Skip to main content
Normal View

Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 27 Jun 2018

Vol. 970 No. 8

Other Questions

Passport Applications

Seán Crowe

Question:

32. Deputy Seán Crowe asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade his plans to clear the significant backlog that is delaying persons receiving a passport in a prompt and efficient manner, if his attention has been drawn to the fact that the current delays are causing significant hardship and if extra staff are being recruited or allocated to urgently deal with the issue. [27901/18]

Brian Stanley

Question:

67. Deputy Brian Stanley asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade the steps being taken to address the increased demand for Irish passports and the long delays in having passports issued. [27895/18]

My office and that of other Deputies have been inundated with requests from constituents regarding the current delays in getting passports. I thank the hard-pressed staff in the Passport Service and the Department for helping in some of those more difficult cases. Unfortunately, delays are frustrating and are causing families undue stress. What is causing the delay? Is the Tánaiste providing additional resources to clear the backlog? Could he give us a sense of what the problem is and why there is no indication that there are problems within the passport system and why there are delays?

I propose taking Questions Nos. 32 and 67 together.

The Passport Service is currently in its peak season for passport demand with the vast majority of applications being received between February and August each year. More than 500,000 applications have been received to date. For the first five months of the year, applications received are up by more than 8%.

The service monitors the volume of applications on an ongoing basis to ensure that resources are available to meet demand. To respond to anticipated application increases and to seasonal demands, the service received sanction for 220 temporary clerical officers, TCOs, this year to be appointed to the passport offices in Dublin and Cork. These TCOs are working together with permanent staff to process passport applications and to deal with the high number of inquiries being made through the service's various customer service channels.

The Passport Service is meeting its target turnaround times for certain categories of applicants and I acknowledge that there are delays in other categories. For example, for applicants who have used the online passport application service, the target turnaround timeframe of ten working days plus postage is being met and, in 50% of cases, applications are being processed in five working days plus postage. The target timeframe of 15 working days for Passport Express renewals and Northern Ireland Passport Express renewals is also currently being met.

The Passport Service acknowledges that for certain categories such as first-time applicants and applicants with lost or stolen passports, processing is taking longer due to additional security checks. I am sure the Deputies will understand that first-time applicants require additional security measures, including robust identity verification and entitlement checking and as a result can take longer to process. Babies and children applying for their first passport also fall within this category and in cases where other family members have submitted renewal applications alongside the first-time application, all applications will be linked in the system and will only be dealt with once the necessary checks have been completed on the first-time passport. This has caused particular problems for families.

The Passport Service is doing everything to ensure passports are processed as quickly as possible. In addition to the intake of TCOs and the use of targeted overtime, experienced staff from across the Department have been redeployed to process applications and respond to customer queries. I understand that more than 30 people in the Department have been redeployed to the service.

A central element of my Department's approach to managing increasing application volumes has been the implementation of service improvements to minimise the impact of unusually high application volumes on turnaround times. The passport reform programme is delivering major upgrades to technology platforms and business processes as well as significant customer service improvements. The online passport application service, which was launched last year, will continue to make a major contribution to the effective management of exceptionally high volumes by allowing existing resources to be more effectively deployed within the service. I expect that by the end of the year this online service will also be available for renewing children's applications, which will be a major step forward for families. I encourage all applicants wherever possible to renew their passports using the online renewal service.

I am satisfied that the combination of delivery upgrades to the technology platforms and application process together with the recruitment of adequate TCOs and the reallocation of resources from other divisions on a temporary basis is sufficient to meet demand during this peak season for thePassport Service. I also acknowledge that the service has not been what we would like it to be for the past number of weeks. The staff have been doing a heroic job given the extraordinary volumes with which they have had to deal. We are reviewing how the peak period is being managed this year to ensure we learn lessons for next year. Once we get over the peak demand period, which is coming to an end, the Deputies will find that the process will be much easier.

