesson of the events of the past couple of days. I ask the Taoiseach to comment on the following points. How on earth can he put forward the idea that it is just business as usual and that there has been no change in the past 24 hours?
The Deputy has made all those points before.
I would like the Taoiseach to comment on the points I have made about the similarities between his own policies and those of Mr. Trump.
Four other Deputies have sought to ask supplementary questions. We do not have time for them if we are to get a response from the Taoiseach.
There was one question asked by Deputy Mick Barry, that is, whether I have had contact with outgoing US President Barack Obama and, if not, my plans to do so before he relinquishes office. I have just listened to a seven-minute speech with no question at all.
I remind Deputy Barry that he is an Ohioan. He is living in Ireland and is an Irish citizen. He has freedom of movement in 28 countries in what he calls "Fortress Europe". He can travel to any one of the 28 with impunity. Maybe he does so.
It is business as usual today. The position now is that the new President-elect will take up office on 20 January and appoint a new Administration. I have pointed out to Deputy Adams issues that we regard as important and a priority in our continuing business with the United States. We have always had the support of the United States for the peace process in Northern Ireland and the Good Friday Agreement and we have had continuous discussion on the rights of Irish men and women who happen to be undocumented in the United States. The latter has been a particular bone of contention for us for quite a number of years. We hope the people who voted in the United States have voted for a change of influence in terms of the Congress and Senate. Now that they will be controlled by the Republican Party, we hope they will put forward a comprehensive immigration Bill to deal with the undocumented Irish.
The Deputy seems not to accept the democratic result of the vote of the people of the United States. They voted by secret ballot and decided to elect Mr. Trump as their 45th President. He is to take office on 20 January 2017. I am not sure the Deputy is entitled to give out to the Americans about the decision they made. The Deputy is elected by people, and he is entitled to be. Everybody supports that democratic decision. However, if the Deputy wants to give out about the people in the United States, through AAA-PBP, he should go over to Ohio, start there and campaign strongly against what he believes to be a decision that is anti-democratic.
We will work with the new Administration, just as we have worked with all Administrations over the past 50 years, in the interest of developing economic and social links between Ireland and the United States. Circumstances are different from what they used to be. Although we relied for centuries on help from the United States, there are now 100,000 people employed by Irish-owned companies across 50 states. That is the kind of development we would like to see in the time ahead.
Cabinet Committee Meetings
Mick Barry
Question:5. Deputy Mick Barry asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on economy, trade and jobs last met; and when the next meeting is scheduled for. [33546/16]
The Cabinet committee on the economy, trade and jobs last met on Monday, 7 November 2016. It is intended to hold the next meeting in the near future.
Could we stick to the subject matter, please?
I always endeavour to.
The Deputy is quite versatile, I have noticed.
Versatile, yes.
I note the comments of the Taoiseach on the timing of meetings of the committee. However, important events have taken place since the last meeting. I refer in particular to the result of the dispute between An Garda Síochána and the Government on pay. I probably should not use the word "result" because the feedback I am getting is that the Garda ballot was far from a done deal. There is a lot of discontent and opposition to the deal.
As it stands, the State is lined up to pay somewhere between €40 million and €50 million extra to gardaí on the basis of the recommended deal. Of course, it will not stop with the gardaí. The nurses are pursuing a claim. Low-paid civil servants, members of the CPSU, SIPTU, IMPACT and other public service unions will be pursuing claims now.
I note the Government propaganda machine cranked into action over recent days with an attempt at what I can only describe as a divide-and-conquer policy. The basic message that is being sent out by the Government propaganda machine is that if there is higher pay for gardaí, nurses and low-paid civil servants over and above that set out in the Lansdowne Road agreement, there will be less money for the health and education services and people on social welfare. That is a crude divide-and-conquer strategy. It is a crude attempt to set parents against teachers, people who use the health service against nurses, and people on social welfare against public servants. It is a disgraceful policy.
The Taoiseach is well aware that there is an alternative strategy that would mean higher and more decent pay and an end to two-tier pay among public servants, on the one hand, and the protection and improvement of public services, on the other. That can be done by bringing in extra finance. There are plenty of opportunities to bring in extra finance. I will not detail 20 of them as we have had the budget debate but I will pick one as a simple example. It is the idea of a millionaire's tax. If a modest 2% tax on the income and wealth of millionaires in this country were introduced, what would it produce? It would produce a fund of €2.9 million per annum.
That is not much.
What could one do with €2.9 million? One would be able to end the two-tier pay system for young workers in the public sector and restore all the wages and benefits taken from public sector workers in the course of the austerity crisis years.
There is a clear alternative if it is prepared to tax the rich. Of course, the Fine Gael Party is a party of the rich and will not entertain the idea of taxing them, as shown by the nudges, winks, nods, grins and laughter between the Minister, Deputy Simon Coveney, and the Taoiseach in the course of my contribution. They believe my suggestion is amusing, but many people will say it is basic common sense, would be good for ordinary people and should be done. Obviously, vested interests are impacting on Fine Gael's party policy.
What now for the trade union movement, including the ICTU, in addressing this issue? The movement should, first and foremost, base itself on a simple policy, that being, pursuing what is necessary for its members, those whom it represents. Two things are necessary, the first being full restoration of all of the money taken from the back pockets of public sector workers during the austerity crisis years. This should not be done in 2018, 2019 or 2020; effectively, it should be done now. Second, the cost of living has increased for these workers in recent years. I could point to motor insurance premiums and many other factors, but what about mortgage and rent payments, the second of which affects young public servants, in particular? Not only should there be full pay restoration, but claims should be submitted to address cost of living increases. If they can be negotiated with the Government, grand, but the Taoiseach, the Minister and those on the Government benches are taking a hard line in considering this type of idea. If these issues cannot be negotiated, claims should be submitted. If strikes and battles are necessary to win the justified increases, it is right to do so and we will be prepared to stand alongside public servants every inch of the way as they battle for pay justice.
