Gerry Adams
Question:1. Deputy Gerry Adams asked the Taoiseach when the last meeting of the Cabinet Committee on European Affairs was held; and when the next meeting is scheduled. [15227/17]
Ceisteanna - Questions
EU Issues
Joan Burton
Question:2. Deputy Joan Burton asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his attendance at the European Council in Rome on 26 March 2017. [15509/17]
Micheál Martin
Question:3. Deputy Micheál Martin asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the commemoration ceremony for the Treaty of Rome; if he held any bilaterals at same; and the items that were discussed. [16399/17]
Brendan Howlin
Question:4. Deputy Brendan Howlin asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet Committee on European Affairs last met; and when it will next meet. [16423/17]
Brendan Howlin
Question:5. Deputy Brendan Howlin asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his attendance and meetings at the event to mark the 60th Anniversary of the signing of the Treaty of Rome. [16729/17]
I propose to take Questions Nos. 1 to 5, inclusive, together.
The Cabinet Committee on EU Affairs last met on Wednesday 8 March, the day before the European Council meeting in Brussels. The date of the next meeting of the Cabinet committee has not yet been confirmed.
I attended the Rome Summit on 25 March, as well as an audience with Pope Francis in the Vatican the previous evening. On the morning of 25 March, the 27 EU Heads of State and Government met without the UK in the room where the Treaty of Rome had been signed in 1957. The event included speeches by the Italian hosts, the Maltese EU Presidency, and the presidents of the three EU Institutions. There were no interventions from other Heads of State or Government. We agreed to adopt and then formally signed the "Rome Declaration". This short document highlights the important achievements of the EU over the past 60 years, the continuing importance of our shared values, and our commitment to addressing our future in a united and coherent way.
In discussions leading up to the event in Rome, and during informal conversations in the margins, I stressed that the EU, founded on the rule of law, democracy and human rights, has delivered peace and prosperity across the continent, and that this is best preserved and promoted through the Union.
I am pleased that, despite some differences, there was a strong sense of unity among EU leaders in Rome. I also highlighted the need to focus on our core values, and to co-operate in areas where we agree, and where Europe can add value such as completing the Single Market and supporting jobs through trade.
I had no scheduled bilateral meetings in Rome. However, I used the opportunity of the summit to engage with my EU counterparts and to reiterate Ireland's concerns arising from Brexit, specifically around Northern Ireland and the peace process, the common travel area, and our interwoven economies. The UK triggered Article 50 on Wednesday 29 March. Draft negotiating guidelines have since been circulated to member states, and I am pleased that these reflect Ireland's particular concerns, as, indeed, did Prime Minister May's letter to the European Council. The draft guidelines will be further discussed at senior official and ministerial level over the next few weeks, with a view to agreeing them at a meeting of the European Council on 29 April. We will continue our process of intensive engagement with member states and EU institutions during this period.
I have not met bilaterally with Chancellor Merkel since Article 50 was triggered. However, I will travel to Germany later this week, and am due to have a bilateral meeting with the Chancellor in Berlin on Thursday.
The EU Council guidelines published last Friday reveal what I believe to have been a failure by the Government to stand up for Irish interests. Article 11 deals with the island of Ireland, the peace process and the North, and it is vague and conditional. It contracts starkly with Article 22, which deals with Spain and Gibraltar and gives a determining say to Spain on whether any trade deal beyond Brexit will apply to Gibraltar. After Britain leaves the EU, any future trade deal that cannot be agreed until after Brexit will need the agreement of all members states but Spain is positioning itself by suggesting that the trade deal might only apply to Gibraltar in a situation of joint sovereignty between it and the British. This has resulted in an outpouring of English jingoism not witnessed since the Brexit referendum campaign last summer. Last weekend, former Tory leader, Michael Howard, evoked the memory of Mrs. Thatcher and the possibility of war with Spain. The Daily Telegraph went so far as to rush off to analyse which state had the better navy. It would be almost funny if it were not so serious.
