Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 15 Feb 2017

Vol. 939 No. 1

Brexit and Special Designation for the North: Motion [Private Members]

Deputy Gerry Adams

I move:

“That Dáil Éireann:

notes that:

— on 22 May 1998, voters in Northern Ireland voted to accept the Good Friday Agreement, GFA, by 71.1% to 28.9%, and in Ireland by 94.39% to 5.61%;

— since the GFA was ratified and the restoration of power-sharing in 2007, the European Union, EU, has been a critical partner for peace, providing substantial political and financial aid, which has led to greater economic and social progress on an all-island basis;

— on 23 June 2016, a referendum on the UK’s continued membership of the EU took place;

— a majority of voting citizens in Northern Ireland, namely 55.8%, voted to remain in the EU;

— the British Government has now made clear that they will trigger Article 50 of the Lisbon Treaty by the end of March 2017, and begin the exit process, and will also be seeking to leave the single market in a so-called ‘hard Brexit’; and

— this situation is unprecedented, as no member state has left the EU and single market before now;

recognises that:

— under the terms of the GFA there is an inherent right for those born on this island to Irish citizenship, and by virtue of that right, citizenship of the EU as well;

— Northern Ireland is being forced to leave the EU against the expressed wishes of its people;

— this represents a major set-back for the political process in Northern Ireland and directly challenges the integrity of the GFA, and will have huge consequences for the protections contained within it, especially the principle of consent;

— the pursuit of a ‘hard Brexit’ may well impose the amendment of the Northern Ireland Act 1998, which gives legislative competence and authority to the GFA;

— the Oireachtas Joint Committee on European Union Affairs, in its June 2015 report, UK-EU Future Relationship: Implications for Ireland, recommended that ‘the Irish and UK Governments negotiate bilaterally to have Northern Ireland recognised (in an EU context) as having “a special position” in the UK, in view of the Good Friday Agreement. Recommends further that special arrangements be negotiated at EU level in that context, to maintain North-South relations and Northern Irish EU citizenship rights and protections attached to such rights.’;

— the EU has shown itself to be flexible in coming forward with pragmatic arrangements for dealing with complex territorial situations; and

— a special status relationship for Northern Ireland outside of the EU would do little to deal with the massive political, social and economic challenges thrown up by Brexit;

concludes that:

— a ‘hard Brexit’ would undermine the institutional, constitutional, and legal integrity and status of the GFA; and

— the GFA political institutions, human rights guarantees, all-Ireland bodies, and the constitutional and legal right of the people to exercise their right to self-determination and a united Ireland through consent, by referendum north and south, must all be protected; and

calls on the Government to:

— enter any forthcoming negotiations to defend the democratic mandate of the people to remain within the EU and act in Ireland’s national interest;

— report to the Houses of the Oireachtas, on a quarterly basis, regarding developments in the Brexit negotiations; and

— negotiate for Northern Ireland to be designated with a special status within the EU and for the whole island of Ireland to remain within the EU together.”

Tá mé buíoch as an deis an rún seo a chur faoi bhráid na Dála anocht ar son Theachtaí Shinn Féin. Iarraim tacaíocht ó achan Teachta don rún atá os ár gcomhair. Cuirim fáilte roimh an Teachta Stephen Donnelly a bheidh ag caint don chéad uair mar soldier of destiny le Fianna Fáil ar an ábhar.

Deputy Darragh O'Brien

An-chairdiúil, Gerry.

Deputy Gerry Adams

Maith thú. Tá a fhios agam an craic.

We have said consistently that it is crucial that the mandate of citizens in the North, who voted in June to remain in the European Union, is upheld. We are seeking to formalise the position of the Dáil in favour of special status for the North within the European Union, and to call on the Government to adopt that position. The Government amendment is not acceptable and Sinn Féin will vote against it. The AAA-PBP amendment, from a party which urged voters in the North to support Brexit, is also not acceptable.

The Fianna Fáil amendment accepts almost all our motion and adds a number of matters relating to the Good Friday Agreement, including the bill of rights, protection for the human rights elements of the agreement, future funding streams of PEACE and INTERREG. All these broadly reflect Sinn Féin’s position and are in our motion.

I regret Fianna Fáil, which earlier today told us it was supporting our motion, then chose to introduce an amendment without consultation. Notwithstanding that, Sinn Féin is willing to accept the Fianna Fáil amendment and to support the composite motion that will then emerge.

While I have not had an opportunity to study the Taoiseach’s remarks today in the Mansion House, the snippets I heard on the news did not inspire me. I will begin my contribution by expressing my deep disappointment with the Taoiseach’s comments today on Sinn Féin’s call for the North to have a designated special status within the European Union.

It is the first time he has said with such clarity that he is not in favour of a special designated status, or if he is, that he is not prepared to go against the British diktat on this. That reflects the deep flaw in the Government’s approach to Brexit. The Government is still thinking within the confines of the Twenty-six Counties state. It is not thinking of the future or of the historic nature of this Brexit move by, essentially, a majority of people in England and Wales.

The Government's position is dictated by what Britain wants. It also reflects the deep-rooted partitionism that infects the body politic in this State. The Taoiseach’s starting point was that the North is a part of the United Kingdom and if that state pulls out of the EU then so, too, must the North. That ignores the widespread opposition on this island to partition, including within the Fine Gael Party. The Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade, while he does not say it publicly, wants to see an end to partition, and a united Ireland, as much as the rest of us. The Taoiseach's position also ignores the Good Friday Agreement which recognises-----

Deputy Charles Flanagan

The Good Friday Agreement is the foundation stone.

An Leas-Cheann Comhairle

An Teachta Adams, without interruption.

Deputy Gerry Adams

Go raibh maith agat. It also ignores the fact that the European Union is not the United States of Europe. It ignores the Good Friday Agreement which recognises the unique status of the North. As the Taoiseach said today, the EU is not a homogenous unit. On the contrary, part of its strength lies in its diversity. While we remain critical of the EU, including its two-tier structure, its lack of democratic accountability and a lack of proper citizen-based arrangements, it has demonstrated flexibility in coming forward with pragmatic arrangements for dealing with complex situations. For example, Greenland, a Danish dependent territory with limited devolution, voted to leave the EU in 1985 while Denmark remained as a member state. Greenland was then transferred to the overseas countries and territories status. A trilateral declaration agreement now exists between Greenland, Denmark and the EU. Some 25 overseas countries and territories have a special relationship status with the EU.

Does the Taoiseach believe it is beyond the ability of the people of this island to shape out a special arrangement for the North arising from Brexit or is he afraid of having to negotiate with the British on an issue which they have already set their face against? It is something I have experienced many times with successive Irish governments. They figure out where the British are at and then cut their cloth to meet that, instead of acting in our own national interests. There would have been no Good Friday Agreement had that approach been taken at that time. Therefore, the Taoiseach’s position is unacceptable.

No Irish government should meekly accept the rejection by a blow-in British Secretary of State that Britain will not accept a special designated status for the North. Last week, the British Government set out its stall. In the British Parliament it ignored the imperative of the Good Friday Agreement. The Conservative Party, the DUP, the Ulster Unionist Party - the favoured partner of the SDLP - and UKIP, as well as the MP for Bexley and Sidcup, James Brokenshire, combined to vote down any protections for the Good Friday Agreement. So much for the assurances to the Taoiseach by Theresa May. That is no great surprise for those of us who know that British Governments always act in their own national self-interest. They do not give a tuppenny damn about the North. Nowhere is this better illustrated than in England's treatment of the devolved Governments. Nicola Sturgeon has expressed her disquiet at the London Government’s attitude towards Scotland. The Sinn Féin Party’s experience to date, having taken part in meetings of the Joint Ministerial Committee, is that the British Government does not care one jot about the devolved administrations. Therefore, things have got to change.

Sinn Féin has repeatedly called on the Taoiseach and the Government to agree a strategic approach to the negotiations with clear political, economic and trade objectives. They must protect the interests of all citizens on the island of Ireland, defend the Good Friday Agreement, and ensure that the frontier between the EU and Britain is not on the island of Ireland. That means upholding the democratic vote in the North to remain, which is the aim of this motion. It also requires the Government, which has a seat at the negotiating table, to actively campaign for the North to have a special designated status within the EU.

In addition to tonight’s motion, to try to advance this objective, I introduced the European Communities (Brexit) Bill 2017 in the Dáil last week. The Bill places a statutory requirement on the Taoiseach to outline the Government’s approach to negotiations surrounding Brexit to the Oireachtas. I hope we will have the opportunity to debate that Bill soon.

All this is critical to the well-being and future of the Good Friday Agreement. Thus far, the Government has failed to act decisively as a co-equal guarantor of that agreement. The dangers which this presents are enormous. This British Government has no great investment in the Good Friday Agreement. We already know that it intends to bring an end to the jurisdiction of the European Court of Justice. It is also committed to ending its relationship with the European Convention on Human Rights. These decisions will have profound implications for the agreement. None of this deals with the fact that, under the terms of the Agreement, citizens in the North have a right to Irish citizenship and, therefore, to EU citizenship. How can those rights be protected and realised?

In addition, there have been a succession of economic reports, including one recently by the ESRI, which warned that Brexit will cost tens of thousands of jobs across the island. Some 14,000 people regularly commute across the Border for work, business and education. If we do not work, act and co-operate together in setting clear targets, the trucks and goods that cross that Border every day on their way to Europe will now face customs checks from Dundalk to Letterkenny. That is a lot of jobs at risk and a very messy process.

Therefore, this is about the future. As a matter of urgency the Irish Government must set out its strategy and objectives in the Brexit negotiations. That is what this motion aims to do. It is about upholding the democratic vote of citizens on this island to remain, and to act in the national interests of the whole island.

Deputy Pearse Doherty

In recent weeks, we saw the House of Commons's committee of experts giving the plain and unvarnished legal facts about what Brexit from the customs union really means. It means a border in our country unless we do something about it. This weekend in my county, communities from Lifford and Bridgend will demand as Border communities that there be no return to the hard Border that so many of us grew up with and detested. Those communities, including farmers, businessmen and businesswomen, and workers from across the country, North and South, do not want platitudes or sympathy. They want a united political effort to prevent the imposition of any border in this country.

