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Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 3 Feb 2022

Vol. 1017 No. 4

Saincheisteanna Tráthúla - Topical Issue Debate

Northern Ireland

I am very glad to see a Minister taking a slot on a Thursday evening. The graveyard slot, I think, is what people call it.

This is an incredibly important issue. As with an awful lot of issues relating to Northern Ireland politics at this time, it is nearly a different question we need to ask since the Topical Issue matter was submitted. What Edwin Poots has done as Minister of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs in ordering an end to agrichecks is obviously a complete breach. From what the Minister, Deputy Coveney, said earlier and what other commentators have stated, those checks are still ongoing and Edwin Poots may have jumped ahead of any legal checks that should have been carried out, but that is nothing shocking for him, given the chaos he finds himself in politically and the chaos his political party is in.

We need it affirmed that there is absolutely no doubt but that the withdrawal agreement and the Irish protocol are there to stay. It is an international agreement and there is an absolute requirement on the British Government to ensure that it stays. None of us has been particularly happy with some of the commentary to the effect that this relates to the Executive. I do not know where that sits at the moment in the sense that the Executive no longer exists because Paul Givan was told by Jeffrey Donaldson to resign his post and that is done. We know there is legislation being brought through that probably gives us an element of breathing time, but the fact is that Deputy McDonald has already said there should be an election. That is one thing. We need to make sure there is absolute clarity at European level, at Irish Government level and across the board that the Irish protocol is here to stay and that the British Government has an absolute requirement to ensure that. The British Government has failed because many times it has given succour to a unionism that has gone down a cul-de-sac.

What Edwin Poots has done as Minister of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs in the North is absolutely scandalous and reckless. It flies in the face of international law and is in breach of an international agreement between the European Union and Britain and in breach of the protocol. It is very clear that the DUP, for some very narrow and nationalistic reason of its own, and the Tory Party in Britain have for some time had a hyped-up agenda to do everything they possibly can to destroy the protocol. I even saw the DUP today talk about how the protocol was costing millions of euro per day to businesses in the North. I know that the Minister, Deputy Coveney, and I and every political party that speaks to businesses in the North and their representatives get a different story. There certainly is not this cost the DUP talks about. Most businesses we talk to and deal with tell us that the protocol has been very good for them because it offers them the opportunity of trade with Britain on one hand and trade with the European Union on the other as well as the freedom from a lot of tariffs. It has been very positive in many ways. There have of course been some minor hitches, but those hitches are very small and can be easily dealt with. What the DUP is doing has therefore nothing to do with protecting the business interests of anyone, north, south, east or west; it is simply to do with its own narrow political agenda. That needs to be spelled out clearly.

The British Government needs to be called to book on this and to stand up to unionism to ensure that they do the right thing, that we can move forward and that the protocol is kept in place. It has to be because it is part of an international agreement to which the British Government signed up. Many people are angry. Over recent hours we have seen that the Assembly will now be pulled down and we will have no Assembly in place. Again it is this forward march, particularly, it seems, by the DUP, towards disaster at all costs. It wants to try to create as much chaos as possible. It is totally outside the interests of its own people as well as everyone else on this island. I will give the Minister the opportunity to make very clear the Irish Government's position and the European Union's position on this.

I thank the Deputies for raising this important issue which offers the opportunity to discuss important developments in Northern Ireland.

The Protocol on Ireland and Northern Ireland is an integral part of an international agreement, the EU-UK withdrawal agreement, which was negotiated, agreed and ratified by the British Government and the EU. The protocol was jointly designed by the UK and the EU to safeguard the Good Friday Agreement in all its dimensions and to protect the gains of the peace process.

Yesterday's announcement by the Northern Ireland Minister for Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs that he has ordered officials to halt the implementation of post-Brexit sanitary and phytosanitary, SPS, checks under the remit of his Department is deeply unhelpful. It only serves to create further uncertainty for people and businesses in Northern Ireland. Northern Ireland's business community has been resolute in its call for certainty, stability and predictability. They have consistently underlined the importance of Northern Ireland's unique dual-market access under the protocol and have done so again today.

Furthermore, this afternoon's decision by Paul Givan to resign as First Minister is regrettable and clearly has wider implications for the Northern Ireland Executive and its important work. People in Northern Ireland want to see a positive commitment from everyone to resolve issues, not the creation of new cliff edges, threats and instability. No positive agenda is served by the breakdown of the institutions of the Good Friday Agreement - neither the Executive nor of the North-South Ministerial Council, which has also been impacted by the political instability in recent months.

