When he returns, we will move to questions to the Taoiseach. The first group will be Questions Nos. 1 to 9, inclusive.
Ceisteanna - Questions
There are nine questions in the first group. I suggest we manage the time in some way so that-----
How long do we get to speak? Can we work that out now?
There are 15 minutes in total. There is the Taoiseach's reply, which I have not yet seen. There are seven Deputies with questions. We will give a minute to each and allow a composite reply from the Taoiseach.
A composite reply.
Otherwise the last person will not get an opportunity. Is that agreed? Agreed.
If we have two questions, do we get two minutes?
We will use discretion. I understand the Taoiseach is grouping Questions Nos. 1 to 9, inclusive.
Official Engagements
Eamon Ryan
Question:1. Deputy Eamon Ryan asked the Taoiseach the most recent discussions he has had with the British Prime Minister regarding the sequencing of Brexit negotiation talks. [25653/17]
Ruth Coppinger
Question:2. Deputy Ruth Coppinger asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his recent contact with other Heads of Government. [27222/17]
Mick Barry
Question:3. Deputy Mick Barry asked the Taoiseach if he has yet spoken to the British Prime Minister. [27227/17]
Brendan Howlin
Question:4. Deputy Brendan Howlin asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his engagements with the British Prime Minister since the UK general election. [27242/17]
Mattie McGrath
Question:5. Deputy Mattie McGrath asked the Taoiseach the engagements that he has had with the British Prime Minister following the recent Manchester Arena and London Bridge terrorist incidents. [27549/17]
Micheál Martin
Question:6. Deputy Micheál Martin asked the Taoiseach if he has spoken to the British Prime Minister, Mrs. May, or any EU leader since the horrendous attacks and loss of lives on London Bridge; and if he is setting up a COBRA type committee. [27551/17]
Eamon Ryan
Question:7. Deputy Eamon Ryan asked the Taoiseach the discussions he has had with the British Prime Minister since assuming office. [27855/17]
Gerry Adams
Question:8. Deputy Gerry Adams asked the Taoiseach if he has had any engagement with the British Prime Minister, Mrs. Theresa May, since he took office. [28792/17]
Richard Boyd Barrett
Question:9. Deputy Richard Boyd Barrett asked the Taoiseach if he has been in contact with the British Prime Minister and other UK political leaders since the recent election. [28835/17]
I propose to take Questions Nos. 1 to 9, inclusive, together.
I spoke by phone with the French President, Mr. Emmanuel Macron, the Chancellor of Germany, Dr. Angela Merkel, and the British Prime Minister, Mrs. Theresa May, on 15 June, and with Prime Minister Modi of India on 16 June.
In my call with President Macron, we spoke about working together to advance the EU reform agenda, noting that there were many areas of common interest between Ireland and France. We also discussed Brexit. We looked forward to seeing each other at the European Council in Brussels this week.
Chancellor Merkel and I discussed the Northern Ireland talks and spoke about the renewed closeness of relations between Germany and France being a positive force for the future of the EU. We also discussed Brexit, and agreed to meet for more substantive discussions in Brussels this week.
In my conversation with the British Prime Minister, Mrs. May, following my appointment, I extended the Government's sympathies to her and to the people of London on the tragic fire at the Grenfell Tower. We also discussed Brexit, and the ongoing political discussions in London and in Belfast, agreeing on the need to have the Northern Ireland Executive up and running as quickly as possible. We agreed to meet in Downing Street to continue our discussions.
In the meeting on Monday, I again expressed my sympathies on the recent tragedies and atrocities in London. We discussed the situation in Northern Ireland in some detail. We are both absolutely committed to seeing the Northern Ireland institutions back up and running as a matter of urgency. We discussed our respective contacts with the parties in recent days. I am confident that, in our role as co-guarantors of the Good Friday Agreement, we can provide resolute support and encouragement to the Northern Ireland parties in the days ahead, and that with goodwill and respect on all sides we can reach a successful conclusion to the current talks.
Now that formal negotiations between the EU and the UK have commenced, it is vital that the views and concerns of Northern Ireland are fully reflected. The Prime Minister and I reaffirmed the commitment of the two Governments to maintaining the common travel area and associated reciprocal rights, to protecting the peace process and, in particular, to keeping the Border invisible. We also recognise that this will be extremely challenging and, in the words of the EU negotiation guidelines, will require "flexible and imaginative" solutions. This Government will certainly play its part in working constructively with all our partners — in Northern Ireland, in Britain and across the EU — to find solutions that are in the best interests of everyone on these islands.
I also raised the ongoing talks between the DUP and the Conservative Party in the context of the need for impartiality of the two Governments.
The arrangements for national security are being kept under review.
I will take Question No. 7 as well, if I can, at the one go.