I am still at a loss about what the problem is within the system. I do not know if the Tánaiste knows what is the problem. Is it a lack of staff, the printing machine or the volume of applications? He said there has been an exceptional increase in the volume of applications but we realise that there would be a greater demand this year. An official from the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade who appeared before the Committee of Public Accounts said that it had taken more than six weeks to process 27,000 passport applications, which is 30 working days, while it had taken up to eight weeks to process a further 22,000 applications, which is 40 working days. There are, clearly, problems within the system.

When applicants go online to look for information, they are not told that there is a delay in the system. If they go on Twitter, they do not get an answer. People are telling me that when they ring the Passport Office, they are not getting through or are not getting information. If they email, they do not get information. There is a problem there with regard to up-to-date information and that needs to be resolved. People are applying much earlier to renew their passports but there is still a difficulty in the system. I do not criticise staff. I do not know what is wrong, which is why I am asking the Tánaiste for an answer.

I will tell the Deputy what I see as wrong. There has been a dramatic increase in the number of passport applications across multiple platforms. The online application process has worked well and we are ahead of our turnaround target times. In many cases, the turnaround time for half of online applicants is five days rather than ten days plus postage. Problems occur when children are applying for a first-time passport and when passports have been lost and people need a replacement quickly. They make an application and follow that up with a phone call or an email but do not get an answer. We are trying to deal with tens of thousands of phone calls and emails each week. The pressure this places on staff at peak time coupled with significant increases in demand for passports across all platforms has resulted in delays. As a result, we have taken on an extra 220 temporary staff, which we take on every year in the build up to the peak season, but we have also redeployed approximately 30 experienced staff on a temporary basis to respond to people by phone and email more quickly. If people do not get responses by phone, they tend to work through Deputies' offices and so on and, therefore, we have had to put systems in place to deal politically with many applications, which is not the way to do this efficiently.

My question also concerns the long delays in issuing passports. I take on board the Tánaiste's point that there has been a huge increase in the number of passport applications, which is a positive in a way as it reflects the popularity of the Irish passport. There are problems with new applicants, renewals and children's passports, and there is still a problem with online applications. Constituents in Laois-Offaly come to me constantly with cases like this. Sometimes with the help of staff, we manage to get them through while, at other times, we do not. I understand that staff are working hard and that additional staff have been deployed but there are delays for new applicants, renewals and online applications.

This morning, I dealt with the case of a family in Portlaoise that is going to Lourdes. It has been promised that its outstanding passport will be ready today or tomorrow and I hope that is what transpires. The passport in question was applied for seven weeks ago, in early May. Constituents are relaying back to us that there are particular problems trying to get responses from the Dublin office about the current status of their passport applications. We are encouraging people to apply online. Although I agree with the Tánaiste that it is a better system, there are delays that need to be addressed. Substantial revenues are being generated from the issuing of passports. I do not know how the financing of it works out. People in Laois, Offaly and other parts of the country are anxious for passports to be issued more speedily.

I am aware of the problems that have arisen this year because they have translated into political requests. Virtually every Member of this House has been asked to solve individual problems for families and constituents. That is an ineffective way of dealing with tens of thousands of passports each week. We have to put systems in place that deal more comprehensively with people's concerns. It should also be possible to deal with emergency situations quickly without stalling the processing of the passport applications of everybody else. A considerable improvement will be seen when it becomes possible to apply for child passports online. When a number of family members are renewing passports currently, the adult passports are delayed because of the security checks required for child passports. We are assessing at the moment. We are learning lessons from what has happened this year. The problems stem back to closure of the Passport Office for a couple of days during the difficult weather period. While the backlog started then, the difficulty experienced at that time is certainly not the sole reason for the backlog. When the peak period has passed, the Passport Office will deal with queries under all categories in a much more efficient way. We need to learn lessons for next year to ensure we do not ask staff to do an impossible job, which is what happened for a time this year.

