Skip to main content
Normal View

Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 11 May 2021

Vol. 1006 No. 6

Ceisteanna ar Sonraíodh Uain Dóibh - Priority Questions

Foreign Conflicts

John Brady

Question:

47. Deputy John Brady asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs the actions he plans to take on the international stage to put a halt to the support being offered to the Ethiopian Government and Eritrean forces engaged in a systematic campaign of violence in Tigray by the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia, particularly given Ireland’s long partnership with Ethiopia and role on the United Nations Security Council. [24129/21]

What actions does the Minister plan to take on the international stage to put a halt to the humanitarian crisis that has been unfolding in the Tigray region of Ethiopia over the past number of months? It has involved a number of international actors. What actions does the Minister intend to take on the international stage?

I thank the Deputy for asking this question. What has been happening in Tigray is quite shocking. I remain deeply concerned by the ongoing conflict, which has seen many people killed, injured and displaced, and which is feeding into instability across the Horn of Africa.

Since joining the UN Security Council, Ireland has worked consistently to ensure a focus on the conflict in Ethiopia, initiating discussions at the Council in February and March, and leading negotiations that led to the adoption of a press statement on the situation in Tigray on 22 April, the first time the Council has spoken publicly on the crisis. We will work to ensure the Council maintains its focus on this pressing issue.

An immediate ceasefire is the most important step all parties can take. In this regard, it is imperative that Eritrean forces leave Tigray immediately. The humanitarian situation in Tigray continues to be extremely difficult, in particular the situation of internally displaced persons. My Department, through the Irish Aid programme, has so far provided over €3.2 million to support the vital humanitarian response on the ground.

There are multiple credible and harrowing reports of ongoing human rights violations, including, in particular, sexual violence being used as a tool of war in Tigray. I strongly support the work of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, working with the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission, to investigate reported atrocities. I continue to engage with a range of key interlocutors in the region and the African Union. There is significant Gulf engagement in the Horn of Africa and I have discussed the situation in Tigray with the foreign minister of the United Arab Emirates.

The EU is also engaging with the Gulf states on the situation. Finland’s foreign minister has visited the region twice on behalf of the EU, including visits to Saudi Arabia and the UAE which examined the ways in which Gulf countries can play a constructive role in addressing the Tigray crisis. Ireland will continue to avail of all opportunities to raise our concerns on the Tigray crisis in our bilateral contacts with Gulf interlocutors and at UN and EU levels.

As the Minister is aware, this is one of the world's gravest humanitarian and human rights crises. He mentioned that sexual violence is being used as a weapon of war, which is absolutely appalling. I welcome the statement by the UN Security Council and the work that went into drafting it but, unfortunately, it did not go far enough because it did not mention the international actors involved in the situation. We see the situation with Eritrea. For the first time on 23 April, there was acknowledgement that Eritrea had troops within the Tigray region. A commitment was made to start withdrawing those troops but that has not happened. I have had a briefing from the former Ethiopian minister for foreign affairs, Berhane Gebre-Christos. He has said that the Eritrean area is being used by Saudi Arabia and the UAE to fly drones into the Tigray area, which has been integral to, and instrumental in, the destruction that has added to the humanitarian crisis and the number of deaths in the area. More action needs to be taken to put pressure on the international actors in this horrific conflict.

In order to get a unanimous statement at the UN Security Council, compromises sometimes have to be made. We had choices to make. We could write a statement that Ireland would have written on its own and to which very few would have been listening, or we could write a statement through negotiation with the other 14 member states, in particular the five permanent member states and the three African members of the Security Council. We did the latter. The statement was strong, particularly on sexual violence, the need for an independent investigation and the need for humanitarian access to all of the Tigray region, which has been hugely problematic. We could not get a clear wording on the need for Eritrean troops to leave into the statement but I, separately, have been publicly vocal on that matter, as has the European Union. We are continuing to work with our colleagues in the European Union to keep the Ethiopian Government in the spotlight in order to ensure it does everything that is appropriate on this issue. Most importantly, we must continue to advocate at all levels for a ceasefire across the board and for a full, independent investigation so we can hold to account the people who have committed crimes against humanity. There is certainly growing evidence, particularly in the case of sexual violence, that crimes have been committed against humanity.