In today's media we hear that despite the words we have heard from the Government this evening, the Government is planning for a return to that Border. Sites across the Border are being identified for customs posts, including in my own county of Donegal as well as in Louth, Monaghan and elsewhere. That is the reality and wishful thinking, but it is not enough to accept that.

A short time ago at the finance committee, the Minister for Finance confirmed to me that is indeed what is happening - that Revenue is scouting out sites for customs posts along our Border, confirming the media reports earlier today. That is why Sinn Fein has moved this motion. The solution in the immediate term is a special status for the Six Counties within the European Union. Let Trump talk all he wants about walls, Ireland should be talking about uniting the country. A hard Border is the same as a wall.

It disrupts and it divides. The North must therefore continue to have access to the Single Market which allows for the free movement of our people, goods, services and capital on a North-South basis and among the other EU member states, helping that part of our island to benefit from the largest single trading block on earth. It is also about remaining part of the common travel area to maintain the free movement of people and goods without trade tariffs, physical checks or passport controls while opposing any suggestion of external international EU land borders or border controls within the island either by land, air or sea. We all know that the imposition of customs controls will not only have obvious consequences for businesses involved in cross-Border trade but will also reduce the effectiveness and even the viability of an all-Ireland supply chain, something which could be of particular importance, of course, in the agrifood sector, a sector which could stand to benefit substantially through heightened all-Ireland co-operation in areas such as animal health, plant health, food labelling, State aids and veterinary services. Let us not forget the significant movement of agricultural products across the Border today. In 2015, bulk milk imports into the South for processing by creameries and factories amounted to 594 million litres, with nearly all of it coming from North of the Border. This is equivalent to 9% of our domestic Southern supplies and 26% of the Northern annual milk supplies.

What do we need to do? Our capital programme must focus on cross-Border projects like never before. Every policy lever at our disposal must be used to prevent the Border effect getting a hold on our economy. Sinn Féin's four MEPs are putting forward realistic and practical proposals to mitigate the effect of Brexit on our country. Unfortunately, the Government simply has not got it. I reiterate that we need special status for the North within the European Union. The usual talk, wishful thinking and diplomatic meekness will not work. People are fed up with it. What do references to "seamless borders" or "the need to avoid a return to the Border of the past" mean? When it is spelled out in hard facts, it means what is happening as we speak with Revenue officials going to identify sites in Donegal at Bridgend, Lifford, Pettigo and all other Border crossings for customs posts.

This is an issue of unprecedented importance North and South and the people have had the chance to speak about it. A clear majority in the North wants to stay. Border communities want to hear tonight that we are putting forward solutions and ideas and not just sleepwalking our country into the worst possible Brexit. There has been a great deal of talk about what Britain can or will do. Diplomatically, we have to push the EU to be flexible but we are only a small part of that block and must punch above our weight. As much as we need to negotiate hard with the British, we need to negotiate hard with the Commission and other EU member states. Our interests are not the same as those of Greece, Portugal or Estonia on these issues. We cannot be lost in EU committee-speak. Where we need to, we must raise our voices and make our demands clear. The motion before us sets out a clear and achievable demand if the political will is there. Let the House stand together and for all of the people of Ireland. Let it recognise, represent and respect the will of the people of the North and let us pass the motion to allow us to campaign for a special status for the North within the European Union.

Deputy Peadar Tóibín

The people of the North have the right to be Irish citizens. Hundreds of thousands in the North today are Irish citizens and the number is growing. This makes them EU citizens and the responsibility of the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade. In a few short years, these Irish and EU citizens will be stranded under an increasingly isolated London Government. The foundation stone for the hard-won peace process in the North has been the notion of consent. Consent has been pivotal to the development of stability. The majority of the people of the North have voted to remain in the EU and they have not consented to be sundered from the developing all-Ireland economy. The London Government seeks to throw this consent in the dustbin of history. The Minister has a responsibility in that regard.

Self-determination is pivotal to republican political ideology. Ireland was on its knees 100 years ago. One of the worst famines in European history was still a vivid memory for many. The country had been emptied of nearly 3 million people through death and emigration. Given that the Union Jack flew over every town in the country for hundreds of years, representing the largest empire the world had ever seen, freedom and self-determination must have seemed impossible. To a growing number of Irish men and women, however, it was clear that self-determination was an absolute necessity for survival. They set about a revolution that changed the course of all our lives. Just a few dozen miles up the road in towns such as Newry, Armagh and Enniskillen, Irish people have democratically self-determined that they wish to remain in the EU. However, for those people not much has changed in the last 100 years. The North remains a forgotten backwater, hardly featuring on the home counties' Tory radar. Shockingly, the pivotal self-determination of the Northern electorate in regard to Brexit is being ignored and disregarded by London. Shockingly, what happens to the Border on this island and to our national interest remain beyond our democratic control 100 years after the Rising.

Unbelievable as it may seem, I produced last year the first report since partition of an Oireachtas committee on the all-Ireland economy. Despite all our talk of the all-Ireland economy, precious little research has been done on it. For the report, I interviewed hundreds of people of differing backgrounds throughout the island of Ireland including academics, businesspeople, trade unionists, trade organisations, public representatives, farmers, State officials and local authority representatives, all of whom said our future was stronger in an all-Ireland economy. All of that will come to nothing if Brexit continues on its current trajectory. We are told that Britain and the North will leave the Single Market and the customs union. We are told the free movement of people between Britain and the EU will end. We are told product, service, environment and labour regulations will diverge on these two islands. In the same breath, we are told it will be okay. This is dangerous nonsense. That circle cannot be squared through all the negotiation and goodwill in the world and especially not by a subservient Government sitting on its hands. The only way the will and consent of the people of the North can be fulfilled is if the North remains within the EU. The only future for the Good Friday Agreement is in the context of the EU. The only hope for an all-Ireland economy is if the North receives special status within the EU and the only way that will happen is if the Government opposite gets off its docile butt and starts to campaign with us.

Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade (Deputy Charles Flanagan)

I move amendment No. 3:

To delete all words after “Dáil Éireann” and substitute the following:

"notes that:

— while the result of the United Kingdom’s (UK) European Union (EU) membership referendum of 23rd June, 2016, was not what the Government would have wished for, it respects the outcome of the democratic process in the UK and the decision of its electorate to leave the EU;

— recognising its value and benefits, Ireland will remain a fully committed member of the EU and continue to play an active role in the EU;

— the outcome of the UK referendum creates particular concerns in Northern Ireland, where a majority voted to remain in the EU;

— Brexit presents significant and unique challenges for Northern Ireland and the island of Ireland;

— Northern Ireland and the protection of the peace process are central concerns for the Government in the upcoming Brexit negotiations, in addition to the other stated priorities such as economy and trade, the common travel area and the future of the EU;

— the Good Friday Agreement, GFA, an international agreement registered with the United Nations, remains the foundation for all our engagements on Northern Ireland and remains in force whatever the status of the UK within the EU;

— the GFA, which was endorsed by the people of this island, North and South, includes the principle of consent and the possibility of a change in constitutional status in Northern Ireland;

— the Government, as co-guarantor of the GFA, has emphasised at every opportunity in extensive discussions on Brexit with all EU member state Governments (including the UK Government), with members of the European Parliament, the EU Commission and other EU institutions that the principles and provisions of the GFA must be fully respected in any future agreement between the EU and the UK; and

— the Government has clearly and repeatedly stated and demonstrated its commitment to working urgently and intensively with our EU partners, the British Government and the Northern Ireland Executive to see how collectively we can ensure that the gains of the peace process in the last two decades are fully protected in whatever post-exit arrangements are negotiated;

recognises the progress that had been made through the North-South Ministerial Council in scoping out the sectoral implications of Brexit for Ireland, North and South, and agreeing joint principles for moving forward, including:

— recognition of the unique circumstances of Northern Ireland, bearing in mind its geography and history;

— ensuring that the treaties and agreements between Ireland and the UK are fully taken into account;

— protecting the free movement of people, goods, capital and services; and

— maintaining the economic and social benefits of co-operation on both sides of the border; and

further notes that:

— the re-establishment of devolved power-sharing institutions in Northern Ireland as soon as possible after the upcoming elections on 2nd March, 2017, will be important in ensuring effective local political representation at this critical time in the Brexit process;

— the Government, as co-guarantor of the GFA, and its institutions will work to support the political parties in Northern Ireland in this regard;

— Northern Ireland is included in the EU’s list of negotiation priorities following an intensive diplomatic initiative by the Irish Government; and

— the Government remains committed to ensuring that the unique circumstances of Northern Ireland including all aspects of the GFA are fully considered in the upcoming negotiations and securing the best possible outcome for all of the people on the island of Ireland."

I am pleased to have the opportunity to move the Government's amendment and to acknowledge that this is a very important debate in the context of a critical issue, namely the matter of Northern Ireland and the withdrawal of the UK from the European Union. This is a major strategic challenge to the island of Ireland and a matter of great concern to all of us in the House and beyond. We face acute challenges to our economy and trade as well as in relation to Northern Ireland. I assure the House that the Government continues in a determined way to work closely with our European partners to ensure that they understand issues like the common travel area and our right to continue its operation, consistent with EU law, notwithstanding the withdrawal of the UK from the Union. Brexit is very much at the top of our agenda and has been since well before the referendum vote in the UK. It is top of the agenda in every Department and that is doubly so for my Department and that of the Taoiseach. The challenges of Brexit are multifaceted as indeed is our response. Across every Department, a substantial programme of work is well under way.

For the last eight months, I have been working closely with the Taoiseach, briefing governments in the European Union on our priorities and highlighting Ireland's approach and position to partner countries outside the European Union.

I have had over 150 high level meetings and discussions to date. Most recently, last week I travelled to Brussels where I met EU chief negotiator Michel Barnier, the European Parliament's representative Guy Verhofstadt and leading and influential MEPs from the Parliament and held formal meetings with foreign ministers from Italy and Finland.