The Government must now act on the Dáil motion passed in February which calls for the North to be afforded special designated status within the EU. When will the Government publish its response to the EU guidelines? The Taoiseach has said that he will publish a White Paper or a consolidated paper outlining the Government's negotiating position before the end of the month. Can he be more definitive on when this paper will be published? Will he ensure that the House has the opportunity to fully debate the Government's position before the EU Council meeting on 29 April?
As has been the norm for many years, we always have an opportunity to discuss the agenda for Council meetings before they are held and for Deputies to make comments on them. The Government will published a more detailed document before 29 April. I do not have the exact date now but I will come back to the Deputy with it.
I disagree with the Deputy that the document circulated by the EU in respect of the draft guidelines is a failure. The guidelines are not a failure. They include a very strong acknowledgement of our unique circumstances and special case, the need to protect the peace process and the Good Friday Agreement and our intention to maintain bilateral arrangements with the UK such as in respect of the common travel area. The draft guidelines will be circulated among the 27 member states. The priorities which we have outlined for some time are also referred to specifically in the letter from Prime Minister May to President Tusk of the Council. They are also referenced specifically in the European Parliament paper. The Parliament has to give approval to the negotiated document at the end of the day. From that point of view, chief negotiator Barnier, President Tusk of the Council, President Juncker of the Commission, Prime Minister May and the European Parliament all recognise Ireland's particular, special and unique circumstances.
It is also fair to say that Gibraltar is a different case from Ireland. Ireland and Northern Ireland, the peace process and the common travel area are all guaranteed by the Irish and British Governments under the Good Friday Agreement and an internationally legally binding treaty registered with the United Nations. Gibraltar joined the EU with the UK and any change in the status of Gibraltar is a matter between the UK and the Kingdom of Spain. That is a clear position, which is different from what applies here where we have a peace process, a Border, an internationally legally binding agreement and where the priorities outlined by the Government are contained in the EU draft guidelines, the British Prime Minister's letter and the European Parliament paper. It has taken negotiation and contact on a regular basis to have people fully understand our special status, our unique circumstances and our particular problems.
Is the Taoiseach disappointed over the outbreak of verbal hostilities in respect of Gibraltar? Everything he has been saying to us over the past number of months has been sweetly reassuring that he has managed to skate away from the difficulties of the UK leaving the EU after 44 years.
With respect to Mrs. May's letter triggering Article 50, was the Taoiseach disappointed that security issues were specifically tied into it? What implications does that have, in particular in the context of Northern Ireland and the fact that there is a significant British presence there?
The Taoiseach said that the response of the EU in the negotiating document is not a failure as regards Ireland. I can understand that what he has is a lot of soft assurances from different people and I am sure he feels a sense of achievement in gathering them but what will happen now? The Labour Party, Deputy Howlin and I have asked repeatedly whether there will be an all-island dimension to these negotiations because, as the Taoiseach well knows, there has been slippage in tourism, agriculture and agribusiness.
We face one of the most difficult historical challenges the island of Ireland and the Republic of Ireland have faced since they came into being.
The British Prime Minister wrote in her letter that the United Kingdom does not want to do anything to harm Ireland. It is not a soft assurance. It is written as part of a formal letter never written before in triggering Article 50.
They might have voted differently so.
It is a bit late.
The road to hell is paved with good intentions.
So long as it is Britain first.