I am interested to hear the Taoiseach's view on what politically we can do in regard to the Brexit negotiations. Given that there is no nationalist representation in Westminster, given that there are reports today of 30 Members of the British Prime Minister, Mrs. May's own party stating that they will not accept a hard Brexit and given that there is a campaign within the British Labour Party to firm up its position to confirm an exit approach which would see Britain still within the Single Market, do we have any political strategy? Do we have any approach whatsoever? Are we merely sitting back, letting this unfold and seeing what the European negotiators deliver or do we have any role in the current chaos in the British political system to try and serve our interest, which is not a hard Brexit but a retention of Britain within the Single Market or customs union?
What does the Taoiseach say to Mrs. May when she comes back stating the British are adamant, as I understand they stated at the start of the talks, that they want to leave the customs union and the Single Market? Do we just accept that, do we say nothing, or what diplomatically and politically can we do? What influence do we have in the incredibly complex jigsaw of political parts that are now at play in Westminster, and at which there is no Irish political representation, which is a shame?
Maybe I can take an extra half a minute for Deputy Barry's question.
I must adhere to Standing Orders.
I thought the Leas-Cheann Comhairle would be liberal.
I wanted to first ask the Taoiseach about his meeting with the British Prime Minister, Mrs. May. The Taoiseach seemed a bit star struck in Downing Street. He quoted one of the worst films ever made.
Deputy Coppinger has no sense of romance.
I wonder, in between all of that, did the Taoiseach have time to ask Mrs. May what at this point is probably the biggest question on the lips of most of the population in Britain, that is, is she going to resign? I wonder if they had time to discuss the outcome of the election in Britain. Increasingly, what we saw in the election was an endorsement of left and socialist policies and I thought the Taoiseach might have an interest in that. We saw the biggest vote for a left-Labour candidate since 1945, mainly motivated by young people, by women and by traditional Labour voters who returned after the Blairites. Clearly Brexit was greeted negatively, particularly by some Members in this House last year. It was branded as being right wing and racist, but how then do these Members explain this vote which was completely the opposite? It puts it in perspective. UKIP lost all its seats and, as I stated, there was the biggest left vote since 1945.
The Taoiseach has been talking a lot about populism and so have some of his Ministers.
I thank Deputy Coppinger.
I will just finish. The Taoiseach spoke by phone with President Macron. In terms of the populist vote, where stands the Taoiseach's Minister, who talked about one-in-eight seats being for populist parties including Jeremy Corbyn? He seemed to be including those who put principled-left positions in a populist camp, which is very unprincipled.
I call Deputy Howlin.
We stand for the complete opposite.
I want to ask the Taoiseach two questions. First, in regard to his conversations with the British Prime Minister, Mrs. May, he stated afterwards that he was reassured about the DUP role in supporting the Conservative Government. What specifically did the British Prime Minister say to the Taoiseach that gave him reassurances that whatever deal is arrived at with the DUP and the Conservatives, it will have no adverse impact on the Good Friday Agreement or undermine confidence in the role of the British Government as a co-guarantor of that Agreement?
Second, on the issue of sequencing in regard to the Brexit negotiations, the UK agreed to the EU format, in that the three primary issues to be dealt with were agreed but it seems the issue relating to Ireland was long-fingered in that the border issue as it affects Ireland apparently cannot be addressed until the broader trade arrangements between the EU and Britain are agreed. Did the Taoiseach discuss that aspect with the British Prime Minister, Mrs. May, and what is her view on it?
I, too, am delighted to meet the Taoiseach on his first questions here today. The Taoiseach told us about the ambience, furniture and he waxed lyrically about poetry and history. On the serious issue regarding the Manchester Arena attack and the London Bridge attack, did the Taoiseach raise any issues with the British Prime Minister regarding post-Brexit, the borders here and our control of our own borders?
With regard to the position in which the DUP finds itself, would the British Prime Minister be able to remain impartial if she is depending on that party for support of her minority Government amid the concerns that there are no nationalists at Westminster? They were elected but, strangely, choose not to go to represent the people of Northern Ireland. Has the Taoiseach plans to talk to Mrs. May again or when is the next meeting or phone conversation envisaged? The Border is too serious an issue to let it drift on until the negotiations are complete and we all will be scratching our heads to know what to do. It will be too late then, in terms of the protection of our own borders and the protection from an influx of people here.
In yesterday's session, the Taoiseach managed to talk at some length concerning the meeting in Downing Street but, as Deputy Howlin stated, the Taoiseach did not provide us with any additional information beyond what was available in the media. The core dysfunction in the Dublin-London relationship in recent years has been that there have been many meetings but no concrete outcome. The meetings have covered up the rapid withdrawal of London and Dublin from genuine engagement, particularly in regard to the Northern institutions.
A curious outcome of Monday's meeting was the Taoiseach's statement that he had been reassured about the link between the DUP and the Tories. Could he explain what exactly that means? What was the Taoiseach reassured about? Did the British Prime Minister, Mrs. May, merely tell the Taoiseach she was committed to the Good Friday Agreement and did the Taoiseach respond that that would be great? The latest news is the DUP is still flexing its muscles and has yet to agree a formal commitment to support the Tories in divisions. The Sinn Féin line, that the DUP supporting a government in London means the London Government is breaching the Agreement, is a curious one given that the same logic would apply to Sinn Féin in Dublin.