The Minister has spoken about "allowing existing resources to be more effectively deployed within the Passport Service", just as he did when this issue came up in March. The problems within the Passport Office's communications system need to be looked at as part of any review. People are frustrated because information is key. They want to know what can be done to get information. That is why they are contacting politicians. I agree that this is not the right way to get a passport. We need to get as much accurate information as possible to people who are desperately seeking information about the possibility of getting their passports in time to go on the holidays for which they have been saving all year. Individual cases are very fine, but we need to focus on the system that comprises those cases. We have heard about families in which everyone other than one child has got a passport. That creates difficulties in systems. I wish the Minister well but the communication system needs to be beefed up.

I concur with what has been said about the importance of information flow. I appreciate that this is a huge challenge. I accept that thousands of applications are being dealt with each week. This fast-moving process puts huge demands on staff and generates revenue. Many other parts of government do not draw in revenue as part of the services they provide. We need to up our game. It is good that the Irish passport is so popular in the North, in the South and with the diaspora. We welcome that. I was one of many people who thought after the Brexit referendum that there would be huge demand for Irish passports from people living in England, Scotland, Wales and the North of Ireland for a year or so, but that this would abate after the initial big bang. That has not happened, which shows that the demand for Irish passports will remain strong and that is the key message. We need to put in place a system to try to deal with that in the Cork and Dublin offices.

Standing Orders permit me to call Deputy Scanlon for a brief supplementary question.

We should recognise the efforts of the staff of the Minister's office because they are helpful. I would like to make a suggestion. When people are booking their holidays two or three months in advance, would it be possible for the airlines to flag with them that they should check whether their passports are valid? If people checked their passports far in advance, there would be no issues. At the moment, the issue does not arise until people are checking in. That is where the problem is. If people were warned at the time of booking that they should check their passports, it would save a lot of trouble.

I agree that better communication is the key. If thousands of people are trying to get through to the Passport Office at the same time, such volumes clearly make it impossible for the relatively small number of staff in the office to speak to everybody. It is important to note that changes for the better have been made in recent years. As a result of the use of technology and online systems, the vast majority of passports are being delivered on time or quicker than the anticipated turnaround time. Given that 500,000 passports have been issued so far this year, a huge number of people are affected if problems arise even in just 10% of cases. It takes time to talk through the issues. I am conscious that there are many repeat phone calls from people who are desperate to talk to somebody to get some certainty in advance of their holidays, business travel or emergency travel situations. We are looking at communications with a view to giving people the ability to get an update on the status of their passport applications within the system without having to contact politicians to get that information. While it is useful for Deputies to be able to assist in emergency situations, their offices should not be turned into passport processing offices. We are trying to put in place a system to deal with these matters in a much more efficient way.

British-Irish Intergovernmental Conference

Eamon Ryan

Question:

33. Deputy Eamon Ryan asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade if he has received further correspondence from the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland in regard to convening the British-Irish Intergovernmental Conference; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [28057/18]

Brendan Smith

Question:

41. Deputy Brendan Smith asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade if he has discussed with the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland the convening of the British-Irish Intergovernmental Conference; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [27897/18]

Brendan Smith

Question:

66. Deputy Brendan Smith asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade if he will set out the plans to have the British-Irish Intergovernmental Conference convened; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [27898/18]

The British-Irish Intergovernmental Conference is a vital strand three body. In light of the absence of an Executive and an Assembly in Northern Ireland for the past year and a half, and given the issues surrounding Brexit, the conference is of importance and significance as a formal mechanism for co-operation between the Irish and British Governments. The Good Friday Agreement provides that, "In recognition of the Irish Government’s special interest in Northern Ireland and of the extent to which issues of mutual concern arise in relation to Northern Ireland, there will be regular and frequent meetings of the Conference concerned with non-devolved Northern Ireland matters, on which the Irish Government may put forward views and proposals." Even though this is an important element of the Good Friday Agreement, the British-Irish Intergovernmental Conference has not met and there has been no Executive or Assembly in Stormont since early 2017. Surely it is time for the conference to meet.