I will allow brief supplementary questions from Deputies Micheál Martin and Gerry Adams.
In the context of the next meeting of the Cabinet committee on the economy and trade, it is important that we now plan for a situation where there will be no significant moves in the near future to remove trade barriers facing Irish companies. Something President-elect Trump has in common with Deputies Mick Barry, Richard Boyd Barrett and Paul Murphy is his opposition to free trade agreements. They are on the same page in not facilitating free trade, something on which the President-elect was strong. This is concerning in the context of the broader international environment. Are we moving into an era of protectionism and does the Cabinet committee on the economy and trade need to assess the international environment? I hope the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement, CETA, will get through, but the position is now much different. Some Deputies oppose all elements of all trade agreements. Regardless of whether anyone likes it, the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership, TTIP, is now gone. Both candidates in the presidential election were against it. No comment was made on the similarity between President-elect Trump's policies and those of the far left in this House. In the case of Brexit, those who wanted to leave the European Union and the anti-Europeanism had much in common with the attitude to the Union of Deputies Paul Murphy, Richard Boyd Barrett and Mick Barry, which is interesting. The economy is facing multiple threats. There is a great deal of uncertainty as a result of the presidential election in America and there was a great deal of concern beforehand. These concerns remain justified and cannot be swept under the carpet. There is considerable uncertainty about what the new President's policies will be.
As for the idea that in a normal democratic environment one would not congratulate the winner, there was a democratic contest and the transition of power is important in democracies, including parliamentary democracies. We should always acknowledge this and not go against it. The Presidents of the European Commission and the European Council have sought an early meeting with President-elect Trump. The Taoiseach should support that request. A meeting is required because the relationship between the United States and the European Union is of central importance to our economic development and the work of the Cabinet committee on the economy and trade. Does the Taoiseach accept that there is a need to stand back and reflect on where the world is going in terms of trade policy and that the Cabinet committee should carry out some work in this regard?
It is not our business to go against the result of any democratic vote taken in anyone else's country. For a long time, that was the great irritant in our affairs, in that others decided what we should do. One does not have to agree with the outcome or the policies of those who are elected. In Ireland and the United States Sinn Féin has argued with US Presidents, including personally, on foreign policy, particularly on Palestine, Cuba, Afghanistan and Iraq, and we will continue to do so.
What steps will the Government take to support the retail sector in the light of the currency fluctuations arising from the Brexit decision in England and Wales? Some €52 million has been set aside in capital funding in 2017 to support the enterprise sector and assist Enterprise Ireland and IDA Ireland in responding to Brexit. Given all of the uncertainties, difficulties and pressures, InterTradeIreland's quarterly business monitor reveals that 97% of our businesses are not ready for Brexit. Is the Government considering providing additional supports for exporters to meet the challenge of Brexit? Will the Taoiseach commit, having failed to do so as clearly as he should have, to building support for designated special status for the North within the European Union in keeping with the result of the vote of the people there and tailor Government policy to meet that objective?
Deputy Mick Barry began by asking his question in respect of the Cabinet committee on the economy, trade and jobs and then proceeded to give an almost ten-minute speech on industrial relations and so on. These are matters that are of great importance and I pay tribute to those in the trade union movement who have shown great steadiness, coherence and understanding of the difficulties we have had in this country economically for a number of years.
Hear, hear.
Owing to their constructive and positive approach, over 280,000 people have been able to receive benefits under the Lansdowne Road agreement. Obviously, these are matters that are continuously kept under discussion. It does Deputy Mick Barry no justice to forget the contribution they have made in the greater interests of our economic development.
I have to agree with Deputy Micheál Martin that TTIP is now dead. Clearly, comments made during the course of the primary and presidential elections on trade agreements are, I think, already being revised to the extent of perhaps adjusting some of the agreements instead of doing them down altogether. This is an issue to which, obviously, we will return.
I also agree that, from a European and an Irish perspective, we need to look five, ten or 20 years ahead. That is why I always say the European Union should not be afraid of the future. It is a bloc of 28, soon to be 27, member states and almost 500 million people. It is one of the best-developed regions on the planet, capable of setting the standards and conditions that should apply to world trade for the next 50 years. Where we need to move is to a future of prosperity, peace and opportunity. These are things we could usefully discuss here in the context of the broader European part we have to play.
Deputy Gerry Adams referred to the retail sector. This is one of the themes and sectoral areas that will be discussed in considerable detail, North and South, in the next period arising from the all-island forum established in the consideration of Brexit.
I have discussed previously with the Deputy his views on seeking a special arrangement, status or position. When we last discussed this matter, two issues arose, one of which was seeking an alternative, while the other was seeking special status. To a degree, we have been recognised as being very different in the context of the Border, the peace process, INTERREG funds, PEACE funds and all of the supported activity on a cross-Border basis covering infrastructure, medical services, education and so on. In the recent budget we were obviously cognisant of Brexit and the Minister for Finance made a number of arrangements in that context, one of which involved the retention of the 9% VAT rate for the hospitality sector. It has had an impact in stabilising and increasing opportunities in the sector which is very important in the context of future developments. We will have an opportunity to discuss these matters further in the House at a future date.