While I was in Brussels the Taoiseach was in Warsaw holding bilateral talks with the Polish Prime Minister. The diplomatic programme undertaken by the Taoiseach and all of my Government colleagues, including the Minister of State, Deputy Eoghan Murphy, is buttressed by an intensive programme of engagements at official level and discussions with officials in the Commission, and member state Governments are continuing.

At national level an enormous programme of work has been undertaken. Ireland alone was in a position to publish a framework contingency plan on the day of the UK referendum result. The work across Government is intensive and relentless. It has been co-ordinated and led by the Taoiseach. To the suggestion in the Fianna Fáil amendment of a Minister for Brexit, I reiterate that the strategic challenge of Brexit is a job for the entire Cabinet led by the head of the Cabinet and Government, the Taoiseach. All Ministers in Government have their part to play, as do all political parties North and South.

As regards Northern Ireland, the Government has been clear that there are entirely unique circumstances that must be taken into account in the matter of the negotiations on the UK's withdrawal from the Union and the future relationship between the UK and the EU. The Good Friday Agreement, an international treaty registered with United Nations, provides for a unique political and constitutional settlement in Northern Ireland which is the foundation of the peace process. This is something the European Union as a whole has always recognised and has been supportive of. I have received heartening support from my foreign ministerial colleagues in that regard.

It is worth recalling that the Good Friday Agreement recognises the birthright of all of the people of Northern Ireland to identify themselves and to be accepted as Irish, British or both. This means that virtually everybody born in Northern Ireland can, as of right, choose to be an Irish citizen and, therefore, a citizen of the European Union with all of the rights and obligations of both. There is no parallel for this anywhere in Europe, a point I have continued to highlight with my colleagues.

The Agreement also contains very important provisions on the constitutional status of Northern Ireland. The Government has been clear that Brexit must cause no legal impediment to the mechanism set out in the Agreement for a united Ireland, in accordance with the principle of consent, and this point is specifically referenced in the Government's counter-motion.

The European Union is, first and foremost, a peace project and the Union has made immense contributions to the peace process on the island of Ireland over the past two decades and longer. From my engagement with all of my EU counterparts, Members of the European Parliament and senior representatives of the Commission and Council, I know there is a deep appreciation of the role of the European Union and the contribution it has made in support of the peace process, and they wish to continue that support regardless of the challenges and changes resulting from Brexit.

At the core of both Opposition motions is a specific request for the Government to adopt a position whereby Northern Ireland remains in the European Union with a special status post-Brexit. The UK's withdrawal from the Union is patently not something that this Government or anyone in the House wanted. The Government actively engaged and advocated for just the opposite during the referendum campaign in Northern Ireland and Great Britain. Our task now is to face up to the unwanted result and outcome, with all of the challenges that brings, in order to secure what will be the best outcome for the island of Ireland as a whole.

The cold reality is that, notwithstanding the unique circumstances on the island of Ireland, concepts and terms like "special status" give rise to serious concerns for other EU partners about precedents that might be set elsewhere. This would risk undermining the efforts of the Government to specifically address and mitigate the very real impacts facing our island and the people of Northern Ireland, in particular, due to the withdrawal of the UK from the union. While I entirely understand the rationale, the fact is that such a proposal would unnecessarily distract from work to secure arrangements which reflect the genuinely unique situation of Northern Ireland, which was founded in the peace process and the Good Friday Agreement, as well as its geographic status as the only border between the UK and 27 EU member states.

The provisions in the Government motion clearly support and point to the need for specific, effective and realisable measures that could address the major concerns about Brexit. Whether this relates to the Border, citizenship, constitutional and human rights provisions of the Agreement or otherwise, the Government will also advocate for the continuation of a range of EU policy support for Northern Ireland and the peace process, including EU funding. It is considering precedence and potential approaches of an innovative nature in this regard.

There is an array of difficult issues to address. Perhaps the most difficult and concerning of all is the matter of the Border. There has been much discussion and speculation about how this could be achieved, but the position of the Government from the very beginning has been that the invisible Border must be maintained. We are intensively engaged, in order to deepen understanding and support for each of Ireland's headline concerns, with every one of our EU partners, including the United Kingdom, as I have already outlined.

Over the past eight months, I have engaged intensively throughout the European Union and there is not a Foreign Minister in the European Union who is not aware of the central importance of the Good Friday Agreement and the staunch determination of the Irish Government, its co-guarantor, to make sure its principles and provisions are fully respected in any future arrangement or agreement between the European Union and the United Kingdom.

We must ensure that none of the gains of the peace process are lost. We have to be clear about the Border and many other areas. The United Kingdom and the European Union may need to compromise if we are to achieve the demanding objectives that the Government has set. The preservation of the invisible Border is a shared goal of the Irish and UK Governments. The Taoiseach set out to Prime Minister Theresa May on 30 January in Dublin the imperative for achieving that. There will be a need for the British Government to factor into its negotiating position with the European Union the stated objective in regard to our Border. I reinforced this message in my meeting with the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland at a meeting yesterday.

The Government will continue to work with our EU partners and prepare comprehensively in support of our overall objectives, including those pertaining to Northern Ireland, the peace process and all-island issues. It is, therefore, essential that the indispensable work of the North-South Ministerial Council can recommence at the earliest possible opportunity as the EU-UK negotiations are about to start.

The re-establishment of the devolved power-sharing institutions in Northern Ireland as soon as possible after the elections on 2 March is critical in managing the implications of Brexit for Northern Ireland. The Executive, as Deputies will be aware, is responsible for politically representing Northern Ireland's interests, including in the upcoming EU-UK negotiations. Members of the House have a specific responsibility in that regard.

Our amendment sets out the overall strategy for protecting the gains of the peace process and working in the interests of the island as a whole, underlining the work the Government has undertaken in regard to Northern Ireland in the context of this challenge. Many of the elements of the motions proposed by both Opposition parties are covered in this ongoing work, but are not listed in the Government motion so as to avoid inadvertent prioritisation of some and possible exclusion of others.

The avenue we take is that which will ensure that all provisions of the Good Friday Agreement are fully respected in any future EU-UK arrangements. We will secure the peace process and all-island interests. This is what the Government will continue to make progress on in the context of these negotiations. I commend the Government's counter-motion to the House.

Deputy Stephen S. Donnelly

I welcome the tabling-----

Deputy Charles Flanagan

Does this qualify as a maiden speech on behalf of Deputy Donnelly?

An Leas-Cheann Comhairle

No one should interrupt. The Fianna Fáil amendment can only be moved if amendment No. 3 is lost. It will not be moved until tomorrow, depending on the outcome. It is not for me to indicate what way it might go.

Deputy Stephen S. Donnelly

I welcome the tabling of the motion by Sinn Féin on what Brexit means for the Good Friday Agreement and the people of Northern Ireland and what the Irish Government needs to do about it. I would also like to acknowledge Sinn Féin's position on accepting our amendment.

In the past two hours, the Taoiseach described Brexit as the most important negotiations in our history. What is at stake?

It is the following: the close ties between our nations; jobs in Irish companies that trade with the UK, including jobs in manufacturing, tourism, transport, professional services, technology and much more; the livelihoods of farmers and of men and women working in the agrifood sector; and public moneys that are badly needed for investment in public services, health, education and infrastructure. The people of Northern Ireland face all these threats too, and more. Their economy, jobs and ability to invest in services and communities are at risk as are their rights, including their right to be members of the European Union and their rights as citizens of the European Union to move, work and do business freely within the EU.

Yesterday we met a civil society delegation from Northern Ireland. It is concerned that the deepening deprivation in some communities is leading to a rise in young people joining paramilitary groups and that sectarianism is reappearing in the workplace. It is concerned that the bill of rights mandated under the Good Friday Agreement is still not being implemented, that the peace process is coming under pressure and that Brexit will make all these things worse. It would not be fair to say that this Government is doing nothing on Northern Ireland in the context of Brexit. It would be fair, however, to say that the Government is not doing nearly enough. This view is in line with that of civil society, which is that the Irish Government has been detached from the Good Friday Agreement for the past six years. The allegation was made yesterday - it is not my allegation - that this Government is becoming a mouthpiece for the British Government.

The motion before the House calls for Northern Ireland to be designated a special status within the EU. We agree with this call and want to further debate what it means. This Government's response to the challenges and opportunities of Brexit as they pertain to Ireland and Northern Ireland has been too vague. What does special status actually mean? What sectors will be worst hit? What rights of the people of Northern Ireland are at risk? What sort of invisible Border can actually stop people and goods from moving across it? What can farmers and businesses actually do to protect their incomes?

Article 50 will be triggered in a few weeks' time and we have to move from generalities to specifics. The Fianna Fáil motion accepts the motion before the House and adds detail on what is required. It calls on the Government to negotiate for the North of Ireland to be designated a special status within the EU; to secure the ongoing realisation of rights of citizens in Northern Ireland to avail of Irish and, by consequence, EU citizenship; to safeguard the four freedoms of movement of goods, workers, capital and services; to protect ongoing access to EU institutions, including the Court of Justice of the European Union, the European Court of Human Rights and EU sectoral agreements; and to protect and ensure the full implementation of the Good Friday Agreement and subsequent agreements. The motion calls on the Government to maintain future funding streams of PEACE and INTERREG financing; to enter any forthcoming negotiations in co-operation with our EU colleagues recognising the vote of the majority of citizens in Northern Ireland to remain within the EU; and to ensure that the Amsterdam treaty, as it relates to the common travel area between the UK and Ireland, is respected fully and upheld.

We need to beef up Ireland’s current approach to Brexit. As a matter of urgency, a Minister for Brexit at Cabinet level should be appointed and tasked with leading a whole-of-Government response to the challenge of Brexit. The "every Minister is a Brexit Minister" approach has been the driving force to date behind the vagueness in the Government's approach.