However, there are concerns and the concerns of others are entirely legitimate. They go to the heart of whether we can trust the independence of governments in the administering of the Agreements. Will the Taoiseach, please, outline exactly what he was told that reassured him?
Deputy Richard Boyd Barrett is next. I am sorry; it is Deputy Mary Lou McDonald who is next.
You nearly missed me, a Leas-Cheann Comhairle. That would not be like you.
The concern in respect of the DUP and any agreement that party might strike with the Tories is that it might contain things that would undermine the Good Friday Agreement. That is not only a concern of ours; it is broadly held, but such a deal has not been struck. Certainly, we made it clear in our meeting with Theresa May that a breach of the Good Friday Agreement was not on the cards. It simply cannot and will not be countenanced by anyone. In our discussions the reassurances simply amounted to an assertion that this would not happen. I, too, would like to hear if the Taoiseach got something more than this. If so, what was the substance of those reassurances?
The primary issue I want to raise with the Taoiseach is the fact that he had made the sensible proposition that the North remain within the Single Market and the customs union. I assume that is still his position. Certainly, it is supported by the Dáil in our support for special designated status for the North. Why did the Taoiseach not raise the issue with Theresa May? What is this jazz about invisible borders? Any border on the island would be injurious to agriculture, the economy, etc. Why is the Taoiseach even countenancing the prospect of a border? Can he answer that question? Is it still about keeping the North inside the customs union and the Single Market?
I am shocked, surprised and disappointed at the muted and pedestrian response from the Taoiseach and the Government to the horrific events in London at Grenfell Tower, where up to 80 people lost their lives in the most horrific and - it looks almost certain - scandalous circumstances. As recently as November last year, the authorities had failed to heed warnings from residents to the effect that the tower was an accident waiting to happen. I said to the Taoiseach last Tuesday that I had been told by a fire expert the week before about how a vast amount of Irish housing stock had major fire safety issues. This was confirmed over the weekend by Kevin Hollingsworth, a quantity surveyor, who said up to 40% of housing stock built during the Celtic tiger period and far more of the Irish housing stock besides was an accident waiting to happen. Spokespeople for Dublin Fire Brigade have said the same, yet we get an absolutely muted response. I am amazed that there has not been a minute's silence in the Dáil. What is more, I am amazed at the lack of urgency shown by the Government in asking whether the cladding material is being used anywhere here. Are we going to do something about self-certification in the building industry whereby designs of buildings are certified but not the actual buildings? We have experts telling us that vast portions of the housing stock are an accident waiting to happen. What is the Taoiseach going to do about it?
I call on the Taoiseach to respond. I will give him three minutes in total.
There is no chance I will be able to respond to all of that in three minutes.
Make the best of it.
I will do the best I can.
The first question was about the political approach taken. Of course, it is happening at multiple levels. Bilateral contacts between the Irish Government and the UK Government are ongoing. I had a meeting with Theresa May on Monday and will meet her again tomorrow or the day after in Brussels where we will attend the European Council. We are working hard. The Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade, Deputy Simon Coveney, is in Northern Ireland to try to get the Northern Ireland Executive up and running. We want it up and running to give Northern Ireland a unique voice and ensure there will be an executive in Northern Ireland that can put forward solutions for it supported by the people of Northern Ireland. We want to put pressure on in London and Brussels to deliver them. There is an absence of nationalist representation at Westminster. I regret that that is the case. I think it is the first time in over 100 years there will be no nationalist representation at Westminster.
I think it is marvellous. Is that not the objective of a free and independent Ireland - to be free from Westminster?
Yes, it is, but abstentionism did not achieve it. It did not achieve it for the Twenty-six Counties and I do not see how it would achieve it for the Six Counties.
Actually that was the basis on which the first Dáil was established.
The Deputy should go softly.
The Taoiseach to continue, without interruption, because the clock is still ticking.
If we take 23 away from 26, we are left with three.
No bilateral discussion, please.
In the absence of that one thing, we are working with and trying to-----
That was partition.
Please, Deputy.
(Interruptions).
The Taoiseach to continue, without interruption, or we will move on.
Test the election-----
(Interruptions).
Please, Deputies.
History is the order of the day.
We will move on to Question No. 10 if Deputies are not prepared to listen to the Taoiseach.
We are listening with bated breath.
He deserves to be heard.
My apologies, a Leas-Cheann Comhairle.
That is one for the black book.
Surely you mean the red book.
There is one group with which we are working and hoping to reactivate. I cannot remember its exact name, but it is a British-Irish friendship group. It involves MPs at Westminster from all parties with a particular interest in Ireland. I understand it is led by Conor McGinn, MP. We are trying to make use of that body, a little like the Irish National Caucus in Washington, for obvious reasons. It is something into which we are going to put more effort and resources in the absence of the SDLP representation at Westminster.
