Vol. 964 No. 2
6. Deputy Bríd Smith asked the Taoiseach and Minister for Defence if he will re-examine operations by the Defence Forces which support or interact with Libyan military or coastguard forces (details supplied); and if he will make a statement on the matter. [3370/18]
30. Deputy Clare Daly asked the Taoiseach and Minister for Defence when the LÉ Niamh will redeploy as part of Operation Sophia following its return from deployment on 20 December 2017. [3348/18]
32. Deputy Mick Wallace asked the Taoiseach and Minister for Defence the status of the Defence Forces involvement with Operation Sophia; the status of the LÉ Niamh; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [3364/18]
I seek an update from the Minister of State on what interaction, if any, the Defence Forces have, directly or indirectly, with the Libyan authorities, specifically the Libyan coastguard.
I have asked many times what the European Union programme that provides funding to Libya to hold refugees within its borders is doing to the large number of human beings who are fleeing desperate circumstances. Not only do we have an extremely dodgy relationship with the Libyan coastguard and its operations but it appears this relationship is being deepened and intensified. I ask the Minister of State to clarify the matter.
I propose to take Questions Nos. 6, 30 and 32 together.
The European Union common security and defence policy Operation Sophia against human smugglers and traffickers is one element of an EU comprehensive approach to the migration crisis in the south-central Mediterranean. Operation Sophia was launched in June 2015 as part of the European Union's broader action to provide a comprehensive response to the global migration and refugee crisis and encourage a democratic, stable and prosperous Libya. It specifically seeks to counter human trafficking and smuggling in the south-central Mediterranean by taking action against criminal networks and disrupting the smugglers' business model. The mission is also providing capacity building and training to the Libyan coastguard and navy and contributing to the implementation of UN Security Council Resolutions 2240 and 2292. These resolutions also authorise the interception of vessels suspected of being used for illicit activities and impose an arms embargo on Libya in an effort to prevent the flow of illicit arms and related material into that country.
The training being provided to the Libyan navy and coastguard as part of Operation Sophia aims to improve the security of Libyan territorial waters; enhance the capability of the Libyan navy and coastguard in law enforcement at sea; and improve their ability to perform search and rescue activities so as to save lives in Libyan territorial waters. Libyan coastguard training is a positive move towards capacity building by the EU mission. It is the fastest way to deliver effects in reducing irregular migrant flows and intercepting smuggler activity inside territorial waters.
A number of European Union initiatives provide assistance and protection to migrants in Libya, in particular inside detention centres. Partner countries and organisations, non-governmental organisations and international agencies are working together with Operation Sophia and sharing their experiences on how to manage something that is difficult to manage from a humanitarian point of view. Bringing real improvements to the position of migrants in Libya will require restoration of political stability through the formation of a functioning government and a return to order throughout the country. Ireland supports both UN mediation and regional efforts in pursuit of stabilisation in Libya.
Ireland fully supports the current EU approach to the migrant crisis, including the deployment and operations under Operation Sophia. In July 2017, Government and Dáil approval was secured for the deployment of an Irish Naval Service vessel as part of Operation Sophia. The LÉ Niamh was deployed on 6 October 2017 to join Operation Sophia and returned to Ireland on 20 December 2017. In the course of its deployment, the crew of the vessel were primarily tasked to respond to safety of life at sea events - search and rescue - in the area of operation. The specific tasks assigned to naval vessels by the Operation Sophia force commander depend on the operational requirements in the Mediterranean area at any given time.
Operation Sophia has so far contributed to the apprehension of 130 suspected smugglers and traffickers, removed the availability of approximately 520 boats from criminal organisations, contributed to almost 290 safety of life at sea events and rescued more than 42,400 migrants. An after-action review of the deployment on Operation Sophia is ongoing. The issue of any further deployment to Operation Sophia in 2018 will be considered in the context of the after-action review, the vessel requirements of Operation Sophia, the ongoing position in the Mediterranean and the overall EU response to the ongoing migrant crisis.