I thank the Minister for the response. Ireland has a key role to play to bring about a ceasefire and a lasting settlement to the conflict in the region, given the considerable humanitarian assistance Ireland has provided to Ethiopia, particularly the Tigray region, over many decades. We have a key role to play in that regard. There is worrying information on the crisis. I have spoken to experienced commentators who say they are convinced that the Ethiopian Prime Minister, Abiy Ahmed, has no intention whatsoever of entering into dialogue with people in Tigray. There are also concerns that the West is afraid to push the Prime Minister too far because there is no one there, effectively, to replace him. There are suggestions that the West is essentially prepared to sacrifice the Tigray region to try to keep the Prime Minister in place. It is worrying. We need to do more and to be more vocal on the Security Council.

I agree with some of what the Deputy has said but strongly disagree with other elements of it. Ireland's relationship with Ethiopia goes back many years. Our development assistance programme and partnerships with Ethiopia are stronger than with any other African country and have been for many years. In fact, we had workers in the Tigray region when the violence started. It is a country we know well and with which we have had a long and strong relationship. That is one of the reasons Ireland is credible in its criticism and its insistence on shining a spotlight on what is happening in the Tigray region. We will continue to do that.

I do not think it is in anybody's interests to see a collapse of the Ethiopian Government. It is a very large country that is broken into many different, quite powerful regions and, therefore, maintaining a government within Ethiopia is important. However, we must ensure that we hold people to account in the context of what has happened in the Tigray region.

Ireland has been very outspoken in that regard.

Foreign Conflicts

Brendan Howlin

Question:

48. Deputy Brendan Howlin asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs if his attention has been drawn to the situation in the area Sheikh Jarrah used to resettle expelled Palestinian refugees in 1956, that 28 Palestinian families long promised legal titles to their homes are now the target of eviction proceedings by the Israeli authorities and new settlers there; the action he has taken at EU and UN level to highlight this injustice; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [23901/21]

How are the Minister and the Government addressing the completely unacceptable situation in Sheikh Jarrah, East Jerusalem, where mass evictions and dispossession of Palestinians is ongoing contrary to international law? Since I tabled the question, of course, matters have taken a most dangerous and appalling course, making the Minister's response all the more urgent.

I am deeply concerned by the escalation of violence in Jerusalem in recent days, the launching of rockets from Gaza and the actions of the Israeli defence forces. Many were shocked at reports of 24 Palestinians being killed last night, including nine children. I believe those figures are now higher. The latest figures, which I received a number of hours ago, were that 28 people were killed, ten of whom were children. I also mention the launching of a rocket from Gaza at a school in southern Israel this morning, and at a residential area this afternoon in which two Israelis were killed. I also understand that in the past hour, quite a number of other Israelis, including possibly a child, have been killed from rocket fire.

I met the Israeli ambassador this afternoon to convey Ireland's position on this and recent tensions and violence. I underlined the need for the Israeli authorities to behave responsibly and protect all civilians in line with their obligations under international law.

Provocations and clashes in East Jerusalem, which led to many being injured at the holy site of Haram al-Sharif, or Temple Mount, are deeply worrying. In my view, the approach of the Israeli authorities and security forces was not acceptable in that context.

On the question of Sheikh Jarrah, I am aware of the long-standing threat of eviction faced by Palestinian residents in this neighbourhood. I have urged Israel to cease evictions and demolitions. Yesterday at the EU Foreign Affairs Council, I highlighted the issues surrounding illegal settlements, including evictions and seizures of property, which are a major driver of genuine conflict and an obstacle to peace. This morning, Ireland's representative office in Ramallah visited the site along with other diplomatic representatives. Irish officials continue to closely monitor the situation with concern.

We are now witnessing the worst unrest in years. It is escalating further with the Israeli Prime Minister threatening ongoing and deepening air raids in Gaza and scores of rockets being launched by Hamas on Jerusalem itself, both shocking and appalling actions.

There is a root cause, however. I listened to the Israeli ambassador to Britain last night being unable to say that her government is in favour of a two-state solution. We need to get back to the root cause, which is the respect of fundamental rights for Palestinians, that the rule of law applies internationally and that people with legitimate tenancy and rights of tenure are allowed to live where they have lived for decades and not be faced with forced evictions. We now need a concerted effort by Ireland leading in the UN to resolve these matters.