I am disappointed that Deputy Ruth Coppinger does not like "Love, Actually".
Not even Hugh Grant would say it was his finest hour.
Knowing the Deputy for as long as I do, I would never put her down as a romantic.
(Interruptions).
That is fine.
I suppose everyone should be relieved that I spoke about "Love Actually" and not "Notting Hill" because that would have been a very different scene at the door of No. 10 had it transpired.
The romantic poets are my favourite.
Be serious in answering questions.
I asked about the Single Market; never mind Hugh Grant.
I am going through the questions as they were asked one by one. I do not control the questions asked by Members of the Opposition.
I was asked about populism. Of course, there are forms of populism that amount to populism of the left and there is also populism of the right. Populism of the left is what we tend to call transitional demand. Proponents make claims that they know cannot be achieved, but they are used to cause people to vote for them. Then, once in power, the proponents abandon them. It is similar to the approach used by-----
There is also populism of the centre. It involves people making election promises that they do not intend to keep.
It is the time-honoured approach used by the Soviets, Bolsheviks and Trotskyites.
(Interruptions).
Please, Deputies.
They promise the masses – to use the term favoured by the Deputy – something that cannot be achieved in order to secure power. Then they turn around and tell them that it cannot be done and that they are going to the gulag.
We promised to get rid of water charges and we did.
There is plenty of populism on the left.
There will be red cards.
It will be tempting to bring back Deputy Enda Kenny shortly.
I did not ask her when she was going to resign. The object of the visit was to make friends, not enemies. I know that the Deputy does not believe in that approach either, but I was there to make friends.
(Interruptions).
I think we managed to begin the start of a relationship. The result of the election in Britain deserves analysis. Some of what the Deputy has said is true, but there is also another part to it. In wealthy constituencies in London there was a big increase in the vote of the UK Labour Party. They are not people who want their properties to be confiscated or who want to pay higher taxes. Many in Britain are angry remainers, especially in the south east, and they are right to be angry. They decided to vote for the Labour Party, notwithstanding the economic policies of Jeremy Corbyn. That is part of the coalition he put together and it is an interesting part of the analysis that deserves more attention.
It had more to do with the young voting.
As I have said on many occasions, I do not believe the politics of the future is about the traditional left-right divide. There are others, one of which is the difference between being open and closed. Many in the United Kingdom who believe in openness, free trade multilaterism and the European Union on this occasion voted for the Labour Party, whereas in the past they might have voted for the Liberal Democrats or a liberal Conservative.
What about my question on the London fire?
I asked about the customs union.
A Leas-Cheann Comhairle, the Taoiseach did not answer the question about the London fire.
We are eating into the time for other questions.
Will the Taoiseach respond to the question on the London fire?
There are lots of questions I did not answer. I would be happy to answer them.
That is a pretty serious question.
(Interruptions).
It is serious. They are all serious.
On a point of order-----
It is not a point of order but raise it.
What this reveals is the fault of no one in particular; it is the fact that when we have so many questions taken together, we only get a minute, which is not satisfactory. The matter should be referred back to the Business Committee.
It may be a matter for the reform committee.
It is not a satisfactory way of doing business.
Will the Taoiseach, please, answer the question on the London fire?
On a point of order, if I may-----
I do not think it would be normal. I am here since 1981, except for a few years, and I have never heard a Taoiseach raise a point of order.
New Taoiseach, new times, new boss.
If I can be helpful to the Taoiseach, I will try.
I thank the Leas-Cheann Comhairle.
Just answer the question.
Different boss.
On two points of order I agree with Deputy Martin. First, this procedure needs to be referred to the Business Committee. This is not a way to do questions and answers.
It is bonkers.
There is consensus on that.
Second, I would be happy to answer the remainder of the questions but I am not going to pick three to answer and one to leave out. I do not think it is fair. If the Leas-Cheann Comhairle will give me extra time, I will answer them.
There is consensus on reform. Let us move on to Question No. 10.
I would like the extra time.
It is outside my control. The Taoiseach has six and a half minutes to answer Question No. 10.
Deputy Boyd Barrett can bring the matter up in Private Members' time tonight.
We will not hear the Taoiseach then.
Departmental Strategy Statements
Micheál Martin
Question:10. Deputy Micheál Martin asked the Taoiseach the way in which he and his Department are implementing the commitments made in delivering a better society made in his own Department's strategy's statement, particularly in respect of health and education. [25944/17]
My Department's strategy statement sets out the key objectives for my Department for the period 2016 to 2019. The strategy statement is aligned to the Government's key priorities and policies and sets out the following six strategic priorities: providing excellent support services for the Taoiseach and Government; ensuring that Ireland has a sustainable economy; helping to ensure that Government policies and services support a socially inclusive and fair society; ensuring that Ireland maintains strong relationships in Europe and around the world; ensuring the best possible outcomes for Ireland in respect of Brexit which, of course, includes protecting the common travel area and the peace process; and planning for the future in the context of all of the many uncertainties arising in the international environment.