She also makes points in respect of the Border, the peace process, the common travel area and priorities that have been identified between the Irish and British Government - between Dublin and Downing Street - for quite some time. These are not soft assurances at all. They are written, specific intentions from the British Prime Minister's point of view. That is correlated on the other side by the very clear statement from the European Council. The third element of that is the very clear statements from the European Parliament. The European Parliament should not be forgotten here because it has to give its consent to the outcome of the negotiations. Deputy Burton spoke of an all-Ireland dimension. Deputy Howlin, the leader of Deputy Burton's party, spoke at both civic forums on an all-island basis and made a valuable contribution, as did many of the other party leaders. There is no executive at the moment in Northern Ireland. I hope that can come together very quickly so that common objectives and the voice of the North can be heard at these discussions. The opportunity for all-island solutions in respect of water, energy and animal health are all possible. We have a specific set of unique circumstances that apply in the case of Ireland. Deputy Burton also talked about slippage. Unemployment today is at 6.4%, which is down from 15.2% when Deputy Burton and the former Minister, Deputy Howlin, took up duty in the previous Government. It is an extraordinary change in a few short years. There have never been more opportunities in so many ways for creating employment. Brexit is a challenge. It contains uncertainties but these are all matters for us to negotiate hard on. As I have often said, we have prepared assiduously in so many ways with long-term low interest, by hedging forward and with extra trade missions and support for small companies exporting out of here. We will treat this as a very serious matter in respect of the protection of our economy and our citizens' jobs.
I am conscious there is a further debate on Brexit later today and tomorrow during which we can address in more detail the events of the past ten days. Some of the points raised during the Treaty of Rome commemorations deserve comment. In both the United Kingdom's notification and the draft negotiating position, it is fair to say that certain of Ireland's concerns are addressed. It is welcome that no one appears to be in favour of a hard Border but everything else is up for negotiation. We have not really had a definition or fleshing out of what people mean by a hard Border versus any other kind of border. One major point of concern is the failure of the United Kingdom Government to propose any provisions which might be specific to devolved governments. Not only is special status for Northern Ireland not proposed, it appears to be explicitly ruled out. It is looking at a pan-British approach to the relationship with the European Union. Crucially it omits to mention that 1.8 million people in Northern Ireland will retain the right to European Union citizenship irrespective of the settlement. There are a series of issues that we would like to see addressed in more detail in the European Union's negotiating document. The most important is that it must acknowledge the unique position of Northern Ireland and its citizens. Will the Taoiseach commit to seeking an acknowledgement of the EU citizenship of residents of Northern Ireland post-2019 in the EU's negotiating document? It is a simple question. I would appreciate a direct answer to it.
When people voted for this in 1998, they voted on the basis of an expectation of the continuation of European Union rights. That applies from the referendum North and South. It is something we want to protect and which will be protected. I want to see in the negotiated outcome the language of the portion of the Good Friday Agreement relevant to the future opportunity that may present itself in Northern Ireland. As the visionaries of the Good Friday Agreement foresaw, there may be a time when the people vote to have a united Ireland. The language of the Good Friday Agreement that allows for that should be included as part of the negotiated outcome so in that eventuality, Northern Ireland would not then be asked to trigger Article 49 to rejoin the European Union. It would be allowed to do so in a seamless transition in the same way as East Germany was able to form the federal republic with West Germany when the Berlin Wall came down. It is important. For those who drafted the Good Friday Agreement, it was quite a visionary thing to put in because that time may come. It will be important that the negotiations include that language as the continuation of the vision and foresight of those who drafted the Good Friday Agreement in the first place.
By way of clarification, the Taoiseach said the Government will publish a detailed list of actions. Will that be a Government White Paper on Brexit? By when will it be published?
I said before 29 April. I will give the Deputy the date.
Will it be a White Paper?
I am not sure what colour it will be but it will be a far more detailed document than anything we have published to date.
Did the Taoiseach have sight in advance of the document that was published by President Tusk? Does the Taoiseach agree with the Spanish position on Gibraltar that Spain will not agree to a free trade agreement with the UK that covers Gibraltar? Has the Taoiseach discussed that with Prime Minister Rajoy or with the Chief Minister of Gibraltar? Does the Taoiseach see that conditionality having any implications for Ireland?