Budgets from this country and across Europe are being used to fund a regime that has been described as holding migrants in militia camps in the most dreadful conditions. As stated previously, we are witnessing the return of slavery, with people being bought and sold at markets in Libya. These are human beings who are desperately fleeing war and poverty in other countries.
The Department is involved in training the Libyan navy and coastguard in rescuing migrants. I am proud of the record of the Naval Service in rescuing tens of thousands of migrants from the Mediterranean. However, these migrants are then handed back to the same regime that Human Rights Watch has shown to be guilty of the torture, rape, brutality and enslavement of a large number of human beings. Almost 1 million migrants are being contained in Libya. The treatment they are receiving is driving them out of the country, yet we are funding a programme under which the Naval Service provides training and migrants are handed back to the same authorities that brutalised them. While we have pride in our Naval Service, we must also be ashamed of the operation in which we are participating because it is returning migrants to brutal regimes.
Deputy Smith's statement is totally incorrect. All migrants rescued by the Naval Service are brought to a designated safe port in Italy. Naval Service vessels do not enter Libyan territorial waters. If the Deputy were to research this matter, she would note statements made by the current and previous Ministers for Foreign Affairs and Trade in which they expressed deep concern about the conditions experienced by migrants in Libya. EU Foreign Ministers adopted Council conclusions in July 2017 urging the Libyan authorities to improve humanitarian access to, and conditions in, detention centres and to seek alternatives to detention. At the October European Council meeting, the Taoiseach drew attention to the distressing human rights reports on Libyan reception facilities. The Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade continues to closely monitor the humanitarian position in Libya.
The Deputy is correct that some of the detention centres in Libya are totally unacceptable. I watched a television programme recently on BBC or Channel 4 about detention centres in Libya. I reiterate, however, that all migrants picked up by the Naval Service are brought to a safe port in Italy and are not returned to Libya where they could be placed in detention centres.
For the purposes of continuity, I ask Deputy Bríd Smith to make a second contribution, after which we will hear from Deputies Clare Daly and Mick Wallace.
While I am proud of the Naval Service and its role in rescuing tens of thousands of people, it is also helping to train the Libyan coastguard, which picks up migrants and returns them to Libya. Does the Minister of State understand my point? I am not arguing that the Naval Service hands over migrants directly to the Libyan authorities but that we are providing training and facilitating the return of migrants to one of the most brutal regimes in modern times. While it is welcome that the Taoiseach has raised this issue, in addition to giving out about it, we must ask why we are funding and participating in these types of operations.
To cite an EU publication, the ultimate role of the Libyan coastguard will be to co-ordinate all maritime search and rescue missions in the Mediterranean. Italy, Ireland and all other countries involved in training the Libyan navy and coastguard are moving towards a position where the Libyan coastguard is given full responsibility for all migrants found in the Mediterranean. Libyan border guards will then be provided with the information from all European border states around the Mediterranean in real time to prevent refugees from crossing into Italy and Malta. We will do anything but treat human beings with dignity. This reminds me of the contempt the Minister for Justice and Equality showed last night when he outlined the type of regime he wants to introduce to allow migrants to avail of their right to work. He showed utter contempt for these human beings.
I acknowledge the Deputy's view on this matter. The Taoiseach and the current and previous Ministers for Foreign Affairs and Trade have raised this issue on a number of occasions.
One can look at this in two different ways. One could opt not to train the Libyan coastguard and let these unseaworthy vessels leave the Libyan coast and thousands of people will drown in the Mediterranean.
We could rescue them.
The Minister of State, without interruption.
I gave Deputy Bríd Smith every opportunity to speak and I am addressing the question she asked. I am giving Deputy Smith my view and I have listened to her view. I fully appreciate her view and I take it on board, but I hope she will listen to my view as well.