The strategy statement recognises the central and co-ordinating role of my Department in supporting Government to ensure that policies are developed and implemented which support a socially inclusive and fair society. This work is mainly undertaken through the Cabinet committee structure, supporting the implementation of Government policy and effective cross-departmental collaboration. In the case of health and education, these are the Cabinet committee on health and the Cabinet committee on social policy and public service reform. This includes implementation by the respective Departments of programme for Government commitments spanning these areas. These committees last met on 30 May and 23 May, respectively.
My Department publishes an annual report on progress towards all the objectives in its strategy statement, and the annual report for 2016 has recently been published on the Department’s website.
I call Deputy Micheál Martin.
How long have I got?
Deputy Martin has 20 minutes
What I intend is that the Deputy will get a supplementary question to be answered by An Taoiseach and if there are others who wish to contribute they may then do so, in accordance with Standing Orders.
In the strategy statement, there is a commitment to help to ensure implementation of reforms in health, education and other public services as outlined in the programme for Government. There are very ambitious statements concerning health and education and despite funding and so on, people are still finding it impossible to access health services. Some 666,000 people are on inpatient and outpatient waiting lists. There are shortages of consultants, nurses and general practitioners. There is a huge HR issue around health. Mental health funding fell short and waiting lists for access to therapies are getting longer, particularly for children. Hundreds of patients are still on trolleys. It is very difficult to see how improvement is going to happen in the short term.
The National Treatment Purchase Fund was allocated money this year, as we requested under the confidence and supply agreement. However, it is not up and running yet in terms of waiting lists and we are six months into the year. The money was allocated last October. It is not satisfactory. Can the Taoiseach confirm the number of patients who have been treated through the fund this year? Does he intend to chair the Cabinet committee on health? On the bed capacity review, is the Taoiseach confident that finance will be allocated to address the bed capacity issue? When does he expect the bed capacity review to be published?
As I have said to the Taoiseach before, education is fundamental to the strategic objectives and future of this country. There is a need for immediate investment in research, development and innovation, and for infrastructure funding for second and third level. Such investment and funding is critical to bringing in foreign direct investment. I mentioned the Technological Universities Bill this morning. There is paralysis in that particular sector. In the programme for Government, there is a commitment to invest up to an extra €500 million in education up to 2021. Can the Taoiseach indicate whether that commitment will be delivered upon and whether he has a schedule for such delivery? On career guidance, as I have indicated, although there has been some restoration, the Government has fallen short on definitive issues. There seems to be some opposition to ex quota guidance counsellors.
The fundamental point is that to fire-proof against Brexit, we need investment in education, skills and the talent of our people. Since the publication of the Cassells report, I get no sense that the Government is seized by that fundamental objective and reality.
On the NTPF, I do not know how many patients have been treated so far. There is €15 million allocated this year for the NTPF. I raised the matter with the Minister, Deputy Harris, on foot of my conversations with Deputy Martin. I understand that part of the fundamental problem was that the NTPF had effectively ceased to exist. Although it was still there in name and had a board and some very limited functions around collating waiting lists, it did not have the capacity to do the job it used to do. There is now a new CEO and it is intended that the NTPF should begin paying for patients to be treated in private hospitals as soon as possible. I hope Deputy Martin is right and that it will have an impact on the waiting lists.
Can I have a detailed report from the Minister? We have to be briefed on the absence of capacity. It is nine months since the budget allocation.
Absolutely. I am sure that can be done.
I am going to have some new Cabinet sub-committees. I think there were too many, quite frankly. I am going to reconfigure them into a smaller number of Cabinet sub-committees which, of course, I will chair. They need to be more focused. We will have a new ten-year plan on infrastructure, which we hope to be able to publish in October or November. I anticipate that there will be ambitious capital programmes for both health and education. In health, this will provide for additional bed capacity and upgrading or replacing some of our existing hospital stock. There will be something similar in education. It is a long time since there was public money put into capital investment in third level. That will need to be done. We do not yet know how big an envelope we have for capital spending in the next ten years. There are lots of moving parts in that regard. It will be as big as is possible without contravening fiscal rules or jeopardising the finances of the State.
I am very supportive of the Technological Universities Bill and want to see it go through. I should admit that I have a constituency interest in it, namely IT Blanchardstown. I would like to see the legislation pass so that IT Blanchardstown can combine with IT Tallaght and DIT into a new technological university. I am very much behind it being fast tracked. The Minister, Deputy Richard Bruton, tells me they now have an agreement with the TUI, the union that represents the lecturers. They have amendments to the Bill. The next step is to go to Cabinet with the amendments.
There is no drafting capacity there. What we have heard from the officials is quite worrying in respect of the absence of any proactivity in drafting. The Taoiseach might check that out.