I agree with the Deputy. Believe me when I say that Ireland is very involved in the UN Security Council in these matters. Ireland co-sponsored an emergency discussion at the council yesterday when the situation was not as dramatic as it is now. Ireland is working this evening as we speak. I spoke to our representative in New York who heads our Security Council team, which is speaking to other countries right now regarding how the council may be able to respond more directly and more successfully to what is clearly an increasing spiral of violence between Israelis and Palestinians. Yesterday at the Security Council, Ireland underlined that Israeli actions in East Jerusalem and at the Al-Aqsa compound were not acceptable and seen by many as provocative, and of course, continued to call on Israel to comply with international law.

I thank the Minister for the reply. We really need to be proactive on this because the Irish people have very clear views. Stun grenades in the Al-Aqsa mosque were a provocation that was obviously going to have a reaction. There must be a consequence to all this, however. Repeatedly, violations of human rights, suppression of rights and the killing of children seem to have nothing other than international condemnation as a result. There is no consequence to this.

We must now resolve ourselves to be firm and clear that we will work with like-minded governments, not only in the EU but across the world, and perhaps, there will be a change of view in the new US administration, to try to advance the two-state solution, which will respect the rights of both communities and bring peace to this region once and for all.

I hope my position on this issue has been very consistent. We have and continue to advocate for a two-state solution on the basis of a negotiation where equality of esteem between both sides is respected. That certainly has not been the case in recent years.

I continue to be outspoken on the illegality of settlements in occupied territory and their expansion, the forced removal of Palestinians from their homes and the demolition of buildings. Of course, I also defend Israel's right to defend itself. We need to ensure, however, that if there is there is going to be a lasting peace between Israelis and Palestinians, it must be based on a political negotiation. I do not believe that anything except a two-state solution is a viable long-term solution in that context. The policy of continuing to aggressively expand settlements, particularly in the West Bank and in parts of East Jerusalem, is making that two-state solution more remote as a possibility in the context of the negotiations that are needed. I hope Ireland will be able to build a coalition of countries that can intervene in an appropriate way here, first and foremost, to stop the violence.

Foreign Conflicts

John Brady

Question:

49. Deputy John Brady asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs the Government response to the report by an organisation (details supplied) that accuses Israel of the crime of apartheid. [24639/21]

Will the Minister respond to the recent report by the Human Rights Watch organisation that accuses Israel of the crime of apartheid? This has been given added significance in light of evolving events in East Jerusalem and Gaza over the past number of days, which amount to war crimes, annexation and apartheid. I look forward to the Minister's response.

I am aware of the report referred to in the details supplied, which my officials are reviewing. It is quite a long report, at which my Department's legal team are now looking.

I have been forthright in expressing my concerns regarding the Israeli occupation of Palestine. Ireland’s position on this issue is, and will continue to be, based on international law, Israel’s obligations as an occupying power under the Fourth Geneva Convention and the relevant resolutions of the UN Security Council, which we have seen over the past number of decades. Ireland has made this position clear at the Security Council, where the issue is discussed each month.

Our approach is rooted in the illegality of Israel’s occupation and the right of Palestinians to self-determination. The restrictions that are imposed on Palestinians undermine the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination, a right which is at the heart of a proposed two-state solution.

The overall human rights situation in Israel and the occupied Palestinian territory remains a priority concern. Ireland has been active on this issue at the most recent session of the Human Rights Council in March.

Ireland also provides financial support to Israeli and Palestinian NGOs working on human rights issues.

Ireland also continues to raise a range of human rights concerns directly with the Israeli authorities and in multilateral fora, including the UN Human Rights Council and at the Security Council. Ireland and the EU will continue to monitor developments on the ground. We remain committed to a two-state solution and will continue to work with partners to revive a political process in line with international law, which ensures equal rights and is acceptable to both parties.