The protocol fully recognises the constitutional position of Northern Ireland as set out in the Good Friday Agreement. That is clear in black and white. Our focus now, as always, will be on working with the political parties and the British Government to support political stability in Northern Ireland and the effective operation and important work of all the institutions of the Good Friday Agreement.

I have been in contact today with the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, as I was last night, on these developments and their implications for political stability. I also spoke at length on developments with the European Commission Vice President Maroš Šefčovič this morning before his discussions with the British Foreign Secretary, Liz Truss, this afternoon. Their talks are progressing and should be given the space and support needed to try to reach accommodation and agreement.

It is our understanding that, as of today, all relevant SPS checks are continuing to take place as normal and that businesses have been advised to continue to follow customs and SPS rules in full despite what the Northern Ireland Minister for Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs, Edwin Poots, said last night. The checks required under the protocol are not optional; they have a clear legal basis both in UK domestic law and in international law. Therefore, failure to implement them is a breach of both international and UK domestic legislation.

The protocol is part of the wider withdrawal agreement and is inextricably linked to the trade and co-operation agreement between the UK and the EU. As one relies on the other, if one is not implemented, it potentially impacts on the viability of the other. This evening, I call on the British Government to uphold the law, stand by its agreements, and provide certainty to the business community and other relevant stakeholders. This will allow Northern Ireland's peace, prosperity and stability to be properly safeguarded.

I am very glad that the Minister finished on the absolute need for the British Government to uphold the law, uphold the agreements it has agreed to and provide clarity. We have all heard it from business people we have spoken to before. Even today the representatives of the retailers and manufacturers have all given commentary. They want clarity and solutions to whatever difficulties they have.

I believe Maroš Šefčovič said previously that he would stay at the table. Obviously, Liz Truss was not going to provide what the DUP leader, Jeffrey Donaldson, was looking for in the sense of a cliff edge. That probably precipitated some of what happened today. I suppose on some level it is hopeful, but we need to ensure that is maintained. Has the Irish Government received any updates on the legalities of the SPS checks? As they are ongoing, I presume that means that Edwin Poots overshot the mark on it.

The issue here seems to be that Edwin Poots went completely outside his remit. He claims to have got independent legal advice outside of his Department, which is quite unusual for any Minister to be claiming as a basis for carrying out such a dastardly deed. I understand the British Government has the option to override a decision made by a Stormont Minister in the circumstances where it is in breach of an international agreement. Have we received anything back from the British Government in respect of what its intentions would be if, following the instruction given by Edwin Poots, officials in the North choose to try to implement that and withdraw these checks? Is there a second option that the British Government could step in and do something about it?

On the wider point, I am very concerned that all of this has taken a very bad turn in the last few hours and few days for no apparent reason. It is highly disrespectful to the process in which the European Union and Ms Truss are engaged for the DUP to act this way.

The message I have from the British Government today is that it is taking legal advice about the options available. I understand that the senior officials who are maintaining checks at ports in Northern Ireland today are also getting legal advice about their obligations.

Ireland's position on the implementation of the protocol has been consistent. We will continue to work with Vice President Maroš Šefčovič and his team and also with Liz Truss and her team to try to find solutions to outstanding issues through compromise, flexibility and pragmatism over how the protocol is implemented. We must be honest with people and consistent about what the protocol represents. The protocol is part of an international agreement, the withdrawal agreement, as I said earlier, agreed and ratified by the UK and the EU together. It is the result of over four years of difficult negotiations which involved compromises on all sides. It is the one and only solution found to protect the Good Friday Agreement in all its dimensions in the context of the UK's decision to leave the European Union.

The UK has a clear international obligation to implement the terms of the protocol, including by ensuring that the agreed upon SPS checks are carried out at ports in Northern Ireland. This is not only an international legal obligation. The European Union Withdrawal Agreement Act 2020, enacted by the UK Parliament, gives legal force in UK domestic law to the withdrawal agreement of which the protocol is an integral part. This is British domestic legislation as well as international law in the context of the treaties that have been agreed.

Together with the European Commission, we will continue to monitor developments in Northern Ireland closely. However, it is ultimately the responsibility of the British Government to honour its commitments and to respect its international obligations. This is an important month in the context of the protocol issues. I know there are significant efforts under way, on the EU side and on the British Government side to try to find accommodation on the key issues of customs, SPS and so on by the end of the month. Despite all the politics being played with this issue, we need to ensure that we give the negotiators time and space to try to find accommodation to settle some of these issues in February if we can.