It is far too slow. We have a problem with drafting capacity, not just in education. Legislation is far too slow.
On the Cassells report, in this current political configuration we are trying to achieve consensus around funding for third level that can pass through the Dáil. It is going to be difficult to achieve this but if we can, we are willing.
I am very familiar with the way in which the Cabinet sub-committees worked in the previous Government. The Taoiseach is right. There are too many and they are too dispersed. However, on strategic issues, the Taoiseach being a driver makes it happen in a way it would not if he was not personally driving matters.
Of what particular policy areas does the Taoiseach propose to take personal control? For example, has he considered Sláintecare, the new future of health care document? Does he consider it worth implementing, albeit not necessarily according to the exact timeline set out by the all-party group? Would it be something he would want to drive?
I spent more than five years discussing the fiscal rules in respect of capital spending with the Commission and others. There is a willingness. For example, Italy has already utilised flexibilities in accounting for capital spending in particular.
I welcome the Taoiseach's view that coincides with my own regarding the rainy day fund. We need a substantial capital envelope, and we will be able to get the capacity if we negotiate and push in Brussels for a very substantial increase in the capacity to spend and not breach the Stability and Growth Pact rules.
Will the Taoiseach return to the subject I raised with him, namely, his stated commitment to keep the North of Ireland within the Single Market and the customs union? In the midst of all his committees, subcommittees and all that paraphernalia and with the competing political priorities, what concretely does he propose to do to advance that position? Why did he not raise that position with Theresa May in Downing Street the other day? I do not know what that was all about. I invite him to move away from the nonsense of invisible borders. It is an astonishing concept.
On a different issue, the Taoiseach is aware that the previous Taoiseach visited the north-east inner city of Dublin on many occasions. He will be aware of the very particular challenges faced by those communities. They are not unique but it is certainly the case, given what is called a gangland struggle that is under way, that the communities I happen to represent are very much caught in the middle of that. I would like the Taoiseach to give an indication of his continuing commitment to that process and, most specifically, to address my questions regarding the customs union and the Single Market.
I will take a final supplementary from Deputy Boyd Barrett.
Is the Taoiseach going to update his strategy statement? It refers to quite a degree to the housing issue. There has been some acknowledgement with the transition to the new Minister that Rebuilding Ireland may not be all it is cracked up to be given the escalating crisis. Following my earlier question, given the potentially shocking consequences for fire safety in our housing stock, which I pointed out to the Taoiseach last week and which has been confirmed now by a range of experts with potentially 40% or more of the Irish housing stock being substandard in terms of fire safety, does he not believe that this issue must become a priority for the Government? That would merit it being included in the strategy statement and being given some urgency, which is distinctly lacking from the Government in the aftermath of what has emerged from the Grenfell Tower disaster and what is being said about the potential implications for the housing stock in this country. The self-certification process is a joke. We are having designs of buildings certified rather than the buildings themselves, and there is no enforcement worth its name.
The Taoiseach got a letter, as did I, on the 19th from Mark Vincent Healy - I do not know if he has responded to him yet - where he pointed out-----
The Taoiseach to respond-----
-----that the plans which were certified on his apartment block had fire doors facing one direction and in the actual building they are facing the wrong direction. This is what is happening in the Irish housing stock.
I call the Taoiseach to respond on the commitments to delivering a better society.
I will start by dealing with the last question because essentially the Deputy asked it twice. I saw the Grenfell Tower on my way to and from the meeting with Theresa May. It is horrific to see it and to imagine the thoughts and feelings of people who were stuck in that tower while it was in flames and engulfed in smoke. I extended my condolences and offered any support and solidarity we can give to Prime Minister May when I was in Downing Street.
In response to the tragedy, the Minister for Housing, Planning, Community and Local Government, Deputy Eoghan Murphy, has requested a number of immediate measures to be taken. First, he has requested that all local authorities review their multistorey social housing units to ensure that all early warning systems, including alarm and detection systems, emergency lighting and means of escape, including corridors, stairways and emergency exits, are fully functional and in place.
In terms of raising awareness across landlords, including landlords of households in receipt of social housing supports, the Minister has asked the Residential Tenancies Board, RTB, to notify all landlords of their responsibilities and obligations as landlords in terms of ensuring that their properties fully comply with the fire safety requirements. Also, a business control management system, BCMS, was issued to all registered users of the BCMS to remind those involved in works to existing or new buildings of the need to remain vigilant in regard to compliance with building regulations and, in particular, to part B which deals with fire safety. It was issued to 57,000 registered users, including builders, assigned certifiers, designers and owners to remind them of their obligations in regard to compliance.