I thank the Minister. I welcome his statements in recent months but unfortunately they are only words. Words are important and significant. That is why I want to ask the Minister about the specific use of words such as “apartheid” and whether he views what is being done in the occupied territories by Israel as apartheid. The Minister said he will be forthright in terms of international law. International law shows war crimes are being perpetrated by Israel. Does the Minister agree these are war crimes? Does he agree also what is effectively happening in East Jerusalem, forced displacement, is annexation? It has happened before and there has been de jure annexations of Golan and Jerusalem which were breaches of international law. Is what is happening on the ground annexation? Could I have a simple “Yes” or “No” reply?

With respect, just because the Deputy says it does not make it so in terms of the-----

I am not the only one who says it.

In terms of-----

Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International-----

If the Deputy would let me answer the question-----

Human Rights Watch is a respected NGO. I value the role it and other civil society organisations play. The report by Human Rights Watch is a lengthy and complex document which, as I said earlier, is being reviewed by my Department. I continue to be concerned about the overall human rights situation in Israel and Palestine and discriminatory practices. There is no doubt Israel's actions have violated Palestinian human rights and equal treatment, and unilateral actions have undermined trust between Israel and the Palestinians.

I am also mindful of the threat posed to the future enjoyment of rights in the context of a future Palestinian state. The programme for Government commits to supporting a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. It also commits to building a consensus at EU level to take a more proactive approach in supporting a negotiated two-state solution and lasting peace process. While Israeli actions on the ground on settlements are undermining the feasibility of a two-state solution, there is still an opportunity to correct the course. It is critical we put all our efforts into doing so.

The Minister will be aware the International Criminal Court is investigating Israel for war crimes. It is interesting the Minister cannot say that what is happening on the ground - the forced displacement of Palestinian people from the occupied territories – is a war crime. It is a fact; it is not me making it up. That is a fact the Minister cannot dispute. It is worrying he cannot simply state that.

Ending the culture of near total impunity for Israel is allowing it to perpetrate these war crimes and the apartheid system it operates. Words are not forcing Israel to stop and adhere to international law. We need definitive action. The Minister, and we as a country, can lead given our position on the UN Security Council. Ireland and the EU were quick to impose sanctions against Russia for its actions in Crimea. I cannot understand why, after so many decades, we still sit idly by and allow Israel to act with impunity. Why can we not take specific actions in terms of sanctions and calling it what it is, namely, annexation? Words will only go so far. We need action and the Minister needs to step up to the mark and take that action.

With respect, the Deputy’s words only go so far. The way in which we can get something done here is to build consensus so that the EU can collectively-----

People are being slaughtered. What is being done?

Please listen. Much is being done. Ireland is raising its voice internationally but pretending that Ireland on its own can change the course of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is not being realistic. The way for us to really change things on the ground is to work and use our influence within the UN Security Council and the EU, which is exactly what we are doing, rather than putting ourselves out on a limb and taking a position that we cannot build consensus around and, therefore, not actually impacting on the lives of people on the ground, which is ultimately what I am about and what this Government is about. I hope it is what this Parliament is about as well.

That is why tonight we are talking to other like-minded countries on the UN Security Council about trying to build consensus around clear actions and statements at a Security Council level. That is why I raised the issue yesterday at the Foreign Affairs Council meeting. Unfortunately, the situation on the ground has deteriorated significantly since then but this will remain a big priority for the Government and for my Department.

Diplomatic Representation

Cathal Berry

Question:

50. Deputy Cathal Berry asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs if private security firms have been appointed to secure Irish embassies and diplomats in unstable regions abroad; if so, the cost of such arrangements; if they provide armed protection; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [24517/21]

Have private security firms been appointed to secure Irish embassies and diplomats in unstable regions abroad? If so, what is the cost of such arrangements, do they provide armed protection and will the Minister make a statement on the matter?

The safety and security of our staff and their families is a fundamental priority of my Department. My Department promotes best practice in managing the security of our people, material assets and premises through workplace security design, review, awareness-raising and training in consultation with the State’s security experts.

Ireland has 90 missions abroad, some of which are located in states where there is a moderate to high level of personal security threat. The host state is under a special duty under international law to protect the premises of diplomatic missions. Like other foreign ministries, we supplement those protections with private security services according to our local risk assessments and in accordance with procurement rules. In 2020, my Department invested €1.16 million on security services at our diplomatic missions abroad which operate in such environments.