I did not see the drafting of the document from the Tusk point of view but we had quite a deal of discussion about it at COREPER diplomatic level, senior official level and so on. Ireland had a direct input into the section of the Tusk paper that refers to our priorities in respect of Northern Ireland and the special and unique circumstances that apply there. When I was in Spain last November and had a meeting with Prime Minister Rajoy, we discussed the difference that applies in the case of Northern Ireland versus Catalonia and Gibraltar. Northern Ireland is a special case with particular circumstances and a unique situation governed by an internationally legally binding agreement. Last week when I was in Malta, I had a meeting with Prime Minister Rajoy. We agreed that any change in the status of Gibraltar would be a matter for the Spanish Government, the Kingdom of Spain and the United Kingdom. It is a separate matter from the-----
What about the active Spanish veto over trade agreements?
We did not discuss any veto. I understand and accept that any change in the status of Gibraltar is a matter for bilateral discussion between the United Kingdom and the Kingdom of Spain. If the Spanish Government goes beyond that in its views, it is a matter for the Government. Any change in the status, from our point of view, is a matter bilaterally between Spain and the United Kingdom. That differentiates just how unique the particular circumstances are that apply here in the case of Northern Ireland, the peace process, the common travel area and so on. The Spanish understand that very clearly. We have a very clear understanding of the position in so far as Gibraltar is concerned.
Cabinet Committee Meetings
Gerry Adams
Question:6. Deputy Gerry Adams asked the Taoiseach when the next meeting of the Cabinet committee on economy, trade and jobs will be held. [15403/17]
Joan Burton
Question:7. Deputy Joan Burton asked the Taoiseach when the Cabinet committee on economy, trade and jobs last met. [15510/17]
I propose to take Questions Nos. 6 and 7 together.
The Cabinet Committee on the economy, trade and jobs last met on 27 February this year. The next Cabinet committee on economy, trade and jobs is scheduled to take place next Monday morning.
By the way, I do not accept the Taoiseach's logic regarding Ireland, the North and his points on Gibraltar. They are different situations, but I still regard-----
They are different.
I am well aware of that-----
Was there any discussion about Rockall?
I did not expect-----
-----but that does not in any way relieve the Taoiseach-----
-----that the Deputy would accept it.
No, I accept it. Of course I know that Gibraltar, the North and the Irish situation are different. For goodness sake, talk about a statement of the obvious. The Taoiseach cannot be relieved in the way that he has sought to be relieved of the responsibility that he carries to attain maximum negotiating leverage in respect of the rights and interests of all of Ireland, including the North.
Deputy, we have moved on to Question No. 6.
I do not believe that the Taoiseach has arrived at that position.
I accept that, Deputy McDonald. Of course.
We will debate that again, I am sure.
Do not try to divert the argument. I accept that completely.
I am not diverting anything.
We will have a full debate.
Then what is Deputy McDonald saying?
I am responding to the gibberish that I had to endure for the past couple of minutes.
What is the Deputy saying?
If we cannot agree on much else, we all accept that Brexit is a major threat to the economies on this island. A weekend report in The Sunday Business Post claimed that the Government was afraid that Irish companies would relocate to Britain to avoid tariffs and currency risks. It also claimed to have received a series of internal Government documents under freedom of information request that showed the breadth of the Government's concerns across a range of sectors, including fishing, research, forestry and agrifood. Apparently, one of the documents revealed the Government's concern about the possibility that, post Brexit, Britain would be in a better position to attract foreign direct investment. Is that true?
The Department of Agriculture, Food and the Marine's briefing notes warn that this State faces "a very uncertain situation related to the management and sharing of a large number of different fish stocks". The British fishing industry wants to exclude all foreign boats, including Irish ones, from its fisheries zone after Brexit. That will directly impact on at least 36% of fish caught by this State's fishing fleet. What measures is the Taoiseach proposing to protect our fishing industry? I will leave it at that because time is against me.
I would like it if Deputy McDonald was a little clearer on what it was that she was saying. I accept my responsibilities as Taoiseach in terms of the negotiating mandate and requirement that we have here, and that is why I have kept the Opposition party leaders fully briefed on the preparations for Brexit in that regard.