We need to be absolutely clear that special status for Northern Ireland in the context of the Brexit negotiations is by no means guaranteed. The UK does not support it, but rather a much weaker recognition of so-called unique circumstances. The Northern Ireland Secretary of State has specifically stated that he believes a special status would be "the wrong approach". Therefore, the Irish State, together with the Northern Ireland Assembly, must fight for it. They must fight for the rights of Northern Ireland citizens as EU citizens and the protection of workers' rights; for an invisible border that can be implemented in the real world; for the preservation of the common travel area; for the protection and progress of the peace process; for ongoing EU PEACE funding; for the protection and strengthening of trade in agrifood and other industries in the North and South; for the strengthening of sectoral ties between the North and South, including in energy, health, education and transport; for support to the regions in the Republic that will be most affected by Brexit; and, critically, for the protection and ongoing implementation of the Good Friday Agreement.

Deputy Declan Breathnach

I have lived all my life in the constituency of Louth in a community that suffered the fallout from the Troubles yet benefitted greatly from our membership of the EU. It was only with peace and EU investment that our region came out of the shadow and began to thrive. That process ensured an invisibility in our Border. It would be a regressive and retrograde step should any damage be caused to either the fragile peace achieved to date or the economic progress that has accrued to our island as a result of our EU membership and, in particular, in the context of Brexit. Fianna Fáil has made substantial amendments to this Sinn Féin motion. However, it is the interests of all the people of this island, North and South, that our main objective is to ensure that we do all that we can to highlight the unique and special circumstances of Northern Ireland and the need for this to be a central tenet in the final Brexit agreement.

However, EU customs and trade lawyers have stated special EU customs rules for the Border between the Republic and Northern Ireland are unlikely. As stated by a Sinn Féin Deputy, a report in today’s Irish Examiner by the political editor, Daniel O’Connell, states that he can reveal that the Government is preparing for the return of a hard Border in the wake of Brexit, including the return of full red and green channel checkpoints. It has been revealed that Revenue Commissioners' officials have been engaged to examine locations for full Border check points with red and green channel facilities in counties Louth, Monaghan, Cavan, Leitrim and Donegal.

The M1 motorway, which passes through my own constituency, is of considerable focus. I have seen this myself and witnessed last Monday for the third time the Ml motorway closed going south. I have seen cars being impounded and checked and I do not believe this to be the normal process of various State agencies. All this is in stark contrast to what the Government has been saying over and over again since the referendum, which is that there would be no return to a hard border.

We are calling for the Government to make the case for and secure a special status for Northern Ireland and to ensure the right of citizens of Northern Ireland to avail of Irish citizenship and, by consequence, EU citizenship is retained. As stated by Deputy Donnelly, this also applies to the maintaining of PEACE and INTERREG funding, which is crucial both North and South in terms of how we do business and improve our region. The peace process in Northern Ireland and the Good Friday Agreement which underpins it cannot be compromised, including no dilution of human rights. This has been pivotal in encouraging joint co-operation in our educational institutions, local authorities working collaboratively North and South, peace groups of all persuasions and none, and sporting organisations, to name but a few.

There have been many excellent organisations and initiatives that followed from the Good Friday Agreement, including the Ballyconnell agreement and Co-operation And Working Together, CAWT, which facilitates cross-Border collaborative working in health and social care. We need to be informed not just at the macro level but, more importantly, about the ramifications at the farm gate and the village store, for educational institutions and on cross-Border health care and on so many other areas that affect our daily lives. It is for this reason that we need a complete analysis and audit of the various sectoral impacts on the sectors right across Government. Manufacturers will have to consider whether it is still economically feasible to move goods several times for processing, as alluded to earlier, across the Border. Surely we can agree an all-Ireland brand that will promote the agrisector, North and South, to the wider world and that the EU would recognise.

It is my belief that non-contentious issues such as tourism promotion on an all-Ireland basis together with ensuring security in our energy requirement should be part of any negotiations. If the building of it is not lost to our communities, the Narrow Water Bridge would be symbolic and help tourism. While not wishing to dilute the economic challenges facing this island, I believe that peace and prosperity will drive our economy.

Now, more than ever, we must continue dialogue - north, south, east and west - to ensure our island nation prospers. The will of the people of Northern Ireland, the majority of whom voted to remain in the European Union, must be reflected in the final agreement. Imposing the full impact of a hard Brexit on Northern Ireland or this island would be unacceptable.

Deputy Darragh O'Brien

I thank and commend Deputy Gerry Adams and his colleagues in Sinn Féin for tabling the motion and accepting the Fianna Fáil amendment. This will add to and strengthen the motion and I ask the Government to reflect and withdraw its amendment because it will not have any effect. What we have is the Dáil, under the new political arrangement, speaking with one voice. It is at times such as this that we can reflect on how far we have come since the Good Friday Agreement.

I have not yet had an opportunity, as the Fianna Fáil Party spokesperson on foreign affairs and trade, to extend my best wishes to Martin McGuinness on his retirement and wish him a speedy recovery. I also acknowledge the work that Mr. McGuinness, Deputy Adams and many individuals in the South, including members of my party and all other parties, did to secure the Good Friday Agreement. The Agreement is our starting point and a red line. Any dilution of it must be rejected, whether this involves moves by the British Government towards diluting its human rights dimensions or a strengthening of the Border.

If I heard the Minister correctly, he dismissed the argument in favour of special status for the North. I am disappointed he did so because the North should have special status and the Government indicated previously it would support such an approach. Unfortunately, because the Secretary of State, James Brokenshire, on behalf of the British Government, dismissed special status, the Government has simply followed by stating it cannot secure special status. It cannot and should not give up that fight. The passing of an agreed motion on this matter would show that the Dáil speaks with one voice on this issue. An agreed motion should also become Government policy because the Dáil is elected by citizens in the Republic.

I have spent a great deal of time in the North, especially in the past year, and my party has engaged with groups here. As my colleague, Deputy Donnelly, stated, we also met representatives of groups yesterday which are looking to Dublin for leadership. They want the Dáil to advocate and fight for the hundreds of thousands of citizens in the North who have Irish citizenship and ensure their rights as European citizens are protected. Whether one is born in Dublin or Belfast, Irish citizenship is equal but I do not see the Government or the Minister fighting for that.

The amendment proposes the appointment of a minister for Brexit to co-ordinate work in government on this issue. This is not in any way to do down the work the Minister is trying to do but when too many people are in charge, no one is in charge. Too many things are falling through the cracks. Having a common focus through a Brexit ministry and recognising, as a Government, that the North should have special status in the European Union would be a starting point. I am greatly concerned that the Taoiseach is having bilateral meetings without insisting, as a starting point, that the North have special status. We need to do much more in this regard.

The passing of the Good Friday Agreement, the ending of terrorism and the Troubles and the normalisation of relations between Britain and Ireland showed what was possible on the island of Ireland. The British exit from the European Union is the biggest single threat and the Brexit negotiations the most important negotiations we have faced since the Agreement was signed. The Government must realise that this issue is of crucial importance for Ireland and the future of Europe. Let us be selfish for a change and try to look after Ireland.

In the past five or six years, I have consistently stated that the approach taken by this Government and its predecessor to the all-Ireland bodies established under the Good Friday Government and the British Government has been worse than laissez-faire. We have not used these mechanisms to their full potential. We now have an opportunity to redouble our efforts and ensure the institutions the people of Ireland, in all 32 counties, voted for in 1998 are used to their full potential.

Deputy Seán Haughey

Ireland is the member state of the European Union most affected by the decision by the United Kingdom to leave the European Union on 23 June 2016. Our concerns centre on the possible erection of barriers to trade, the creation of a hard Border, the maintenance of the common travel area and the viability of the Northern Ireland peace process. Trade between Ireland and the United Kingdom is valued at €1.2 billion per week and it is estimated that 14,000 people cross the Border every day. It is concern for the future of the Northern Ireland peace process that is exercising all our minds. The political stability and prosperity of Northern Ireland are now at risk. As Deputies noted, the Good Friday Agreement is of central importance.

Northern Ireland citizens have a right to European Union citizenship as a result of their right to Irish citizenship, as provided for in the Constitution and Good Friday Agreement. The European Convention of Human Rights, through the Good Friday Agreement, is fundamental law in Northern Ireland and the courts must be able to enforce European human rights law in Northern Ireland.

The issue of national identity has come to the fore again arising from the decision on Brexit, which is a major problem. There is a strong fear that the Border could become politicised. We do not want to return to previous times. As my colleagues noted, the PEACE and INTERREG programmes, which have played an important role in the peace process, must be maintained. This means that irrespective of what price the British pay as part of their divorce proceedings, the commitments given to these programmes must be fulfilled and maintained.

A delegation of the Joint Committee on European Union Affairs visited the European institutions recently. During the visit, we met Commissioner Phil Hogan, Mr. Michel Barnier, the chief negotiator for the European Commission, and Mr. Guy Verhofstadt, MEP, the European Parliament's representative on Brexit, among many others. In my view, there is now a full appreciation and understanding of the Irish position among key personnel in the European Union. There is also considerable concern about the future of the Northern Ireland peace process, in which the European Union played an important part. While the threats to the peace process are understood, it was made clear to me that Ireland must be much more proactive in preparing its solutions to our unique problems. The message I received was that Europe is open to solutions. I hope work is under way in this regard.

Many groups and organisations are identifying the problems and proposing possible solutions. I note, in particular, the work of the Institute of International and European Affairs, which has produced various papers proposing practical solutions for discussion. Our problems need to be dealt with first and up-front once Article 50 has been triggered and we need to have our issues and concerns included in any initial draft papers prepared by the Commission.

Ireland must negotiate for the North to be designated as a special status region within the European Union. We must drill down into this concept to produce specific measures on the movement of people and conduct of trade. As regards trade between North and South and the Republic and United Kingdom in general, we need to argue for state aid rules to be eased for a transitory period and a special fund to be established to allow for the development of replacement and diversification. We must also utilise the European Investment Bank to develop our ports to improve connectivity as we deal with this major issue.

Deputy Brendan Howlin

This week, we have a Government in crisis while the United Kingdom is only weeks away from triggering Article 50 of the Lisbon treaty. It does not bode well for Ireland that collective responsibility in our Government has broken down just as the country faces a challenge that will define it for decades to come. For the past few months, the Dáil has been left in the dark on Brexit, despite the Taoiseach having appointed himself the actual minister for Brexit.