Also, a meeting of the management board of the National Directorate for Fire and Emergency Management was convened last Tuesday to assess the readiness of fire authorities to respond to emergencies. Over recent years there has been a general decrease in the number of fire fatalities, putting Ireland among the safest countries in the world. However, figures for 2017 show a slight upturn in fire fatalities, so while progress is being made, this reversal and the events in London are a reminder that we cannot and should not be complacent and that we need to remain vigilant when it comes to fire safety. In fairness to the Minister, Deputy Murphy, he has hit the ground running on this matter and put in place some very important-----
I ask the Minister to respond to the supplementaries asked by Deputies McDonald and Howlin.
There is more to be done.
I have no doubt of that but that is quite a lot in the first eight days of a new Minister being in office, in fairness to him. It is not even eight days, it is seven days.
In regard to Deputy Howlin's question, I set out in my speech appointing Cabinet Ministers the two or three major priorities, four in some cases, that I want them to pursue and I will pursue them to make sure that they are pursued. I will also set out some other priorities in the coming weeks and months.
The Sláintecare report was discussed at Cabinet yesterday. We decided that the Minister for Health would be tasked with preparing a reasoned response to the report and there will be a debate on it in the Dáil on Thursday. There are some aspects of it with which I strongly agree. We need to disentangle the public-private mix in our private hospitals. I strongly agree with that, but I accept and appreciate that this would cost €700 million without a single extra patient being seen. The whole thing needs to be teased out.
Also the Department of Public Expenditure and Reform disputes the numbers. It will not surprise Deputy Howlin to hear that it thinks it will cost much more and that the report does not adequately provide for demographics, but it will not be put on the shelf. There will be a reasoned response to it from the Minister and at the very least we will proceed to implement in the first year or two those things with which we all agree, and that is probably the best approach to it.
What about the capital question?
What about the Apple tax issue?
Did the Taoiseach answer all the supplementaries?
No. I did not get close to doing that.
I know - we are against the clock.
I asked about the capital issue.
I asked about the customs union and the Single Market.
We will move on to the next grouping, Questions Nos. 11 and 12.
That is my second attempt to ask about those issues.
I have no control over that.
On a point of order, there is no point in proceeding to the next grouping of questions when we have all asked questions and we have not been given answers to them. I have gone through two sets of questions now and I have only got one answer.
That is one more than I got.
If the Deputies want to abandon the next set of questions-----
No, I do not-----
The Deputies each got one question answered.
It is a matter of equality in terms of the answers.
That is the point but-----
We have ten minutes remaining.
I have no difficulty answering them.
Of course.
I have been very generous with the time.
The Leas-Cheann Comhairle is absolutely right.
I cannot control the amount of time the Taoiseach spends in answering any one aspect of questions but I suggest-----
I have asked twice about these matters.
-----that the Dáil should be considered.
Sweet Jesus I have twice asked about these matters.
I am on the reform committee and I will certainly bring back to it that we should have a different format for this but, in terms of today, what number of minutes remain?
We have fewer than ten minutes remaining.
Three minutes have already been wasted.
Could we at least go through the answer to that question, the question on-----
There was also a question on-----
With all due respect, Deputy Martin was given six minutes in respect of his question.
It was a single question. Does the Deputy want to continue with-----
We just want to hear the Taoiseach's answers.
Hold on, Deputy. It is a matter for the House.
There is no point in starting another around of questions if only ten minutes remain.
There is because there are only two questions in this grouping.
If there is not agreement, I have to move on to Questions Nos. 11 and 12. I call the Taoiseach to take those questions and there are now eight minutes remaining. This matter definitely needs to be looked at.
Brexit Issues
Stephen Donnelly
Question:11. Deputy Stephen S. Donnelly asked the Taoiseach the number of roles in his Department’s Brexit taskforce; the grade of these roles; and the number of vacancies for these roles. [27020/17]
Richard Boyd Barrett
Question:12. Deputy Richard Boyd Barrett asked the Taoiseach when he expects the special paper on Brexit. [28834/17]
I propose to take Questions Nos. 11 and 12 together.
The Department of the Taoiseach has implemented significant restructuring to ensure that Brexit is being treated as a crucial cross-cutting whole-of-Government issue. The amalgamated international, EU and Northern Ireland division was created under a second secretary who also acts as the Government's sherpa for EU business, including Brexit.
The work of this division includes supporting the Cabinet committee on Brexit and the Cabinet committee on European affairs. There are 32 staff assigned to this division and its resources are being kept under constant review. While the staff in this division deal with a wide variety of issues, Brexit is an increasingly significant factor across the division. Staff in other divisions also contribute to the work on Brexit, for example the economic policy division advises me on economic policy aimed at supporting sustainable economic growth with a particular focus on jobs and competitiveness, including possible economic consequences of Brexit.