We could opt not to train the Libyan coastguard, let these unseaworthy vessels leave the Libyan coast only to sink one, two or three miles out to sea and see thousands of migrants lose their lives, or we can train the Libyan coastguard, as we are doing, to try to stop unseaworthy vessels leaving the Libyan ports to ensure that these lives are not lost. I assure Deputy Smith that we are still saving the lives of migrants. It was stated in the House that we would not save the lives of migrants once we entered into Operation Sophia. The opposite has happened. We are still saving lives.
The Minister of State tells us that 520 boats have been destroyed, up from 480 the last time we asked. Over 42,000 migrants have been rescued. What the Minister of State has not addressed is the fact that many of those ended up going back on worse or more unsafe dinghies to try to escape Libya. What the Minister of State has not said is that many of them do not get to leave and are in effect imprisoned there in unsafe detention camps. They are subject to all of the abuse outlined by Deputy Smith and others. Not everyone is taken back to official detention centres. Some are sent to what are effectively illegal warehouses or makeshift dungeons, as they have been described.
We refer to sharing surveillance. Can the Minister of State respond on that point? It is known that information from European operations is regularly shared with the Libyan coastguard enabling it to intercept boats, including some in international waters, and push them back to Libya. European forces would not undertake such actions because they are illegal. However, they are facilitating the Libyan coastguard to do it.
Up to November 2017, a total of 201 Libyan personnel have completed training, comprising mainly basic training. The training has been delivered in formal classroom settings in Italy, Malta, Greece and at sea. An eight-week patrol boat crew training course was recently completed at the Italian naval school in Taranto. Training is being provided by various EU agencies and NGOs. Further training in Greece, Spain and Italy is planned for 2018. All persons are selected for training by the Libyan coast guard and are vetted by the EU.
I have stated to Deputy Bríd Smith that the Taoiseach and the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade have raised the matter of these detention centres in Libya at EU Council level. I have stated that the Taoiseach drew attention to the distressing human rights reports on Libyan reception facilitates. I have seen them on television. They are not appropriate and they are wrong. We are very much aware of it. It is not that we are turning a blind eye to it. The Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade and the Taoiseach have raised this at EU Council level. We have to see the fact that training the Libyan coastguard is about saving lives.
The Minister of State is missing the point. Obviously, it is great that they are raising the matter but there is a major contradiction. While they are raising these matters verbally, Government actions are actually facilitating a situation whereby people are either being kept in Libya in detention centres or are being sent back there.
It is an extraordinary irony that we hear people throughout the European Union expressing their horror at Donald Trump's vision of building a wall between the USA and Mexico. The reality is that the tactics being adopted by the European establishment towards asylum seekers and refugees coming to our shores are worse, notably so because of the actions in Libya. We have thousands of kilometres of land borders, a military push-back against refugees at sea and billions of euro going to weapons companies and on border security. We are facilitating it. The Government says it is desperate to keep these people there, but it facilitates what is happening at the same time and that is not good enough any more.
Deputy Healy-Rae, sorry for interrupting your telephone call – my apologies.
I will wait until Deputy Danny Healy-Rae is finished his telephone call.
Please continue, Minister of State.
Would I not be interrupting the telephone call?
Please continue.
I would be glad to show Deputy Healy-Rae where the door is.
Deputy Healy-Rae may tell the person on the other end that I said "Hello".
Come on, the clock is ticking.
I do not believe the assertions of Deputy Daly. She is leaving out one point. Deputy Daly is right on some parts, but what about the thousands of people who leave the coast of Libya but do not get far? They are losing their lives on unseaworthy vessels. That is one of the reasons we are training the Libyan coastguard. It is to stop some of these unseaworthy vessels. As part of Operation Sophia we intercept some of these unseaworthy vessels.
I take the views of Deputy Daly fully on board. Having said that, I reiterate that the Taoiseach and the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade have raised this specific issue at EU Council level. I have raised the matter at EU Council level. I believe that by training the Libyan coastguard, we are doing the right thing.
Deputy Wallace, do you wish to ask a supplementary question?
I have more than supplementary questions, a Leas-Cheann Comhairle.