It is true, and I agree with the Deputy, that we have never been down this road before. Nobody has moved Article 50. Nobody has left the European Union. This is going to have an impact, not just nationally or internationally, but also globally, and it will have an impact on the economies of the island of Ireland. That is why it is very important that the Deputy's own party would work with the other parties in the North and put together the Executive, which will speak for the economic aspects and the businesses and the trade unions and the workers in Northern Ireland.
Yes, I think it is probably true that, over the last number of years, there have been Irish firms that set up subsidiaries or relocated some of their enterprises in Britain long before Brexit ever came. It is also true that, in respect of the interest being expressed in Ireland from financial houses, banks or sectors of them, they are very interested in relocating to Ireland. Many have multiple units at the moment. They will want to continue to be part of the Single Market. They have the second highest busiest route in the world, with connectivity, English language speakers and access to a churn of young talent, which is very important in terms of the products and services that are going to be provided in the future. Clearly, we have lost €500 million in value terms, because of currency fluctuations, in the drinks and food industry, and Enterprise Ireland has been very conscious of this.
Fish stocks will probably be one of the most complicated arguments of all. The Common Fisheries Policy is not something that can be unravelled in individual segments because it has been a traded business over very many years when some countries had no real interest in their fisheries potential, including ourselves, I have to say. While it might be very much in Britain's interests that Brexit would suit it, in that a majority of the quota is caught in British waters, clearly there will be some very complicated negotiations to be held about the fisheries industry and fishery stocks in the time ahead.
Clearly, agriculture has suffered some difficulties in the context of an approaching Brexit. This applies in some areas of agribusiness, most notably the mushroom trade, which was partly brought on by changes in the value of sterling. There are other issues, not just with fishing, but also tourism. For the first time in a long while, tourism figures have fallen somewhat, although hopefully not much more. Much of this relates to changes in the value of sterling, with people who have been planning a break in, for example, County Donegal finding that their pound sterling does not go as far.
I am asked a certain question all of the time. I am sure that other Members are as well. What, if anything, is the Government doing to help businesses in agriculture, tourism and so on? I have read everything from Enterprise Ireland and the IDA and I know that the Taoiseach and Ministers have run a series of conferences, but the Taoiseach just pointed to a key issue. Notwithstanding his acknowledgement that certain areas face difficulties, he referred to Ireland potentially attracting new banking jobs to Dublin, for example, but that is exactly what the crisis is going to be about. Jobs are leaving rural Ireland and tourism areas on the west coast, including in the north west, are facing falls. Those who work in the west and the rest of rural Ireland in fishing, farming, agribusiness, mushrooms in Monaghan or elsewhere will not get those banking jobs in Dublin or Cork city. That is where the disconnect lies. The Taoiseach does not seem to be tied into it.
The Deputy needs to conclude. Time is up.
What does the Taoiseach propose to do for such businesses, which are facing difficulties? Has the Cabinet sub-committee ever considered this matter?
The first thing that I would say to Deputy Burton is that tourism has enormous potential. The Wild Atlantic Way is a concept that has caught on. The lakelands and the midlands districts are seeing a huge surge of interest from abroad, as is Ireland's Ancient East. The Norwegian decision to fly from Cork, Shannon, Belfast and Dublin will do for long haul what Ryanair did for short haul. I expect seriously increased numbers to come in. Clearly, Ireland is seen as a very attractive location from a hospitality point of view.
As the Deputy knows, on the broader scene we are making a joint bid for the rugby world cup for 2023. Advance preparation is very much in train there. The British Open will be coming here in 2019. The Irish Open will for one in three years go to Northern Ireland. The opportunities for the hospitality sector are very strong. It should be remembered that the Minister for Finance reduced the VAT rate during the Deputy's own time in Government, from 13.5% to 9%. That is oftentimes forgotten, but not only did it sustain the industry, it created between 35,000 and 50,000 new jobs.