I propose to take Questions Nos. 33, 41, and 66 together.

The Government has consistently affirmed its unwavering commitment to the Good Friday Agreement, GFA, and its determination as co-guarantor of the agreement to secure the effective operation of its east-west and North-South institutions. The devolved power-sharing institutions are central to the Agreement. They represent the best means of achieving accountable and representative decision-making for all the people of Northern Ireland. The Irish and British Governments, as co-guarantors of the Agreement, have worked tirelessly over many months to support and facilitate the parties in their efforts to form an Executive. Unfortunately, it has not proved possible to date for the parties in Northern Ireland to reach an agreement on the formation of an Executive.

To this end, the Government has been working with the British Government to consider all means by which we can support the political process in accordance with the GFA. The Taoiseach has spoken with Prime Minister May and has emphasised the Government's full commitment to the GFA and its continuing determination to secure the effective operation of all its institutions. I am in regular contact with the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland as we seek a way beyond the current impasse. We met most recently on 11 June in Cork and we are in regular contact by phone. I have indicated to the Secretary of State that it would be appropriate to convene the British-Irish Intergovernmental Conference as part of the work by both Governments, as co-guarantors of the GFA, to chart a way beyond the current impasse.

The British-Irish Intergovernmental Conference, BIIGC, is an important institution of the Good Friday Agreement, bringing together the British and Irish Governments under strand three of the Good Friday Agreement to promote bilateral co-operation on matters of mutual interest within the competence of both Governments. The agreement provides for meetings of the conference concerned with non-devolved Northern Ireland matters on which the Irish Government may put forward views and proposals. It also provides that the conference may consider all-island cross-Border co-operation on non-devolved issues. The agreement explicitly provides that the conference does not involve any derogation from the sovereignty of either Government.

As someone who is very experienced and interested in North-South relations on this island, the Deputy understands the significance of adherence to the Good Friday Agreement and its structures, and in that context, the importance of the British-Irish Intergovernmental Conference at this time. I assure the Deputy that our requests for that are being listened to. I hope we will see progress on that in the not-too-distant future.

I thank the Tánaiste for his reply. It is time to demand that the British Government agree to the Tánaiste's request and that of the Government to have a meeting of the British-Irish Intergovernmental Conference. Even without the political impasse in Northern Ireland, there would be a huge argument for reconvening the British-Irish Intergovernmental Conference. In the face of no functioning political institutions in Northern Ireland and the growing confusion and concern about the impact that Brexit will have on our daily lives, it is an urgent requirement. Why is the British Government resisting the call? I accept the word that the Tánaiste and his Government colleagues have sought a meeting of the British-Irish Intergovernmental Conference. There seems to be no urgency in getting the talks resumed. The talks process is barely moving, if it is moving at all. In the absence of any meaningful dialogue between the parties to restore devolution, it is critical that the two Governments step up and step in.

I am in Northern Ireland every week. I travel through parts of it to visit parts of my own constituency. No later than last Saturday evening, in Enniskillen, I was speaking to people from counties Fermanagh, Tyrone and Down. They asked what was happening with regard to the political institutions in Northern Ireland. I said they needed to speak to the parties that they voted for as well as speaking to the political parties and Government here. People believe that there is no sense of urgency in getting the institutions back up and running. History shows that, at different times when there were impasses, it took the intervention and full engagement of both Governments-----

The Tánaiste to respond.

-----to get those institutions restored and functioning in the best interests of the people they were mandated to represent.

I do not disagree with anything the Deputy has just said. There needs to be urgency. The two Governments need to work together. Significant issues linked to Brexit are being discussed by the two Governments, which involves Northern Ireland, Border issues and east-west relationships. The focus in London has been on the build-up to the June summit relating to Brexit. Anybody who watches British politics as I do will see the focus on trying to manage the political debates around Brexit in recent weeks. While that has been going on, I reassure the Deputy and the House that I have been speaking directly to Karen Bradley. We have a good working relationship. I hope we will meet again early next week. We have been speaking to political parties in the North and I understand that parties have been speaking to one another. I assure the Deputy that there is no sense of complacency here. The status quo or political stagnation in Northern Ireland is dangerous.