Months ago, I requested, and the Taoiseach agreed, that we be provided with weekly updates in this House on all that was happening in regard to this matter but that has not happened. I received my first briefing from officials from the Department of the Taoiseach, comprehensively on our state of preparedness, yesterday. While the briefing was offered last week I was unable to take up the offer until this week. We need to improve in this area. While there are questions that need to be asked in terms of our state of readiness, arguably the state of readiness of Northern Ireland is infinitely worse. It has been plunged into an Assembly election. The relationship between the DUP and Sinn Féin has become politically toxic in the context of that election.

That this motion has been tabled by Sinn Féin at this time is interesting. The people of Northern Ireland voted to remain part of the European Union. The largest nationalist party in Northern Ireland, Sinn Féin, failed to register for the Brexit campaign with the United Kingdom Electoral Commission. According to Mick Fealty registering with the Electoral Commission allows a party or an individual to become a registered campaigner and to spend more than £10,000 on referendum campaigning during the election period. That the largest nationalist party in Northern Ireland decided it did not want to spend more than £10,000 on the campaign indicates that it did not take the campaign seriously. It was taken for granted.

Deputy Gerry Adams

We won the campaign.

Deputy Dessie Ellis

We won it.

Deputy Maurice Quinlivan

What campaign did the Labour Party run?

Deputy Brendan Howlin

I have looked at the register. Every political entity, including all the tiny parties all over the United Kingdom, registered because they wanted to spend more than £10,000 on their campaigns because this was such an important issue. It is remarkable that Sinn Féin did not do that. Registration not only allowed parties to spend money, it allowed them access to polling stations and so on.

The Labour Party supports the SDLP's call for a bespoke deal for Northern Ireland to address the following issues post-Brexit: strengthening of existing all-island institutions; continued cross-Border co-operation; guarantees of funding for Northern Ireland beyond 2020; recognition of the rights of the 200,000 persons resident on the island who are neither Irish nor British citizens; and the need for parity of esteem in human rights across the island of Ireland. My colleague, Deputy Joan Burton, has also called for the creation of a separate component or strand within Brexit talks to deal exclusively with Ireland-UK matters. That is an idea worthy of consideration, particularly given that the European Commission and Council appear to have already established an impenetrable structure for its negotiations, the detail of which I tortuously tried to grasp yesterday.

Like many of my colleagues, I am concerned that the impact on Ireland may become collateral damage to a wider EU row with the UK. What we are hearing in terms of some of the rhetoric being uttered is that Ireland, sitting in the middle ground, may become squeezed between the hardline Brexiteers and the arch federalists. In terms of this motion, Sinn Féin is seeking special status within the European Union for Northern Ireland. That is a position I support but it will realistically be very difficult to achieve when the reality is that the largest political party in Northern Ireland is happy to leave the EU. Critically, while there is a precedent in Greenland for an autonomous region to leave the European Union while the parent state remains, there is no precedent for a state to leave and one of its regions to remain within the EU. The EU works on the basis of state rather than regional membership, at least so far.

The report by Mr. Daniel McConnell in the Irish Examiner that the Government is examining locations for customs checkpoints is a portent of what might await us. A border might well be back in some shape or form despite the assurances of the Taoiseach and Prime Minister, Theresa May. Outside of a fast-tracked united Ireland that may be the reality. Whatever status we arrive at, it is the turmoil that exit will create that is the real challenge for our politics and public policy. As a Westminster committee was recently told, "In future you will not be able to walk your dog on Slieve Russell unless you have a passport for the dog." In truth, the range of questions that Brexit has placed before us demand detailed and forensic answers.

I have previously given one example of the complex situation we are facing, namely, the North-South interconnector and the common energy market. I choose this issue not because it is the most serious issue, because there are many more, but instead of grappling with the complexities of these issues and seeking to chart national responses to them the Government believes that a nationwide roadshow and repeat of the same slogans again and again will suffice. We need to have very public engagement on all the forensic work that is happening within Departments on all the issues, including tourism, energy policy, agriculture, industry, aviation, shipping and transport. If the picture were not alarming enough already the evidence of the former head of the European Commission customs procedures to MPs two weeks ago was further reason to sit up and take note. At that time he bluntly stated that if Northern Ireland is not part of the European Union customs territory then there will be a customs border. Of even more concern is that the ESRI has found that Ireland would lose 4% of total exports under a hard Brexit outcome. Some 4% is huge. It would hit most in the job intensive sectors such as agrifood and tourism. Some 4% of our exports in 2015 amounted to €4.5 billion. As Ireland's recovery takes hold and our people start to feel some sense that there is a future for this country after the lost decade, Brexit could not come at a worse time. For this reason, we have argued for advance planning on the European side and for the expansion of tools such as the European Globalisation Adjustment Fund. I again ask the Minister to lay out in forensic detail the plans that this country is making.

Acting Chairman (Deputy Declan Breathnach)

The next speaker is Deputy Bríd Smith who is sharing time with Deputy Mick Barry.

Deputy Bríd Smith

I welcome this discussion on Brexit and, in particular, Brexit in the context of Northern Ireland. I do not believe we talk enough in this House about Northern Ireland. I am delighted that we are doing so tonight. However, when I read this Sinn Féin motion I recognise neither the European Union nor Northern Ireland. I certainly do not recognise Sinn Féin in it. Liadh Ní Riada, a Sinn Féin MEP, on joining the left group in the European Union, said in her statement that the reason she joined that group was because the economic and fiscal policies of the European Union are having a catastrophic affect on the lives of all our citizens. She also said in that statement that: "The gap between the rich and poor in the EU is constantly increasing, social rights are being dismantled, unemployment (especially youth unemployment) remains at high levels and the people of the member states are being subordinated to poverty and stagnation." That is the Sinn Féin I recognise. It is the EU I recognise.

The European Union's neoliberal and austerity policies and its fortress Europe policies have imposed an undemocratic Union which fails to do what it set out to do, which was to provide equality, jobs and security for the people of Europe after the World Wars but it does the opposite. It is currently promoting an arms industry and developing a military apparatus to compete with the rest of the world. There is good reason for the view that Europe does not serve the people of this island or Northern Ireland well. What is required is a real look at Northern Ireland. Rather than it being a place where women, workers and students have rights, three women were recently arrested in Northern Ireland for taking the abortion pill. Women in Northern Ireland are worse off than women in the South in terms of there being no abortion facilities in Northern Ireland. It is one of the most unequal places in Europe to live, with a high level of deprivation yet it has 14,000 millionaires, with 45% of households having no savings.

In the Northern Ireland Assembly, both the DUP and Sinn Féin have been pushing for the Fresh Start agreement. That agreement will result in a loss of 20,000 public sector jobs, welfare reform in the "I, Daniel Blake" style, privatisation of public property resources and services, and a lowering of the rate of corporation tax. These are the realities of both Europe and Northern Ireland. We want instead to amend the motion so it will state we will not accept a hard Border after Brexit and that the people of the North and South do not want it. We will defy the European Union or Britain if either attempts to impose such a border. That really means developing a model of people power for this country resulting in action being taken to defy those powers that would impose a hard border and to have people dismantle any hard border they attempt to impose on us.

We will be calling on the Northern Ireland Executive to refuse to lower corporation tax and to have an open debate on the kind of public model we need to create a green economy. By that, I do not mean a nationalist economy but an environmentally friendly economy for the people that puts people before profit. In the words of James Connolly, who said we serve neither King nor Kaiser, we would like to see the people of this island openly saying they serve neither London nor Brussels because neither acts in the interests of the people of Northern Ireland or the South. We look forward to a change in this country and I am much more hopeful.

Deputy Mick Barry

The scope of this debate needs to be broadened somewhat so the nature of the European Union, which is consistently referenced in a positive light in the Sinn Féin motion, is discussed. After all, the campaign Sinn Féin waged for a "remain" vote in the North was clearly a factor in producing the different result there by comparison with England and Wales. It is ironic that Sinn Féin campaigned to remain in the first instance and talked up the role of the European Union at a time when the deeply undemocratic anti-worker and anti-migrant nature of that institution had become more apparent than ever. It is on this basis that the political tradition to which I belong opposed the entry of Ireland, North and South, into the Common Market and opposed all treaties since then that have furthered the pro-capitalist and anti-worker nature of the European Union. It was presumably for those reasons that Sinn Féin adopted a similar position right up until the Brexit referendum.

The European Commission and European Central Bank, as two component parts of the troika, foisted a brutal diet of austerity on working class people in the South in addition to Greece and Portugal. Successive treaties have effectively written neoliberalism into law. The policies of Fortress Europe, which have contributed to the death of thousands in the Mediterranean, in a sense leave Mr. Donald Trump and the border wall he dreams about in the ha'penny place.

The word "Brexit" has become synonymous with the right-wing arguments that were made by UKIP, the DUP and a wing of the Tory party in favour of leaving the Union. Contrary to the dominant view of the UK capitalist class and a host of pro-establishment organisations, from NATO to the IMF, this minority within the political and economic establishment, for its own reasons which I do not have time to go into here, felt that UK business interests would be better served outside the European Union. They tapped into a pre-existing anti-establishment mood and used xenophobic arguments to further their aim. However, from a completely different perspective, there was and is a left-wing case against the European Union consistent with the arguments some of us have made for the past 45 years. The case for a left exit, or "Lexit", was made in Britain and Northern Ireland not just by the radical left but also by the Northern Ireland Public Service Alliance, the largest public sector union in the North, and also the likes of the trade union RMT.

With regard to the specific concerns raised in the motion, the Anti-Austerity Alliance stands for the maximum freedom of movement of people internationally and therefore opposes any kind of hard border between the North and South. Furthermore, it opposes the threats that are posed to the status of EU nationals living in the North and Britain and, likewise, the talk of retaliatory measures being taken against people in the North and Britain living in continental Europe. In so far as the Tories see Brexit as an opportunity for an offensive against the social and economic rights of workers, these possibilities have to be combatted by industrial and campaigning means by workers in the North and Britain rather than by appeals to this Government to negotiate a dispensation with the Tories.