Unemployment is at 6.4% today. This is almost full employment, as the Deputy recognises. That trend was in the downward direction when both she and Deputy Howlin were in the previous Government. I see Microsoft and Indeed here in Dublin, NGINX in Cork, Allergan in Westport, multiple announcements of jobs in the Limerick area, and the advance factories in Sligo, Athlone, Castlebar and Tralee being completed and seriously investigated in terms of employment opportunities.
These are opportunities here for foreign direct investment. That line of investment continues to be strong. When I was in the United States recently I came across many people interested in following through either on initial assessments or existing investments here. When I was in Davos earlier in the year with the Minister for Finance we met 20 chief executives, many of whom are looking seriously at Ireland in terms of investment. On the other hand, we have given Enterprise Ireland additional resources, staff and facilities to help small and medium enterprises to export. There were 100 trade missions abroad this year. We can sell far more in the eurozone, the Nordic countries and beyond. These are opportunities in respect of which we are working hard with the ministries for trade and diplomatic services. Everybody now has a role in selling the brand image of Ireland because of the integrity and quality of what we produce.
I will allow a quick supplementary question from Deputies Micheál Martin, Brendan Howlin and Seán Haughey.
The overriding priority in terms of Brexit is trade. It is the issue that will determine the degree of damage that will be done to the island of Ireland as a result of Brexit. In other words, if a bespoke deal is done with Britain, which maintains, in essence, the Single Market that we currently enjoy, then significant progress may be made in damage limitation in terms of Brexit. In that context, has the Cabinet Committee on the Economy, Trade and Jobs commissioned or produced a position paper or analysis on the impact on trade of a hard Brexit and has it undertaken a sector by sector analysis in terms of the impact of the British decision to leave the European Union? We have some idea of the likely impact on the agrifood sector. The Taoiseach referenced fishing rights in terms of our capacity to fish our quota, a significant amount of which currently takes place in British waters. It seems to me that we cannot take our eye off the ball in terms of trade. I know the European Union will be doing the bulk of the negotiations but surely at this stage there must be a sector by sector analysis by the Cabinet Committee on the Economy, Trade and Jobs and the Department of Jobs, Enterprise and Innovation with a view to our having an idea as to the potential impact of Brexit on trade. Can the Taoiseach confirm whether work has been undertaken on such a paper and, if so, will he commit to publishing it?
I want to follow-up on the regional impact, which is really important. The analysis suggests that Dublin might do all right out of all of this but there will be regions that will be enormously adversely hit, particularly the midlands and the south east. That is what the ESRI has told us and the Taoiseach directly. We need to be working right now on an export strategy that improves our direct links to the Continent from the island of Ireland. This will require us to have a ports strategy. I am aware of all of the arguments in regard to State subvention to develop ports such as the Rosslare Europort. We need to have a policy platform that will ensure that we greatly improve our direct links. Is the Taoiseach working on such a ports plan? What specifically does he have in mind for Rosslare Europort? The Taoiseach will recall that the Indecon plan referenced a different governance structure for it. Will that be part of the plan?
On the economy, trade and jobs, Dublin City Council is currently finalising reports on Brexit. The indications are that Dublin will not be Brexit ready. The view is that we will not be able to cater for the opportunities for Dublin in terms of financial services and so forth because of a lack of investment in housing, infrastructure, transport and so on and that economic growth will cause problems for Dublin in that we will not be able to meet the capacity. I hope Government Ministers are conscious of those reports. There are small opportunities arising out of Brexit. However, Dublin City Council has produced reports which suggest that we need a lot of investment to ensure we can harness those opportunities.
Deputy Haughey's last comment is true. Following on from the collapse of the construction sector during the recession 100,000 jobs were lost and construction came to a stand-still. We are starting from a low base to catch up on that curve. There is €42 billion on the table in terms of the capital programme for the next number of years. The scale of what is to be provided from an infrastructure point of view is exceptionally challenging. Currently, there is approximately 3.5 million sq. ft. of commercial space under development and a further 1 million sq. ft. under refurbishment. As the Deputy will be aware, work in respect of the cross-city Luas project is ongoing, as is work on connecting bridges and extension of the DART line. These are infrastructural issues that are challenging. We also need to address the supply of housing, which is very much on the rear foot, particularly in the social area, and the Government is addressing this as a matter of priority.