Staff of my Department may need to travel to locations with high risks to personal security, often in countries where Ireland does not have a permanent mission. Such travel will only be authorised after it has been risk assessed and appropriate mitigations are in place, including armoured and armed protection where necessary. For such travel, security is usually provided by the host state, a hosting mission, the EU delegation or a host international organisation, such as the UN or OSCE. Where the host does not provide close protection, my Department may choose to avail of the services of a vetted local private security provider familiar with the local threat environment on a case-by-case basis.

My Department enjoys a close working relationship with the Defence Forces and An Garda Síochána on security matters. We have called on the assistance of the Department of Defence and the Defence Forces and An Garda Síochána under the emergency civil assistance team initiative for mission security-related projects. We look forward to deepening our relationships in the years ahead as we continue to assure the security of our people.

I thank the Minister for that very useful response. More than €1 million seems like quite a large outlay for such a bespoke service. Has any consideration been given to resourcing and tasking the Defence Forces to provide such a service on a more permanent basis rather than just on an ad hoc basis? I ask that for a number of reasons. First, Irish embassies overseas are sovereign Irish territory and many other countries use their militaries, even in Dublin, to secure their embassies. Given we do not have a dedicated diplomatic protection agency and the fact we are looking to increase our diplomatic footprint overseas, what are the Minister's thoughts on that? Would he consider resourcing and tasking the Defence Forces on a more standing arrangement?

The Garda Síochána and the Defence Forces contribute significantly to the security of our people abroad and I am certain this support will continue and potentially even broaden.

An Garda Síochána supported seven on-site mission security reviews in 2019 and three in early 2020, two in Africa. Members of the Defence Forces supported two complex projects at three missions over 2019.

I hope we can soon resume the cycle of monitoring to enhance the security of our network. The Defence Forces UN training school at the Curragh provides invaluable personal security training to around 100 members of my Department's staff going on posting each year. It is regarded by many as the high point of what is quite an arduous pre-posting training programme and really gives our diplomats pride in the history and capacity of our Defence Forces.

My Department co-operates under the emergency civil assistance team initiative, which provides support to our missions in consular emergencies and emergency planning as well as in the security of our missions. For operational reasons, I cannot disclose in detail the services and supports provided. Given his background and knowledge around security issues, the Deputy will understand that there will be appropriate occasions when we work with An Garda Síochána and the Defence Forces and that there will sometimes be temporary use needed, whether it is for travel or for security or short-term security requirements where it is more appropriate to source local private security firms.

I thank the Minister. Again, that was a very useful response. My point is just to encourage the use of the Defence Forces, these State assets we have, when appropriate. Many of the tasks the Minister listed would be well within the Defence Forces' comfort zone, for instance, armoured protection, bodyguard services, medical support and, crucially, critical communications as well. The Defence Forces have the skill set, tools and talent. If they were resourced and tasked accordingly, they would bring much value to our diplomatic missions overseas.

As I said, they are part of the training programme, part of providing services and advice and assessments at times. Right now, the Department of Foreign Affairs is probably talking to the Department of Defence more than it has ever done, for the obvious reason that the same Minister is over both Departments. Therefore, where appropriate, we of course work together and there are some good examples of how we have done that. Recently, when there was an explosion in Beirut Port, the co-operation between the Department of Foreign Affairs and the Department of Defence on delivering practical medical assistance to Beirut quickly, using the infrastructure of the Defence Forces and the diplomatic channels of the Department of Foreign Affairs together, proved to be very effective.

I maintain that not all security requirements across 90 different missions abroad are an appropriate setting for the Defence Forces and defence infrastructure but certainly, when and where appropriate, we will ensure both Departments work closely together.

United Nations

John Brady

Question:

51. Deputy John Brady asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs the actions Ireland will take as co-chair of the UN Security Council Informal Expert Group on Women Peace and Security along with Mexico to maximise the ongoing positive impact that increased local female participation in the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali has had to date. [24640/21]

What actions will Ireland take, as co-chair with Mexico of the UN Security Council Informal Expert Group on Women, Peace and Security, to maximise the ongoing positive impact that increased local female participation in the UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali has had to date?

Ireland has been a long-standing champion of the Women, Peace and Security, WPS, agenda at the UN. It is a key priority for our two-year membership of the Security Council. This agenda recognises the differential impacts of conflict on women, but also their critical agency in conflict prevention and resolution and in peace-building.