A left Government here that sought to introduce the necessary measures to raise revenue through a steeply progressive taxation regime and then investment in housing, health and jobs would find itself on a collision course with the European Union and its fiscal rules, just as Syriza did until its capitulation in Greece. The course pursued by Sinn Féin in not arguing for a Lexit in the North indicates that if it achieved a place in government in the South, it would not fundamentally differ from the current Government or its Fianna Fáil-led predecessor in managing the system for the 1%, the richest minority at the top.

Deputy Michael Fitzmaurice

I welcome this motion. It is agreed throughout the whole island that Northern Ireland deserves special status. I commend Sinn Féin on bringing this motion forward. When I was a young lad growing up, we saw troubles in the North on television, and people were actually afraid to cross the Border at one stage. In fairness, the work of Sinn Féin, the Unionists and other parties involved, but mainly the first two, must be commended for bringing peace to the North and a new way of life to many people. Irrespective of what needs to be done and the consequences of Brexit, we need to keep up this momentum. Irrespective of whatever effort must be made by the South and Britain, or America or whatever other parties got involved in the peace process, we need to ensure the path the people in the North are now on is protected. It is great to see that anybody can go to any part of the North at present without fear.

In the South, we are delusional if we do not stand up and tell the people the current scenarios. We are like substitutes on a substitutes' bench looking out at two teams playing but, unfortunately, none of the two teams seems to be ours. Europe will be trying to do the best deal it can for itself and the Brits will be trying to do whatever they can for themselves. We are going to be like piggy in the middle if we do not tell people what is occurring straight out. We must be honest and say that there is a serious possibility of a hard border. People talk about our friends but in 2009 we saw the way this country got crucified by Europe. We saw what happened with the promissory note. We saw it would be Frankfurt's way or Dublin's way. We saw a deal breaker but, unfortunately, it was not in the interest of the people in this country. It would be naive and foolish of us to build up something that may not be attained. From what I can see at present, a hard border will exist and we would do well to try to resolve that issue. I hear people saying X number of people voted one way or another in the Brexit referendum. I voted against the Lisbon treaty twice in referendums but ultimately I had to accept the result of the vote. As with the British vote, which has resulted in the British deciding to leave the European Union, one must respect whatever democracy does. If we do not start respecting democracy, just as we question undemocratic practices in all parts of the world, we will be in trouble ourselves. We are currently talking about bringing power to Northern Ireland. There are many ties between England and Ireland. The Government talks about different Departments, Brexit Ministers and all the different ways we should be approaching this matter.

However, when I look at the Dáil, I often wonder whether the people here ever tried to do a deal at a fair in a small town years ago. We need to set out our stall. We need to say exactly what we require. Let us not cod ourselves. We are going around Europe and talking to various people, but they are not really concerned about us. They do not mind how Ireland gets on. Their business is to represent themselves in their countries, not to think about us. That is how they will approach this regardless of whether we like it.

A debate has to start. Plan A seems to be that we will look on from the dugout, see how Mr. Barnier and the British get on and sit with our hands in our pockets. What if doomsday happens and things go wrong? What will we do if tariffs are placed on Irish agricultural products? Will we wake up and start running around trying to find different markets? I agree with Deputy Bríd Smith, who said that we needed to tell Europe where to go, but it does not listen to people who tell it to do that. Instead, it tries to penalise people monetarily. That is Europe's way of hammering people down.

At the moment, everyone is on the road with plan A. We are hearing in every town hall and so on that Ireland is doing X, Y and Z. If it does not happen, however, we will need plan B. The debate needs to start on Ireland being a part of the EFTA or the like so that we can still trade with Britain and the EU. If we cannot trade with Britain, the loss will be too much. Let us be realistic - we will not pick up markets in other parts of the world overnight that will compensate for the loss to our agricultural sector. From what I have heard, Europe wants to give Britain a slap like a bold child in a class so that no one else will leave. Yes, it costs money to be in the EFTA and we would have no say in the EU, but we do not have much of a say at the moment. We are walked on in every way. If we do not do something, our economy will suffer a ferocious crash. Ireland cannot afford that, given what we have come through.

We need to lay out our stall and tell Europe what we want. In fairness, I do not see Britain having a problem with that. It has stated that it does not want a Border or tariffs, but the bureaucrats in Europe tell us that we must have X, Y and Z. We must start that debate and think of ourselves for once, not be the great buddies of Europe. Instead of patting people on the back and smiling at them, we would want to be giving them an odd dig in the ribs.

Deputy Martin Ferris

Quite right.

Deputy Bríd Smith

Only in the ribs.

Acting Chairman (Deputy Declan Breathnach)

The next spearkers are Deputies Michael Healy-Rae, Mattie McGrath and Danny Healy-Rae, who are sharing eight minutes. Is that agreed?

Deputy Michael Healy-Rae

I have 30 seconds extra.

Acting Chairman (Deputy Declan Breathnach)

No. Everyone will have the same.

Deputy Michael Healy-Rae

That is fine.

I thank Sinn Féin for initiating this important debate. It is timely. Although there is a great deal of political crisis occurring in the Dáil, the free movement of our trade and citizens following Brexit are important issues. Last week, the Joint Committee on European Union Affairs went to Brussels where we had 14 meetings over a two-day period. We met people like Mr. Michel Barnier, the chief negotiator, and Mr. Guy Verhofstadt, the European Parliament's lead negotiator on Brexit.

I will address a point to Sinn Féin Members, given that they know so much about Northern Ireland affairs and what is happening. In the past, Mr. Barnier visited the North and met leading members of Sinn Féin and people from all the various sectors. He has a great grasp of what exists between Northern Ireland and the South. He knows the peace process intimately. He knows how important it is for us not to have a hard border. Having spoken to him, I am more confident that his finger is on the pulse and that he knows how important it is to us that we get through this. Otherwise, Ireland will be adversely affected, which none of us wants. Since we are in a unique situation, we must negotiate, we need political leadership and we all must work off of the same page. Having had those meetings, I am more confident that we are at least dealing with negotiators who know the situation on the ground. I welcome this debate and thank Sinn Féin for initiating it.

Deputy Mattie McGrath

I appreciate being able to speak on this matter. We have known for long enough that there will be a Brexit, but not enough is being done about it. With so many distractions, sideshows and so on, less and less is being done about it. While I appreciate Deputy Michael Healy-Rae's comments about visiting Europe - I am also on the Joint Committee on European Union Affairs - the majority of the people of Northern Ireland voted to remain. However, they are unfortunately not a part of Ireland at the moment. I wish that they were and we all aspire to a Thirty-two County Republic, but we are where we are and the situation is grim.

We cannot have a hard border. In early September, I travelled from Bosnia-Herzegovina to Croatia via a motorway that had only recently been built. I saw tailbacks and the 52 people on the bus had to give over their passports for checking. Unfortunately, little sweeteners had to be given to the officials on the road to avoid everyone having to be taken off the bus and checked. We did not give them, but that is the system over there. We cannot have that.

I was young enough when I went to Northern Ireland ag lorg mná. Fuair mé bean go hálainn anseo freisin. She is still with me, thanks be to God, 34 or 35 years later. I remember how the Border was. The Acting Chairman knew it well. It was an appalling vista, with tailbacks and people being taken out of their cars and searched by the UDR, customs and God knows what on both sides of the Border. We cannot go back to that. It would set us back 30 years.

I compliment everyone involved in the peace process, including my former colleague and former Senator, Deputy and Minster of State, Dr. Martin Mansergh, who played a major role, Fr. Alec Reid and many other people. We need those kinds of people again and massive engagement. We need envoys. It is not business as usual in Europe because the people in Europe have not been good to us. We have had many experiences of that, for example, the banking crisis and our fisheries. The big powers in Europe have not wanted to engage or have not given a damn about us. We saw how hard-nosed they were when Brexit happened. They just wanted to annihilate everybody else.

We have to fight our own corner. We have to ensure that this island and our exports are protected. We have to ensure that our farming industry and jobs are protected. Above all, we must ensure a sense of justice and respect for the people of Northern Ireland. I compliment the Deputies who moved this motion and the Fianna Fáil amendment, which I believe is being accepted, but we need action, not words. We need to talk strongly. It is time to call on our European colleagues to stand up and look after us in Ireland, North and South. We have been good Europeans.

Acting Chairman (Deputy Declan Breathnach)

The Deputy is going into someone else's time.

Deputy Mattie McGrath

Deputy Danny Healy-Rae is just taking two minutes.

Acting Chairman (Deputy Declan Breathnach)

The Deputy is interrupting other people.

Deputy Danny Healy-Rae

No, it is fine.

Deputy Mattie McGrath

We have agreed that Deputy Danny Healy-Rae is taking two minutes. The Acting Chairman is interrupting me. Do not take me off my train of thought. The Acting Chairman is worse than the patrols at the Border.

Deputy Fergus O'Dowd

Worse?

Deputy Mattie McGrath

At least they have uniforms. The Acting Chairman only has a bell.

Acting Chairman (Deputy Declan Breathnach)

Keep going, Deputy.

Deputy Mattie McGrath

We have to stand up for ourselves. We have to be bold. We have to tell Europe that we have been exemplary Europeans who have looked after all Europe's interests and that it is now time for Europe to return the favour and look after this country's interests and people and respect us as a sovereign nation. I do not know the intricacies of what is happening with the Border and mainland Britain, but we need to fight our corner. We need to be tough. Get on the boxing gloves, Minister.

Deputy Danny Healy-Rae

I support this motion. I welcome the idea of a special exemption for Northern Ireland. We have to have it.

A hard Border would be a disaster because it would deprive us of the free movement of goods and agricultural produce and make it difficult for workers to travel back and forth. There is clearly great support for the motion. However, the talk must happen other than in this Chamber. It must involve politicians in Europe and Northern Ireland Ministers and politicians who are currently not being given the priority they deserve due to the forthcoming election in Northern Ireland.