We have set out the strategy. There are 14 different sectors being analysed by the Department. As has been said, we want to increase our indigenous exports, including food, to €26 billion by 2020, which is a 26% increase on the figure for 2015. We also want to generate 30,000 more jobs in tourism by 2020 and €5 billion in overseas tourism revenues by 2025, all of which is challenging but achievable. We want to secure 900 new foreign direct investments between now and 2019 and to increase our international-----
That is a separate matter. My question was about the impact of Brexit.
Yes. We have sectoral analyses under way. All of the different options have been examined. We want to increase our student numbers to 176,500 by the academic year 2019-20 and to intensify and diversify 80% of indigenous export growth to 2020 to be outside of the UK market and to maintain exports of at least €7.5 billion to the UK. These are the issues on which we are following through.
In response to Deputy Martin's question, all of the options have been examined. The Deputy is correct that trade is the issue. In regard to the negotiations that are to take place the nature of the trading relationship is still not clear. The document from President Tusk is going through the 27 and will be signed off on, hopefully, on 29 April. The document sets out the ground work and foundations of what will happen. This goes back to the issue of full membership of the Customs Union, partial membership of the Customs Union, no deal and the consequences of that for tariffs, as pointed out by the Deputy. In terms of where we are now, the letter triggering Article 50 has been put in place; an initial response has been issued by the European Union and the foundation document on the discussions and negotiations that will take place has been issued. It remains to be seen what the eventual outcome will be.
We launched the new trade, tourism and investment strategy entitled, Ireland Connected: Trading and Investing in a Dynamic World. We have also made it clear that 135,000 of the 200,000 to be created by 2020 will be outside the Dublin region. In regard to Deputy Haughey's point that Dublin is not ready for Brexit, I know there will be serious investment here by the different financial sectors but it will not all happen in 18 months. A bank deciding to locate here will have to go through a regulatory process in regard to licensing and so on. The Minister for Finance has made arrangements for the European Central Bank to provide expert personnel if that is needed.
In regard to the ports issue raised by Deputy Howlin, the Minister has already pointed out that following the opening of the European Investment Bank office in Dublin there are opportunities here for major pieces of infrastructure and there will be an income stream to deal with those loans. Again, much depends on the trading relationship and whether tariffs will apply at ports because that could change the economic model of the port to be involved. Rosslare is a case in point.
We need to be planning for that now.
Yes. That is the reason the office was opened in its current location. These matters are under active consideration. The foundation document should be signed off on 29 April. We will then move on from there. The Minister of State, Deputy Eoghan Murphy, is very active all over Europe with the financial houses in promoting Ireland as the best country in the world in which to invest.
EU Meetings
Gerry Adams
Question:8. Deputy Gerry Adams asked the Taoiseach his plans for bilateral meetings with other Heads of State or Government in the period up to the end of June 2017. [15404/17]
I will meet the President of the Republic of Croatia, Kolinda Grabar-Kitarovi, later this afternoon as part of her three-day state visit to Ireland. On Thursday, I will travel to Berlin to meet the German Chancellor, Angela Merkel. I will use the opportunity to participate in trade promotion events in Frankfurt and Berlin. On 29 April, I will attend the European Council meeting of 27 member states in Brussels, which will focus on the guidelines for the Article 50 negotiations on the UK's departure from the EU. As is usually the case, there will be opportunities for bilateral discussions with my EU counterparts on the margins of that meeting. These meetings and discussions are part of the Government's ongoing programme of engaging with the other 26 member states with a view to ensuring there is a good understanding of our unique concerns and particular priorities arising from the UK's decision to leave the EU. They will also allow for discussion of broader EU issues, including the Rome agenda for the future of Europe. Dates for possible meetings with other EU Heads of Government are being explored. In that regard, I have arranged a meeting with Prime Minister Rutte of the Netherlands and Prime Minister Rasmussen. I think it will take place on 24 April next.