Go raibh maith agat.

The two Governments need to work together with all of the parties in Northern Ireland to progress a dialogue that can result in a functioning executive again, in all likelihood post summit.

Would the Tánaiste accept that the British-Irish Intergovernmental Conference, as part of the Good Friday Agreement, offers both Governments a way to help to break the deadlock between the Democratic Unionist Party, DUP, and Sinn Féin? The British-Irish Intergovernmental Conference represents the best way to move forward in the interests of both traditions, providing accommodations in the decisions that follow and delivering a package of legislation, such as Acht na Gaeilge, an Ulster Scots Act, reform of the petition of concern, the establishment of legacy bodies and the release of inquest resources, that would allow parties a route back to devolution. Would the Tánaiste agree that the British-Irish Intergovernmental Conference could introduce the measures set out in last February's draft accommodation between Sinn Féin and the DUP, which Arlene Foster then rejected before pulling the plug on that round of talks? In his reply, the Tánaiste indicated that the public needs to be shown that there is urgency in getting institutions restored. People need to have a belief that those institutions will be working again. For far too long, Sinn Féin and the DUP have treated politics as confrontational rather than co-operative. The Tánaiste, Deputy Seán Crowe and I were in Queen's University on 10 April, the anniversary of the Good Friday Agreement, when we listened to former President Clinton, former Prime Minister Blair, former Taoiseach Bertie Ahern and former Senator George Mitchell. All of the conversation at the dialogue that day indicated that, were it not for the generosity and understanding of the other tradition's problems-----

Final response from the Tánaiste.

-----we would not have had a Good Friday Agreement. Sadly, that is lacking today in politics in Northern Ireland.

One of the most impressive contributions that day was from Peter Robinson, former leader of the DUP, who gave a very positive contribution in the spirit of reaching out. I assure the Deputy that the import of this issue is not lost on me. I have spent much time north of the Border and have learned a lot in the last year about the complexity of the political challenges in Northern Ireland. We need to overcome them and we have done that in the past in a much more difficult environment than we currently face. That does not mean the challenges today are not significant; they are. Moreover, the tension and the polarisation effect of Brexit in Northern Ireland has added to that, which has made it more difficult and has made some people more fearful about what the future holds. Both Governments need to provide the reassurance and partnership that can allow for the confidence to move forward within the political system. The BIIGC can help in that regard although some people unfortunately see it as a threat and something that they are trying to resist. That is not the British Government but some people. I do not think anybody should see the BIIGC as a threat. It is simply a structure within which Governments can engage and consult with one another to help to find a way forward.

I know it was late starting and this has become a pattern that someone will have to address. We are only on the eighth question and Members are waiting. I appeal to everyone. It is too late now. We will move on to the next question but it has been a bad day for parliamentary questions in terms of numbers.

Some of the questions have been paired. We just dealt with three questions together.

They may well have been but the Chair can only try to control it. I need the co-operation of all.

Humanitarian Aid

Thomas Pringle

Question:

34. Deputy Thomas Pringle asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade if Ireland's concerns will be made known at European level regarding a search and rescue ship (details supplied) and the lack of true humanitarianism within the fortress Europe mentality of certain member states; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [28006/18]

Paul Murphy

Question:

39. Deputy Paul Murphy asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade his views on the policy of the Italian Government to refuse ships with refugees; the approach he has taken regarding discussions on European migration policy; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [28024/18]

Some Members more so than others are in breach of the time. That should be mentioned. Members on this side of the House are very conscious of the time and stick to it. That would make a big difference in delivering the questions in an appropriate time.