A specific Minister should be appointed to deal with Brexit, with no other responsibility in his or her portfolio, because it is a crucial time for the people of this country. Vast areas in rural Ireland will be disastrously affected by the decision of the British people to remove themselves from the European Union. We were told by the group which came before us, whose name I cannot recall, that Brexit would have a severe impact on the regions. It was said that Brexit would not affect Dublin or other cities but it would affect rural areas. As a Deputy representing rural Ireland that is why I am asking the Government to pull out all the stops and talk with the politicians in Europe. Our MEPs should have a pivotal role to play in the debate to ensure this country's interests are put forward and not allow a hard Border because that would take us back more than 20 years to the way we were before the Good Friday Agreement.

Acting Chairman (Deputy Declan Breathnach)

Deputy Carol Nolan is sharing time with Deputy Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin. Is that agreed? Agreed.

Deputy Carol Nolan

Gabhaim mo bhuíochas leis an gCathaoirleach as ucht an deis labhartha faoin topaic fíorthábhachtach seo. As we all know, the majority of citizens in the North, 56%, voted to remain in the EU in the recent referendum. Their wish must be upheld and respected. Those citizens voted to remain because it is in their best interests politically and economically. As the fallout from the Brexit referendum continues, the only thing that is becoming clear is that there is no plan to protect the interests of Ireland, North and South. It is also quite obvious that the British Government is on a collision course with the EU, in which our economy and successive peace agreements are regarded as collateral damage. To drag the people of the North out of the EU against the express wishes of the majority of its people fundamentally undermines democracy and the principle of consent, which has become the bulwark of political relations in the North and is the foundation of the peace process.

Economically, the prospect of the return of a hard Border on this island will have hugely negative impacts for SMEs, investors, farmers, the agrifood sector and, of course, on ordinary citizens North and South who will be forced to bear the brunt of the impact. In education, for example, stakeholders have raised significant concerns about the impact of Brexit in areas such as cross-Border funding for educational programmes and initiatives, the institutional framework for North-South co-operation, the impact on teacher flow and supply and the mutual recognition of qualifications. Those important issues were raised at a recent meeting on Brexit with representatives of the Department of Education and Skills. In the higher education sector serious concerns have been raised about the impact of Brexit in terms of attracting EU funding for research and innovation, as well as the issue of student flows North and South and the lack of certainty on future student funding.

Research collaboration between Irish and British and Northern Irish research teams on EU-funded projects has been extensive and mutually beneficial, with 892 collaborative links in successful projects under Horizon 2020. The retention of those collaborative links is crucial to Ireland's ability to attract research funding and develop the expertise that allows us to compete on the international stage in terms of attracting international students and future investment. The designation of special status for the North within the EU is the only credible means by which we can minimise the negative fallout from Brexit. The achievement of special status would allow for the retention of EU funding streams and would protect the common travel area and allow North-South co-operation and collaboration to continue unhindered.

The EU has, on previous occasions, shown itself to be pragmatic and flexible in coming forward with arrangements for dealing with complex situations. Sinn Féin has already commenced a diplomatic offensive on this issue. Both Martin McGuinness and Michelle O'Neill have been in touch with the various Heads of State to outline the need for special status and our Oireachtas team has been meeting with relevant ambassadors. We need the Government to do the same. There is no excuse not to do so. We need a united approach on this issue and we need to speak with one voice North and South to defend the interests of our country and our people, all 32 counties, not just the interests of those in the Twenty-six Counties partitionist state. I urge all parties to support this motion.

Deputy Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin

The uncertainties associated with the forthcoming triggering of Article 50 by British Prime Minister, Theresa May, and the implications it will have for Border communities like my own in Cavan and Monaghan, have instilled an unsurprising sense of foreboding and fear among people North and South of the Border and very especially in those same, and in other, Border counties. The British Government has made it clear that it will trigger Article 50 of the Lisbon Treaty by the end of March 2017 and begin the exit process, and it will also seek to leave the Single Market in what can only be called a hard Brexit. This situation is unprecedented, as no member state has left the European Union and the Single Market before now.

Sinn Féin has been continuously saying that a North of Ireland exit from the European Union would harden the divisions between North and South on this island, with the potential for the re-introduction of customs checkpoints, trading tariffs and adverse knock-on effects for all-island economic activity and co-operation. That would re-affirm and harden the Border and could be the most intense development on the Border landscape since partition and certainly since the demilitarisation of the Border since the Good Friday Agreement.

The Government has continuously assured us that it would do its utmost to avoid any return to a hard Border. However, it is frightening to learn that under Government plans to deal with Brexit, it has begun identifying location points for full customs checkpoints along the Border with the Six Counties. According to reports in the Irish Examiner, internal documents show that the Government is preparing for the return of a hard Border in the wake of Brexit, including the return of full red and green channel checkpoints. Cited in the same publication was a quote from a Minister, whomever that might be, who said "No one is aiming for a soft Brexit anymore, it is now about preparing for the worst". I presume that is not a quote from the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade, Deputy Flanagan.

Deputy Charles Flanagan

Who was it?

Deputy Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin

That is what I do not know.

Acting Chairman (Deputy Declan Breathnach)

Deputy Ó Caoláin should be allowed to speak without interruption.

Deputy Charles Flanagan

Neither do I.

Deputy Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin

Perhaps the Minister will establish that and let us know. The re-establishment of Border checkpoints would be a calamitous scenario for people right across this island, but particularly in Border counties and all efforts must be made to prevent that from happening. The revelation triggers so many questions that I would appreciate some clarification on it. Perhaps the Minister would make a note of my questions and respond appropriately. For example, who is involved in this effort to identity the location for Border controls?

How long have they being doing it? When are they due to report back? To whom will they report? What can the Minister of State tell us regarding their role? Can he confirm what will happen to all the other Border roads that will not be checkpointed? Will it be a return to the dark days of the past where bollards and barriers divided neighbours, families and whole communities? The very prospect of all of this is terrifying. We deserve clarity on all of these matters. These are the questions that ordinary folk living in the Border counties are discussing and are anxious about.

There is a way of avoiding all of this. A total of 56% of people in Northern Ireland voted to remain in the EU. The democratic will of the people must be respected. The only credible approach is for Northern Ireland to be designated with special status within the EU and thereby for the whole island of Ireland to remain within the EU. As part of the Brexit negotiations, it is essential to argue the case for designated special status for Northern Ireland within the Union. I therefore call on all Deputies to support this motion which calls on Government to enter any forthcoming negotiations to defend the democratic mandate of the people of the Six Counties to remain within the EU and to act in Ireland's national interest. The Government should also report to the Houses of the Oireachtas on at least a quarterly basis regarding developments in the Brexit negotiations. I repeat that the Government should negotiate for Northern Ireland to be designated with special status within the EU and for the whole island of Ireland to remain within the EU and together. Iarraim ar Bhaill seasamh le muintir na tíre seo, ó thuaidh agus ó dheas, agus vóta a chaitheamh ar son an rúin thábhachtach seo.

Minister of State at the Department of the Taoiseach (Deputy Dara Murphy)

In reading the motion and the amendments for this evening's Private Members' business one would have to say that we all agree upon an enormous amount of the content of both. We had a very constructive meeting of the Committee on European Union Affairs today. Again, representatives from Fianna Fáil were there. Deputies Haughey and Crowe were present. To date, we have demonstrated two characteristics regarding how we engage with these negotiations. The first has been the strong level of consensus among parties here in the Dáil while the second has been a very strong consensus about the absolute importance the Government and people attach to the issues and challenges that will be faced by our brothers and sisters in Northern Ireland. I have had very good engagement with Máirtín Ó Muilleoir, Deputy Crowe and members of Fianna Fáil and other groups. Listening to the Taoiseach's speech in the Mansion House today, one could see that nobody on these islands is attaching as much importance to the special circumstances that will pertain to the people of Northern Ireland and citizens of the Republic of Ireland who live in Border regions.

The one part of today's debate that we must acknowledge is the fact that the Good Friday Agreement legally binds us to a process of consent with respect to the position of Northern Ireland within the UK. It is true to say that the people of Northern Ireland voted to remain within the EU, as did the people of Scotland and people in London, but the UK did not. We must come up with a framework to deal with the new reality we have, a reality we did not want, which will see a part of this island experience extreme difficulty as we will experience it ourselves through a decision taken by the UK. The Joint Committee on European Union Affairs chaired by Deputy Michael Healy-Rae held meetings in Brussels last week and saw some of the work we have been doing.

I will touch briefly on an issue that has been raised today particularly strongly by Fianna Fáil, namely, the argument for a Brexit Minister. As we move into the negotiations, they will be broken into sectors and modules. For example, Council formations dealing with issues relating to agriculture and transport could take place in different cities and countries with some to be held in Brussels and some in Luxembourg. Only one country has a Brexit minister and that is the country that is leaving the EU, which is the UK. We believe that the Department that should lead these discussions is the Department of the Taoiseach because it will be the European Council that will make the decisions. The preparation for those decisions will be made, as always happens in Europe, in different pieces and sections. Our permanent representative office or embassy in Brussels is already divided into the sectors of discussion that will take place.

I compliment the members of the Committee on European Union Affairs and restate that regardless of whether it is through the European United Left-Nordic Green Left group, of which Sinn Féin is a member; the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe, of which Fianna Fáil is a member; the socialists or other groups, politics in Europe works differently from the way it works here. Every political party will have a very strong role in delivering. As I said at the outset, we do not find much disagreement about our message apart from the real world difficulty with which we must deal concerning the Good Friday Agreement and the fact that while a significant number of people in Northern Ireland did vote to remain in the EU, there is no indication that they would vote to achieve what we would like to achieve, which is a united Ireland.

Deputy Fergus O'Dowd

I extend my thanks for the invitation to attend the Fianna Fáil Brexit summit in County Louth. I also thank the Sinn Féin representatives who attended the Fine Gael summit on Drogheda. This shows that the parties across this House are working together on a very important issue. I am speaking here tonight in my role as chairman of the Fine Gael Brexit committee. We have visited Northern Ireland and have met with the SDLP, Alliance and the UUP. We have written to Sinn Féin and look forward to its response to our invitation. I look forward to meeting with it and the DUP in Northern Ireland when the election is over.