The Minister of State will be aware that a House of Lords inquiry found that Operation Sophia failed to meet the objective of its mandate to disrupt the business model of people smuggling. Some smugglers were arrested and some boats have been destroyed but the people being caught are well down the food chain. It is like catching those going from door to door with drugs in Dublin, but not catching those who import the drugs and pass them on. The fact is that people are taking even greater risks now in inferior boats. The policy is not helping the matter.
The Minister of State makes the argument about training the Libyan coastguard. He should not forget that the Americans trained soldiers in Iraq who ended up joining jihadist groups. Some even fought against the peoples of the region. It was not a great idea. Getting into bed with the likes of the Libyan coastguard cannot be a good idea; it will only strengthen it. We cannot expect great things from it.
The EU takes a comprehensive approach. It is involved in capacity building in many countries, including Libya. We should be able to assist in helping the democratic institutions as peacekeepers, and that is what we are doing. Part of our peacekeeping approach is to help democratic institutions to become established. That is the way we are trying to do this. We are helping migrants but also training the Libyan coastguard.
Everyone is losing the point. Thousands of migrants are losing their lives within the territorial waters. They do not get beyond the territorial waters. Do we forget about those people, refrain from training the Libyan coastguard and let those who want to leave lose their lives? That is one of the points we are missing.
I take the word of the Deputies absolutely on the detention centres. The Government has raised this on numerous occasions at EU level through the Taoiseach, the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade, myself and many others. This is a reality and a concern for the Government.
People smuggling begins onshore. Nothing is being done to make these countries sustainable. Their economies are in bits, more often than not because of western interference. Does the Minister of State accept that? We had to listen to the Fine Gael-Labour Party Government support the bombing of Libya in 2011. Does the Minister of State admit now that was a major mistake?
The manner in which NATO, with the support of our Government, bombed the living daylights out of Libya in 2011 was a crime against humanity. It was nuts. We completely destabilised that country and many of the subsequent problems in the Mediterranean, including all the lives lost, were linked to that war and the incredible damage NATO and western powers did. Does the Minister accept it was a mistake?
Does the Minister accept that Operation Sophia is now a military-focused operation? It was different and we used to play a different role but it is now a military-focused operation, designed more to keep people out than to save lives.
I do not accept the Deputy's assertions and I definitely do not accept his assertion that Operation Sophia is a military operation. I accept that we are part of a different mission now. We were part of Operation Pontus, which was independent of ourselves, and we are now part of the EU-mandated mission. This mission operates under the triple lock and went through Government and the Dáil, as well as being mandated by the UN. It is not a military mission. We are still saving lives on the Mediterranean and will continue to do so. I am very proud of the work we did under Operation Pontus, as I am of the work we are now doing under Operation Sophia. There are different dimensions to the current mission, such as in the fact that we are training the Libyan coastguard and have people in mission headquarters.
Does the Government accept that it supported the bombing of Libya?
7. Deputy Aengus Ó Snodaigh asked the Taoiseach and Minister for Defence his plans to publish the recommendations of the latest report of the lariam working group. [3175/18]
This question relates to the working group which was set up before the Minister of State took up his role looking into the use of Lariam within the Defence Forces. The Minister of State told me last night in a reply to a parliamentary question that the group had made 12 recommendations. When will the report be published and when will we know what those recommendations are? Do the recommendations comply with last June's Dáil motion that stated Lariam should be discontinued as a drug of first choice for the Defence Forces?
As previously advised, the report of the working group on malaria chemoprophylaxis was convened in the context of current and potential litigation and is therefore legally privileged and will not be published. The working group has made a total of 12 recommendations, which are intended to ensure that the Defence Forces' medical policies and practices continually develop in light of best practice. I have accepted these recommendations in principle but recognise that some need further development before implementation.
While acknowledging that the report is legally privileged in the context of litigation, I can confirm that many of its recommendations focus on areas including planning, training and education-information sharing as well as the establishment of a medical advisory group. As I already indicated, proposals will be developed further in respect of the establishment of this new medical advisory group. This will formalise the provision of ongoing expert advice, including external expert medical advice, to the Defence Forces on a range of medical matters including malaria chemoprophylaxis.