This question has unfortunately come back as a topic on the news again, with the vessel having difficulty docking at Malta last night. What are Ireland's views on this issue and what does the Tánaiste intend to do at the European level?

I was at a Foreign Affairs Council meeting on Monday and a General Affairs Council meeting yesterday when I read and heard about the plight of the new vessel, the MV Lifeline, which is on its way to Malta. It was unable to dock elsewhere in the Mediterranean. There are 230 migrants on that ship. The conditions on the ship are not good. I felt that Ireland should show some solidarity with Malta but, more importantly, with the refugees on board that ship. Having spoken to the Taoiseach and Minister for Justice and Equality to make sure that we were all on the same page, which we were, I offered that Ireland would take 10% of those migrants in order to process their asylum applications here.

Other countries are also making offers and I felt that, by making an early offer in this regard, Ireland would trigger other countries to do the same. Malta has been negotiating with many other EU member states to try to share the burden. Malta is a very small member state. It fears that it might be asked to do too much, particularly in view of the resources it has available to it. We will accept in the region of 25 migrants here and go through the process to ensure it is done properly. Other countries have also made offers to try to deal with this particular case. This is the symptom of a much bigger problem that really needs a resolution in the next few days when the European leaders meet.

It is a symptom of a much bigger problem; that is certainly true. While the offer Ireland has made is very welcome, I would be concerned in light of the previous offer we made to take in 4,000 refugees from Italy and Greece. We have taken in less than one third of that number at this stage, approximately 1,400. It is an offer but does it actually mean anything? That is what I am getting at. I would like to see that it does actually mean something and that we will not be sitting here in two years asking if we are actually going to reach those numbers, even though they are very small. It is extremely important. Only when countries like Ireland step up to the mark and actually do something rather than just saying it can we show that fortress Europe does not exist. Then we can show other countries that everybody has to play their part. There is no doubt that Europe can handle the numbers.

We also have to look at what Europe is doing in causing the flow of migrants as well. Europe plays an active part in causing that flow through the deprivation visited upon and destruction of African countries and the Middle East. We have recently seen the destruction of Libya, which is where most of these people are coming from now.

There is an intensive political debate going on in Europe right now about how we can put together a collective and comprehensive response to the migration challenges that we have. I do not agree with the Deputy when he says that our decision yesterday does not really mean anything. I was Minister for Defence when we agreed to send a ship to the Mediterranean, which was the first time we did something like that. Since then, Irish ships have rescued more than 16,000 people from the Mediterranean. Yesterday, one of our member states and friends asked for help and we gave it, there and then, by means of a practical response. We have offered to take 4,000 migrants in the context of the pressures that Italy, primarily, faces. We have taken nearly 2,000 so far. The actual figure is 1,842 and by the end of the year it will certainly be 2,000. We will take our 4,000. That is well above the figure that the quotas would have assigned to Ireland on a country-by-country, pro rata basis. We made a conscious decision, which I remember because I was involved with it, to go well beyond the quota figure that would have been proportionate to Ireland's population. I am not pretending that Ireland is doing something extraordinary; it is not. Ireland is simply offering some modest generosity and also recognising the humanitarian crisis that faces many people in desperate circumstances. That approach will continue.

We should continue to do that but we should be doing so in a proactive way rather than waiting for countries like Malta to say that they have a problem before we step in. That is a way to send a message to the countries that are saying we cannot have this and that are pursuing a right-wing agenda and blaming immigrants for everything. We also should be calling into question Europe's involvement in the causes of this. We will never deal with the flow of refugees without dealing with what makes them into refugees and Europe's part in that. It was England and France that bombed the hell out of Libya and now Libya is a staging point for all these refugees. Bad and all as Libya might have been before, it was not a source of refugees to Europe. We have to question that as well. We should be proactive and mature and should not be waiting for a call from another country.