We are all of one mind on this island that peace is hugely important and must be maintained. It is about keeping this debate about peace on our island, economic prosperity and the future of the whole island. Deputy Farrell will speak about the meetings he has had. We have had meetings in counties Louth, Cavan, Sligo and Leitrim. We will hold a meeting in Cavan where the Minister for Arts, Heritage, Regional, Rural and Gaeltacht Affairs has already held a meeting. We will have one as Gaeilge in Dún na nGall at the request of the Minister of State, Deputy McHugh. We are active, committed and listening. That is what Fine Gael is doing. We are campaigning on this issue, as is everyone across this House.

We all want the same outcome. We want our island to continue to be peaceful, prosperous and successful. The Acting Chairman, Deputy Breathnach, is aware of the huge co-operation between the chambers of commerce in Dundalk and Newry. These towns suffered greatly during the Troubles. They were destroyed in terms of their economic infrastructure and job creation. They are now vibrant towns that are working together. The key thing is that they are working together every day. The chambers of commerce have united policies for improving the economic situation North and South. I want to see that continue. Hopefully, I will get a few more minutes in the next debate but I believe we are on the right road here. Let us keep working together and let us drive it forward towards an all island solution that respects all political views and none.

Deputy Alan Farrell

As co-chair of the Fine Gael Brexit committee and having engaged with thousands of members of the public, interested groups and in particular, businesses throughout the country, we are all speaking with one voice in respect of this debate, which I appreciate is very focused on our unique relationship with Northern Ireland.

That is something that is not necessarily commonplace in this Chamber. My colleague, the Minister of State, Deputy Murphy, mentioned it with regard to European politics. This is a time to put aside our ideological differences and accept that this is something we all need to work on together.

I entirely accept the premise that we should have a unique relationship with the Six Counties and with Westminster in the future with regard to how Northern Ireland is treated. However, the reality is that while it remains a part of another jurisdiction, we do not necessarily have a say in the matter. That is regrettable and something we all wish to change, but we must deal with the realities of today. In the intervening period, we have to continue as Houses of Parliament, as Government and as an Executive in further informing our European partners of the importance of the special relationship that we have and of its most important aspects, which are the peace process, the Good Friday Agreement and everything that flows from that. I believe that is a position that we can all agree upon.

In the short time I have remaining I will refer to the request for a specific Minister for Brexit. Having engaged with thousands of people across the State, it is very clear that the concerns are so broad and the issues so great that no one man, woman or even Department, which would have to be established in record speed, would be capable of dealing with this issue. It has to be led from the top and must involve all Ministers. I have engaged with all Ministers and Ministers of State on this matter. The expertise that they bring to the table means that we cannot have one individual person as a Brexit Minister. It has to be a whole-of-Government and a whole-of-Parliament approach to ensuring that Ireland and Northern Ireland are treated in the most appropriate fashion by our 26 other European colleagues.

Deputy Kathleen Funchion

As a member and Chairman of the Joint Committee on the Implementation of the Good Friday Agreement, we have been inviting civic and business groups and political representatives to present to the committee since the Brexit vote was passed. There is cross-party consensus in the committee that there will consequences for the island, not only economically but also politically, what with all of the issues around the uncertainty of the Border. Initially, we heard from both Governments that there could be absolutely no return to a hard Border, but as of yet we have not heard what is the alternative. There appears to be no urgency on this Government's part through its negotiations with the British Government to seek special status for the North or to ensure the protection of the Good Friday Agreement.

Since the publication of the British Government's White Paper on Brexit last month, the establishment of a Border between the North and South once Britain leaves the EU in 2019 has become much more of a reality. It is stated that its aim is to have as seamless and frictionless a Border as possible between Northern Ireland and Ireland. This indicates that it does consider that there will be a Border of some description. We also know that Britain could be in breach of its international obligations under the Good Friday Agreement if it presses ahead with plans to pull out of the European Convention on Human Rights. There is a clear obligation on both Governments to incorporate the European Convention on Human Rights into law in both the Twenty-six Counties and Six Counties. Therefore, should the Human Rights Act be scrapped, the move would place Britain in breach of its international obligations under the Good Friday Agreement.

A recent European Parliament report warned that the British Government's Brexit agenda could require the Good Friday Agreement to be altered. It claims that the impact of Brexit will be political, particularly since the Good Friday Agreement, which is an international agreement, will require alteration. This is because of the uncertainty around the Border and what exactly its return will look like. It states that the re-establishment of a hard Border between the North and the South could provoke a reversal of improvements in cross-Border trade. That is not news to any of us. It is one of our greatest fears for Brexit. We in Sinn Féin have argued at a local, national and European level for special designated status to ensure that the North remains in the EU. The only way to ensure the consequences of Brexit for both North and South are minimised economically and politically is if the democratic wish of the people of the North of Ireland is respected and, through strong negotiations, the North receives special status and remains in the EU.

Deputy Louise O'Reilly

The Sinn Féin motion is very clear on the need for the Government to defend our national interest and to negotiate for the North to be designated with a special status within the EU. We make the case that we need a whole-of-Ireland approach, not least because of the catastrophic effect that Brexit will have for the Border regions and the island more generally, but because it is not a black and white or them versus us situation in respect of the North and the South. We have a symbiotic relationship. People, goods and services flow naturally across a man-made partition. We also co-operate, integrate and work together.

Nowhere is this more prevalent than in health care. Brexit will hit health in terms of free movement, right to health services and regulatory issues. What will happen when we can no longer act as a critical mass for services such as the congenital heart network? What will happen when patients are no longer able to cross the Border to access services under the cross-border directive? What will happen when emergency ambulatory transfers from across the Border are impinged? Services will be restricted and lives could be lost. In recent weeks, the Irish people were shocked and horrified but were also seeing familiar scenes in terms of chronic waiting lists. What will happen with the discontinuation of the entitlement to source treatment in the North and Britain in certain circumstances in which there are delays in having the treatment concerned offered in Ireland where the cost is met by the HSE? Currently, there are soundings being made about the possibility of the entitlement being replaced by a bilateral agreement that would offer a similar level of entitlement.

Reference has also been made to the option of what is known as the S2 route, but that assumes that Britain will become a member of the European Economic Area. Ultimately, entitlements using the S2 route are more restrictive and less favourable than those covered by the cross-border health care directive. In response to parliamentary questions I submitted last year, the HSE revealed that in the 18 months to 30 June 2016, it reimbursed €659,245.09 - just to be accurate - for treatments and services in the North under the cross-border health care directive. This represented 277 people travelling for vital health care. Brexit poses an enormous threat and a further inconvenience to those patients accessing services for which long waiting lists exist - orthopaedics and orthodontics being the most common. If the cross-border directive is no longer applicable to the North post-Brexit, it will create an even greater vacuum in the delivery of health services and put even more pressure on our over-burdened health service.

Deputy Seán Crowe

Sinn Féin's support of a vote for Britain to remain in the EU was not an endorsement of how the EU is currently structured or of how it operates. We are quite clearly critical of the EU and spend a lot of time inside and outside of this House, as people know, criticising it and the way in which it operates. However, placing an external border is not a solution. Popular protests at customs posts, as suggested by one of the amendments tonight, will not solve any of the problems that the Border counties and the people living along the Border clearly face.

I thank everyone who contributed to the debate this evening. I believe the contributions reflected the concern we all have for Brexit. It is important that we unite on this issue because it is of critical importance to Ireland and its people. Ireland's national interests must be defended. That has been the message that most of the speakers have articulated tonight.

The British Government's pursuit of a hard Brexit may well impose an amendment to the Northern Ireland Act 1998, which gives legislative authority to the Good Friday Agreement. I believe this is unacceptable to everyone in this House. The Good Friday Agreement was endorsed by the overwhelming majority of citizens across the island of Ireland as well as the Irish and British Governments, which are the co-guarantors responsible for safeguarding its integrity. It is not the unilateral right of any British Government to interfere with this democratically agreed Agreement nor can any British Government overrule the democratically expressed wishes of the people in the North to remain within the EU.

That is the reason this motion is so important. The Irish Government must fulfil its moral and legal duty to stand up for the rights of all citizens, including those in the North. We cannot allow the British Government's withdrawal from the European Union to undermine the protections and safeguards or the principle of consent enshrined in the Good Friday Agreement. A hard Brexit means a hard Border on the island of Ireland, and that must be avoided at all costs.

We believe there is a particular onus on the Irish Government to take a stand in the forthcoming negotiations with other European Union member states. Sinn Féin wants to secure the natural position of the whole of Ireland within the EU by designating special status to the North within the European Union. The democratic mandate of the people of the North to remain within the EU must be respected through designated special status which can secure the position of the entire island of Ireland within the European Union. As a party, Sinn Féin has been on a diplomatic offensive. Like many others, I have been in regular meetings with ambassadors of the EU member states in Dublin briefing them on the need for the North to be given that special status within the EU.

Like other speakers, I, too, was on the recent trip to Brussels where we met with Michel Barnier, the chief negotiator for the Commission, and Guy Verhofstadt, the MEP who is the European Parliament representative in those negotiations. In all the meetings we had there was a broad understanding that Ireland was in a unique position regarding Brexit and I believe there was a willingness to examine this island's complex territorial issue. We know there is huge goodwill towards Ireland but that must be turned into positive action. The EU has shown its flexibility in complex territorial disputes in the past. As a priority, therefore, the Government must negotiate on the basis of ensuring that the North gets special status within the EU. The motion before the House tonight calls on it to do just that. I welcome that this will be passed and I thank all those who indicated that they will support it.

Acting Chairman (Deputy Declan Breathnach)

I thank the Deputies for their co-operation with regard to time-keeping.

Amendment put.

Deputy Seán Crowe

Vótáil.

Acting Chairman (Deputy Declan Breathnach)

In accordance with Standing Order 70(2), the division is postponed until the weekly division time on Thursday, 16 February 2017.