I assure the Deputy that the health and welfare of the men and women of the Defence Forces personnel is a key priority for me and the Defence Forces.
I do not know how we can have any faith in a working group and its hidden recommendations when the same working group, in its 2013 report which was also not published, had as one of its conclusions that the Defence Forces could continue prescribing Lariam as a drug of first choice to tackle and prevent malaria. It found that the Defence Forces were acting correctly at a time when other defence forces and armed forces were ending the use of Lariam to prevent malaria because of its association with major health problems among serving and retired members, particularly mental health issues.
Is the Minister of State aware of what is happening in other countries? Is he aware of major parliamentary inquiries, such as in Canada, the US, Australia, Britain and New Zealand? In their view, the continued prescription of Lariam to prevent malaria was akin to poisoning members of the defence forces in those countries. If I were to say, as others have done, that the continued use of Lariam in this day and age was akin to poisoning members of the Defence Forces, how would the Minister of State respond?
I am no medical officer but I have been advised by the chief medical officer of the Irish Defence Forces that Lariam is the most appropriate course of drugs to give to members of the Defence Forces in the areas where it is required. I have every confidence in the working group and its recommendations. I will accept those recommendations but it will take some time to implement some of them. The recommendations are intended to ensure the Defence Forces' medical policies and practice continue to develop in line with best practice.
Certain of the recommendations will need to be further developed to allow for their full implementation and further work is required in respect of the need to establish a medical advisory group.
We do not know what the recommendations are so we will not be able to gauge whether they are effective or not. The medical and academic evidence is stacking up against Lariam and I can give the Minister of State a report by one of the expert witnesses in a recent case which was settled by the State Claims Agency just before Christmas. Has the Minister had a briefing on that case? Was the case settled out of court because of the overwhelming medical evidence from expert witnesses on behalf of the claimant that linked Lariam to the illnesses the claimant had suffered? This totally discredited the case of the State and the Defence Forces. Will the Minister of State now reassess his strategy, which has been to fight each case tooth and nail? Will he now address the totality of cases and the other possible cases, as well as the ongoing legacy of prescribing this drug when it was deemed to have been dangerous by other armed forces around the world?
The Deputy will be aware that the State Claims Agency manages all personal injury cases on behalf of myself and my Department. The case was settled on 30 November without admission of liability and the plaintiff withdrew any part of his claim that related to the choice of Lariam by the defendants as a chemoprophylactic. The Deputy will also be aware that all other matters are settled and the case was struck out. In view of a number of other litigation cases happening, it would be totally inappropriate of me to comment further. I understand a case is expected to be heard later this year.
8. Deputy Mick Barry asked the Taoiseach and Minister for Defence further to the promise of his colleague the Minister for Business, Enterprise and Innovation to publish in this term the Industrial Relations (Amendment) Bill which will afford enhanced representative rights to the Garda Representative Association, if a similar Bill that will bestow equivalent rights to PDFORRA and RACO will be introduced; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [3352/18]
Deputy Wallace said the country was not going to be invaded and the Minister has welcomed that. It is just as well, given that only six of the eight ships the Navy has are capable of going out to sea at any one time because of staff shortages.
The Deputy is reverting to an earlier question. He should concentrate on this question as he only has 12 seconds remaining in which to ask it.
Will the Minister bring forward a Bill which will bestow rights to PDFORRA and RACO equivalent to the rights about to be conferred on the Garda Representative Association?
I have told the Deputy from whom I got my information, namely, the flag officer commanding of the Naval Service. Perhaps the Deputy will tell me from where he got his information. I might be able to go and educate that person and tell him exactly how many ships we have operating.
I am serious about the two minutes.
The proposed legislation to which the Deputy refers arises from recommendations contained in the first report of the working group on industrial relations structures for An Garda Síochána. It is not proposed at this stage to make similar legislative provisions in respect of the Defence Forces.