We have been proactive but it is not enough yet. There are substantial new schemes to try to ensure that we stem the flow of migrants coming from many African countries - Nigeria, Mali and many others - via what is essentially a trafficking route through Libya. We are working with governments in countries where the migration begins. We are also trying to deal robustly with traffickers and ensure that conditions in camps on the shores of Libya are improving through UN structures and engagement. The numbers that are trying to cross the Mediterranean are significantly down this year. Having said that, they are still significant; approximately 16,000 have so far arrived in Italian ports this year. We cannot continue to allow a small number of Mediterranean countries to carry the entire burden in the context of the migration pressures that exist. There must be a collective response from the European Union. We need to show some flexibility in respect of how that collective response works in practical terms. That is what leaders, including the Taoiseach, will be discussing and advocating in the next few days.

International Election Monitoring

Seán Crowe

Question:

35. Deputy Seán Crowe asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade if his attention was drawn to the position of a person (details supplied) in the context of Turkey’s presidential and general election on 24 June 2018; his views on whether such dire and unbalanced elections go against the democratic principle of free and fair elections; and if he will call for the immediate release of the person. [27903/18]

On Sunday, Turkey held presidential and parliamentary elections. They were held under a state of emergency and unparalleled repression. The presidential candidate for the Peoples’ Democratic Party, HDP, the third largest party in the country, had to campaign from his prison cell because he remains in pretrial detention on trumped up and politically motivated charges. Does the Tánaiste have any concerns about the Turkish elections? Does he believe they were free and fair? Will he make a statement on their outcome?

The Government issued a statement expressing serious concerns when the co-chairs of the HDP, Figen Yüksekda and Selahattin Demirta, were arrested in November 2016. Ireland made clear its concerns regarding the proportionality of the Turkish authorities’ response to the attempted coup in July 2016, and regarding the scale of the arrests of human rights defenders, journalists and political activists in the intervening period.

The arrest and detention of elected Members of Parliament such as Mr. Demirta is especially worrying. I have repeatedly said that all those facing trial in Turkey, including Mr. Demirta and the chair of Amnesty International Turkey, Taner Klç, must be afforded full due process, including the presumption of innocence and the right to a fair trial. The pretrial detention of Mr. Demirta has been lengthy and I am concerned that the level of transparency implicit in the right to due process has not been observed in his case. We urge the Turkish authorities to ensure that Mr. Demirta is given a prompt and fair trial based on the principle of presumption of innocence and in line with the European Convention of Human Rights and the case law of the European Court of Human Rights.

Official election results have yet to be published but the first indications are that Mr. Demirta received approximately 10% of the vote, notwithstanding his inability to run a normal election campaign because of his detention. Prior to polling day, the EU expressed concerns as to whether these elections would take place in a free and fair climate and urged the Turkish authorities to ensure that this would be the case. Ireland supported this statement and as recently as last week I publicly reiterated the call on Turkey to ensure that the elections would be fully in line with democratic principles.

The preliminary conclusions of international observers from the OSCE and the Council of Europe are that voters had a genuine choice despite the lack of conditions for contestants to compete on an equal basis. They said the incumbent President and his party enjoyed a notable advantage, reflected in excessive coverage by Government-affiliated public and private media.

The result means that Mr. Erdoan, who has ruled Turkey for the past 15 years, will now become the country's first executive President. He will preside over a political system that grants the presidency major new powers, while omitting the necessary checks and balances.

The president now has the power to appoint vice presidents, ministers, high level officials and, more worryingly, senior judges. He can dissolve parliament, issue executive decrees and further impose a state of emergency. Tens of thousands of political and civil society activists have been jailed and more than 110,000 civil servants have been dismissed from their jobs since the announcement of the state of emergency. Does the Tánaiste agree that Erdoan has been able to achieve this through the use of state resources? I refer to the use of repression and purges under the state of emergency that has been in place since 2016. Again, there are concerns about the election itself, including voter fraud-----

Go raibh maith agat, a Theachta. Tá an t-am caite.

-----and intimidation. Again, I am concerned about-----

Níl an t-am againn. We do not have time for a response.

Top
Share