Ireland co-chairs the UN Security Council’s Informal Expert Group on Women, Peace and Security. In doing so, we are working closely with senior UN leadership on the implementation of WPS on the ground. So far in 2021, Ireland has co-chaired meetings on South Sudan, Yemen, Libya and Mali.

The meeting on Mali took place on 29 April. It was timed to contribute to upcoming discussions on the renewal of the mandate of the UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali known as MINUSMA. It was addressed by the Deputy Special Representative of the Secretary General of MINUSMA, Joanne Adamson. Representatives of UN Women and the Office of the Special Representative on Sexual Violence in Conflict also participated. In advance of the meeting, Irish representatives met with Malian women from civil society to ensure their views were taken forward into the informal expert group.

Women’s participation in the Malian peace process, and the issues of gender and WPS, are priority actions in the MINUSMA mandate. The mission plays a vital role in building political will on the part of the Malian authorities to promote women’s participation in peace and security matters, and supporting locally-led processes.

At the UN Security Council briefings and consultations on Mali and MINUSMA, Ireland has highlighted the key role of MINUSMA in advancing the women, peace and security in Mali. In particular we have focused on supporting women’s full, equal and meaningful participation in the implementation of the Mali Peace Agreement.

I thank the Minister. I am aware we have troops stationed in Mali and it probably has one of the highest casualty rates of all UN missions. Since the start of the stabilisation mission in Mali, the participation of women within the process has grown from 3% to 31% and it must be said that is a massive increase. There is a critical mass theory across all disciplines that once a grouping reaches a critical mass of 35% we can begin to see tangible culture change. The chief of staff of the Mali mission, Claudia Banz, argues that while there are more women than ever before, their number remains insufficient. She states they are contributing in a significant manner in military, civil and leadership positions and their presence has had a positive impact on news, basic issues, sanitation, food safety, etc. However, there are real, serious challenges. That 31% needs to be increased because of the positive benefits women's participation in the process is having. The Minister might touch on how we are going to increase those numbers.

Ireland has been to the fore on the women, peace and security agenda for many years. There are other countries that are very much with us on that agenda within the UN. We very much want to build that into the mandate for peacekeeping missions as well. Our own experience on this island is that if we have gender balance in the context of both politics and peace negotiations, we are likely to get better outcomes. That is certainly the case in a place like Mali also. We are actually involved in two different missions in Mali. One is the MINUSMA UN mission, where a number of soldiers from our Army Ranger Wing and some others from the Defence Forces are working with a German contingent and doing a really fantastic job there. The other is an EU training mission we are involved in, where we are working with other European states to help to train and prepare the Malian forces to try to deal with local security concerns. At every point we are constantly reminding both the UN and others of the need to ensure there is a genuine effort around ensuring female participation at all levels in the peace process in Mali.

The Minister is right, female participation has certainly helped and changed the whole dynamic of the peace process in Mali and has helped frame the content of the peace talks. Unfortunately, Covid has had a huge impact in Mali, as it has in many countries, in particular in developing ones. It has been said Covid-19 has had the same impact on countries such as Mali as conflict is having. Unfortunately, many women who were participating in the peace process have now pulled away from it to go back to their caring roles in their families and communities. That is going to have a huge impact, not just on the peace process but also on the participation of women in those leading roles as well. That is going to create a huge challenge so I am interested in hearing how that particular issue is going to be addressed.

It has the potential to set back the entire peace process, unfortunately, and the major progress that has been made, particularly through female participation.

It is true to say that in many countries the Covid-19 pandemic has had a disproportionate impact on women and their role in society. It has also had a disproportionate impact on girls' education as many schools have closed and the priority in some cases has been to educate boys rather than boys and girls. That is why we are putting an enormous amount of public money from the Irish Aid budget into the education of girls over the next number of years. It is close to €250 million.

As I mentioned earlier, we are seeing in Tigray the impact of conflict on women and girls, particularly when sexual violence is used as part of that conflict, as it increasingly is. That has always been a part of war and conflict but there is certainly much evidence that it is being used now. When there is a peace process that is trying to put things back together after a conflict, women must be part of the healing process.

Top
Share