I have initiated a review of the conciliation and arbitration scheme for members of the Permanent Defence Force. The scheme, since its inception in the early 1990s, has provided the framework to progress many successful negotiated agreements between defence management and the Permanent Defence Force representative associations.
There have been many changes in the industrial relations landscape in the intervening period. I consider it timely and appropriate to conduct a fundamental review of the scheme to ensure that it remains efficient and effective to all parties.
As I stated earlier in reply to Deputy Lisa Chambers, I have appointed Mr. Gerard Barry as an independent chairperson for the review. The chairperson will seek input from the Department of Defence, the Defence Forces, the Department of Public Expenditure and Reform, PDFORRA and RACO. There will also be wider consultation with relevant stakeholders.
While the focus of the review will be primarily on the operation of the Permanent Defence Force conciliation and arbitration scheme, as part of the review consideration will be given as to how the scheme operates, having regard to other redress and dispute resolution processes within the Defence Forces. Broader public sector pay negotiation processes and agreements must also be taken into consideration.
The review will also consider the complaint taken by EUROMIL on behalf of PDFORRA concerning certain trade union rights for military representative associations. I understand that a decision in this case is imminent.
I have directed that the chairperson provide a report to me no later than six months from the start of the review.
It would be premature at this stage to make arrangements for legislative changes concerning Permanent Defence Force representative associations in advance of the completion of the report.
As regards my source for the six ships, the Minister of State can read between the lines when I say that I talk to the ranks. On the issue of union rights for members of our Defence Forces, the Minister of State says that a court ruling is expected soon. I believe 12 February is the date in that regard. When the Defence Forces organisations win their case, as I am confident they will, are they going to have to wait for two years, as the Garda organisations had to do, before we get the merest hint of legislation? As the Minister of State knows, such are the dire conditions being endured by members of our Defence Forces, about which their organisations are prevented from fully agitating, that every week of resistance on the Government's side is adding to the real hardship of thousands of personnel and their families.
I speak to the ranks as well. They are probably the most important people within the organisation because they are the people on the ground. If the Deputy wants to pass on my details, I will talk to that member of the ranks as well.
It would be totally inappropriate of me to expect the outcome of the conciliation and arbitration scheme or any legislative changes that may be required. The Deputy spoke about the industrial Relations (Amendment) Bill. That is a matter for the Minister for Business, Enterprise and Innovation, Deputy Humphreys. If the Deputy submits a parliamentary question to the Minister's Department for written or oral reply, I have no doubt that she will give him a full and comprehensive response.
I have asked that the review be concluded within six months. I will then consider its findings. I have left the terms of reference of the review very broad so that both representative associations will be very much involved in the review.
11. Deputy Lisa Chambers asked the Taoiseach and Minister for Defence the further action he plans to take in respect of Air Corps whistleblowers. [3455/18]
Once again I am asking about the Air Corps whistleblowers scandal. I want to know what plans the Minister of State has to deal with that issue this year.
As the Deputy is no doubt aware, section 16 of the Protected Disclosures Act 2014 sets out confidentiality requirements regarding the protection of the identity of a discloser. Therefore it is not possible for me to go into detail in respect of any actions being taken on foot of an individual disclosure so as to ensure that such an individual's confidentiality is not breached.
However, as I have previously outlined to the Deputy and the House, the health and welfare of the men and women of Óglaigh na hÉireann are a priority for me and my Department and I am fully committed to compliance with the requirements of the Protected Disclosures Act 2014 and to the protections it contains. To this end, I want to ensure that those making protected disclosures are reassured that where such disclosures are made in accordance with the legislation, they are and will continue to be dealt with in a thorough and fair manner. I have made it clear to my Department and the Defence Forces that the protections for which the Act provides must be afforded to those who make qualifying disclosures under it.
A single civil-military protected disclosures office has been established in my Department, in which all protected disclosures are initially assessed. The office is also preparing updated guidance for issue to all staff, both civil and military, on protected disclosures. This office is something that I looked for to give the full and thorough review of all protected disclosures that come in and the recipients. Together, the single office and updated guidance should ensure a uniform approach to protected disclosures across the defence organisation.