Now that the terms on which the negotiations are to be conducted have been established, the Government has stated its intention to intensify its focus on the economic implications of Brexit including on domestic policy, measures to reinforce competitiveness of the Irish economy, to protect it from the potential negative impacts of Brexit and pursue all possible opportunities that might arise. Extensive work is now under way across several Departments on these issues including ongoing analysis of the impacts at sectoral level. Following on from the 2 May publication setting out the approach of the Government to the forthcoming negotiations, work is underway to prepare a further paper on economic implications of the Brexit challenge. This will draw on the work to date across Departments and will build on ongoing cross-government research analysis and consultations with stakeholders and that will reflect the core economic themes already indicated by Government in terms of prudent public finances, improved competitiveness and diversification, special attention to sectors and regions most at risk, economic opportunities and possible EU supports.
The next question is from Deputy Martin on behalf of Deputy Donnelly.
Before I get to the question, the Taoiseach should note that the number of questions which are being transferred from his Department and seeking to be disqualified is at a historic high. That is something that the reform committee might look at.
I thank the Taoiseach for his reply. Given his more fundamental personnel changes over the last week, he clearly was not happy with the team that was managing Brexit because there can be no other explanation as to why he removed the two principal Ministers who have been talking to our European colleagues since Brexit began. The former Minister of State with responsibility for Europe said that the Taoiseach told him he was being removed because he supported the wrong candidate in the leadership election. The Government press secretary has briefed that this is not the case. According to him the Taoiseach based all his decisions purely on merit. Having decided to replace the whole Brexit team in one stroke, can the Taoiseach now explain the new direction he proposes for these negotiations? Can he also indicate if he considers it worrying that it is only now that the issue of the economic dimension of Brexit is being seriously examined by his Department? I find that astonishing. We have had some work from the ESRI. Trade is at the heart of Brexit. It should be the top issue because it determines everything else in Northern Ireland in terms of the Border and so on. There has been an absence of analysis on the concrete, harsh reality of the potential damage from Brexit can have on the Irish economy in different sectors. The absence of such a detailed, profound analysis weakens our presentation of the issues to Europe, and particularly weakens the prospect that we will be in a position to provide solutions to Europe, to say that this is how we think it can resolve the undoubtedly difficult issues that will face many sectors of our economy as a result of Brexit. It is very worrying that focus on this has been absent over the last 18 months.
I call Deputy Richard Boyd Barrett. There are three and a half minutes left. If I have a moment at the end, I will bring the other Members back in.
The Taoiseach said that following his meeting with Prime Minister Theresa May, he was reassured on the potential implications that a Tory-DUP deal would have on Brexit as it affects this country. Setting aside the fact that a coalition of the Tories and the DUP would represent extremism to the right of Genghis Khan, how can the Taoiseach have been reassured when no deal has been done? We are still not clear whether a deal will be done but it is strongly suggested that the DUP is seeking to extract concessions which may not be remotely reassuring on matters such as a hard Border, the common travel areas, tariffs and so on. Whence does this reassurance come? Could the Taoiseach enlighten us about any communication he may have had with the DUP itself as to what precisely it wants and what it is trying to extract from the Tories on the issues that affect this island?
If the two remaining Members can each ask a question in one sentence, I will permit it.
I can.
And that is one sentence, not one minute.
The Taoiseach could just answer the question that we both already asked.
The questions relate to the common travel area, the customs union and the Single Market, and keeping the North of Ireland therein. I appeal to the Taoiseach. This is my third attempt today.
There are proactive things that we can do in this State, rather than looking to the future to see what might be negotiated. We should now be investing in our ports and in access routes. We should look for the repositioning of the globalisation fund to assist vulnerable sectors that are already impacted by currency changes. There should be a twin-track approach. There are things that we can do immediately and things that are medium or longer term.
If the Taoiseach can do the best he can in two minutes. I know it is difficult.
In my own precedent, I will answer Deputy McDonald first since she has asked it a number of times. It is my view that Northern Ireland should remain in the customs union and the Single Market. It is also my view that the United Kingdom should remain in the customs union and the Single Market or that, failing that, we would negotiate a UK-EU free trade agreement that is not far off Britain remaining in the customs union and the Single Market if that is possible. I did express my view to the Prime Minister, Theresa May, which is that if there must be a border, I would prefer that border would be at British ports and airports rather than on our island. That decision is not one for me or this Government. Ultimately, it is a decision for the United Kingdom and the Westminster Government.
Will the DUP support that?
It is one of the reasons I would like to see a Northern Executive established because I would like to see the parties in Northern Ireland come together and stand over the joint letter written by Arlene Foster, MLA, the late Martin McGuinness and others, which they sent only a few months ago. Although it does not say it, the contents of that letter are not far off an arrangement where Northern Ireland would effectively remain in the customs union and the single European market. Perhaps the DUP has hardened its position since then, and it would appear to have done so, based on some of their statements. If a Northern Ireland executive can be established, surely the co-equal First Minister and Deputy First Minister, joined at the hip, will stand over the letter written some months ago, and ask the British Government to deliver on that. Ultimately, if Northern Ireland asks to stay in the customs union and single market, London will not refuse that. This request has to come from the North.
Time has expired for Taoiseach's questions. I know there were others who raised questions but I have no responsibility for that.