There is no rush out the door.
He is not going anywhere.
These are the three countries that are most affected by Brexit. Confirmation of the meeting, which is not mentioned in the written reply, came through yesterday.
The question asked the Taoiseach to outline his plans up to the end of June 2017.
Yes.
He might like to take this opportunity to illuminate us further on whether he will be Taoiseach at that stage.
We discussed earlier the Council meeting of 29 April at which guidelines will be agreed. The Taoiseach and the Government have four weeks in which to speak to our EU partners. I believe it is necessary to amend the existing paragraph 11 guideline we discussed earlier. It is currently cast in a vague and unsatisfactory manner. We now need an assertive, clear and decisive position. Would the Taoiseach be prepared to propose an amendment to paragraph 11? Would he be prepared to discuss a possible amendment to paragraph 11 with the rest of us? Given that the Easter recess will begin at the end of next week, will the Government agree to hold a debate on these EU guidelines next week?
Recent references to Gibraltar have shown that Ireland is not the only country that is lobbying on the various issues at bilateral meetings. Our perspective from the outset of this process has been that the programme of top-level bilateral meetings does not seem to have been near what we would have expected. We felt that a tour like the tour of capitals that takes place before a country takes on the Presidency of the EU should have taken place to enable the Taoiseach to meet Prime Ministers across Europe in advance of the Brexit situation. That has not happened. I do not have the exact figure, but my understanding is that half of member states have yet to be visited to the requisite standard. This is unquestionably the most important issue in a generation. The trips that are made by various Ministers of State do not tend to get noticed above the radar to the same extent as the visit of a Prime Minister.
The Minister of State, Deputy Murphy, is doing his best.
He always does.
He is all over Europe.
Some Ministers of State might be noticed more than others. I will put it that way. I will not elaborate on which Murphy I am talking about.
There are two Murphys.
Will the Taoiseach tell us whether it is intended that every member state will receive a visit at Head of Government level before the most complex issues concerning Ireland arise? My second point relates to staffing. Last week, I asked the Taoiseach about the plans to address the clear lack of staff in key parts of our diplomatic service. In my view, the staffing level is not where it should be, given what is now required in terms of both British-Irish and European-Irish relations. We do not have enough people on the ground.
I think quality is more important than numbers in terms of staff. If we need to draft in extra people with specialist knowledge, we have the imprimatur of the House and we will do that. The three most affected countries here are Denmark, the Netherlands and Ireland. I am meeting the other two Heads of Government later this month. Prime Minister Rutte has to put together a Government following the recent Dutch general election. I had a meeting with Prime Minister Rajoy. I am meeting Chancellor Merkel this week. My intention is to get around to them all. I meet them at European Council meetings. I have met them twice in Malta in recent times. I intend to get around to them all to consult with them directly. They know about Ireland's position, as reflected in the European Parliament and indeed in the British Prime Minister's letter triggering Article 50. It received unanimous support in the European Council.
What about the amendment to paragraph 11?
Every time I see the two Murphys, they have been all over Europe.
Never mind the two Murphys.
The Ministers of State from Cork and Dublin are fighting the case for Ireland vigorously.
I also asked about the amendment to paragraph 11.
The Deputy is free to make any sort of proposition she wants to.
I asked whether the Taoiseach is open to amending paragraph 11.
I am open to hearing everybody's contribution and everybody's recommendation. We set out to have our priorities enshrined in the British document and the European Parliament document. They are referenced very clearly in both documents.
The European Parliament resolution is much better. We agree on that point.
They are specifically referenced in the document produced by the European Council, which is the deciding body at the end of the day, as the Deputy knows.
I know.