I am assured by the Chief of Staff that the military authorities are fully aware of the protections afforded to its members under the Protected Disclosures Act 2014. In order to ensure compliance with this legislation, the Defence Forces have implemented general routine order 07/2015. This document sets out the policy, procedures and protections afforded to serving personnel on making a protected disclosure. The document was signed on 21 August 2015.
The Minister of State seems somehow to be suggesting that his inaction is to serve the interests of those affected. It is a little bit like Groundhog Day with this issue. We continue to ask the questions and we continue to get the same stock response. This issue was the subject of many parliamentary questions last year. It is not going to go away. It will be the subject of many parliamentary questions again this year until we start to see action.
Claims of a deliberate cover-up, victimisation of whistleblowers, a half-hearted attitude towards health and safety in the Air Corps. It is 2018 and we need an inquiry into whether technicians in the Air Corps developed cancer, neurological disorders and other chronic conditions as a result of exposure to toxic chemicals during their employment. We know from listening to the many accounts from those who are still alive and with us today that the difficulties they are facing in terms of their health and well-being cannot be put down to coincidence. Six legal actions are currently in train and my understanding is that two of those individuals have been diagnosed with cancer. In three cases, former Air Corps workers have been told they are suffering from organic encephalopathy, brain disorders due to chronic high-dose exposure to organic solvents. It is no coincidence; this is directly related to their employment.
This is not the first time I have raised this but I will continue to do so. We need a medical review of all those potentially affected to assess whether their conditions and health issues are directly related to their employment by the State. We must then put together a health care package for the individuals concerned. Will the Minister of State commit to doing that this year?
There is absolutely no cover-up whatsoever. The Deputy's question was very broad. She did not actually ask on a specific case. Now that she has raised a more specific matter, I take it that she is referring to the protected disclosure that was made in late 2015 and the two that were made in 2016. Earlier, in reply to Deputy Ó Snodaigh, I outlined the process I went through - the independent review. All of the personnel who made the protected disclosures got a copy of the review. They have replied to me with their own views. I have asked for a number of options.
I now have a suite of options that I will consider over the next period, for the next steps I will take. I have taken this issue very seriously. I have met with the people who made the protected disclosures and I have listened to them and their concerns. I have taken their comments on board and upon receiving the review I will inform the House shortly of my next steps.
The Minister of State is well aware of the disclosures we are discussing because they have been discussed in the House several times. The Minister of State referred to the review. He appointed Mr. Christopher O'Toole to conduct an independent review. That report was farcical, not because of Mr. O'Toole's work, but in the terms of reference he specifically stated that he did not have the expertise to carry out the tasks set for him by the Minister of State. That review is pretty much useless. There is nothing preventing the Minister of State from conducting a medical review of those people who are potentially affected. There is nothing in the disclosures legislation to prevent the Minister of State from doing that.
With regard to a cover up, the Minister of State has still not explained or taken any action to deal with the reports from 1995 and 1997, from the now dissolved public body Forbairt, which identified risks around air quality in the workplace. Those reports went missing. We believe they have been shredded; we do not know where they have gone. The reports are not in the Department of Defence and the Defence Forces do not have them. The Minister of State has taken no action to uncover why those reports went missing. Given that they were conducted a couple of years apart they could not have been housed together. On a cover up, the Minister of State can understand why people are sceptical about where and why the reports have gone missing, especially considering the sensitive nature of the content within the reports that the Minister of State and I have had sight of because somebody had the foresight to hold on to a copy.
I have outlined to the House the actions I have taken on the accusations that were placed around the Forbairt report. I will come back to the House to outline the next steps to be taken on this issue. I take this matter extremely seriously and as I said earlier I have met with the personnel who have made the protected disclosures. I have appointed the independent reviewer and I will shortly outline to the House the next steps that I will take on the issue.