Schools Building Projects

This is the story of three very important schools in Celbridge, County Kildare. One is St. Raphael's Special School, in respect of which it was determined 20 years ago that it urgently needed replacement. The plans are now advancing, but whether they are advancing fast enough remains to be seen because there were some title issues, some of which are still outstanding. Our colleague has arranged a meeting with the Minister next week, and it is to be hoped some further information will be available at that. In the meantime, we wish to emphasise the absolute urgency of the case. The other two schools are Scoil Naomh Pádraig and Celbridge Community School. There are three schools on the one site.

Negotiations have to take place with the roads section in Kildare County Council and traffic management for the area needs to be co-ordinated, along with the yielding of the title to the site. Without all of those things coming together at the same time, we will not be able to proceed in the way we want to. I hope that all goes well. We have waited for this for a long time. The local community is very anxious and we now call on the Minister for Education, Deputy Foley, who cannot be here for reasons that are quite well known at this time of the week, to address this.

I hope the Minister of State will convey to the Minister the absolute urgency of the situation. We hope to meet her face-to-face next week, during which time we will raise these matters again. We hope this will bring the bacon home for the people of Celbridge who are anxiously awaiting news.

This is the second time Deputy Durkan and I have tabled a Topical Issue on this issue. I cannot stress enough how important this is to the three schools concerned, St. Raphael's Special School, Scoil Naomh Pádraig and Celbridge Community School. It is important not just for the schools, but the children who attend and have yet to attend, their families and the entire community.

The process has been going on and on with Kildare County Council for the past few years. We have now been told that the county council has finished its involvement in the process. I am sure the Minister of State will understand how anxious we, the schools and the principals are to move with all speed to the commencement date for the building work that needs to take place. It is vitally important that the principals of the three schools are involved because they are the experts.

I wrote to the Minister two weeks ago to ask for a meeting and, as Deputy Durkan said, that meeting will take place next week. We appreciate that. It is important that the principals also attend the meeting because they are the experts. We need to move with all haste. Celbridge is a thriving and vibrant town and community, and the three schools need to be built.

I have always wondered why there is no proper forward planning in the Department of Education. Maynooth University, in my home town, publishes reports and we know how many children there are in a given area. I do not see why there cannot be some forward planning in the provision of schools. It is good to see us working together on this. The four Deputies in the constituency are anxious about this. I look forward to the response from the Minister of State.

I thank Deputies Durkan and Cronin for providing me with the opportunity to, on behalf of the Minister, Deputy Foley, update the House on the position with respect to the acquisition of the three-school campus site in Celbridge, County Kildare, on behalf of the Minister for Education.

The construction of new school buildings for St. Raphael's Special School, Celbridge Community School and Scoil Naomh Pádraig are included in the Department of Education's schools building programme. It is intended that the new schools will be located on a site being acquired at Donaghcumper, Celbridge, as part of a campus development. In tandem with the site acquisition, the Department of Education is working on the accommodation briefs for the three schools, which is part of the preparatory work associated with the architectural planning process. The Department is committed to advancing the campus development as quickly as possible and will keep the school advised of progress in this regard.

I can confirm that the Department of Education has agreement in principle for the acquisition of a site to accommodate the three-school campus at Donaghcumper, Celbridge, and the acquisition process is at an advanced stage. The Department of Education is currently engaging with developers to finalise the details of the heads of terms, and officials in the Department have worked closely with officials from Kildare County Council regarding this site acquisition. The Department is continuing to actively engage with all stakeholders. Given the commercial sensitivities associated with land acquisitions generally, the Department of Education is not in a position to provide any further information at this stage.

Deputy Durkan has asked me to convey the urgency of the situation to the Minister, and I will certainly do that. Deputy Cronin spoke about a meeting next week, and I hope the schools will be in a better position after that. It is taking a long time to acquire the site. I hope the meeting next week brings more information and there is better news.

I thank the Minister of State for his reply. Unfortunately, it does not contain any extra news other than what I received in a reply to a parliamentary question about a week ago. However, it presents an opportunity to restate the urgency of the case. The urgency arises from the fact that we have been pursuing this particular objective for quite a number of years. In the case of St. Raphael's, 20 years is a long time. Two or three generations of children have come and gone through the school, and yet it is still awaiting further developments.

I hope that a very particular emphasis is put on the need for speed in the case of the provision of the three schools concerned at the earliest opportunity. It would be very important to be able to tell the representatives of the schools' authorities when the Minister meets them next week the exact position and how long the further discussions and negotiations are going to take place. If there are any particular snags, we need to know about them now.

I would also like to thank the Minister of State for his reply. Unfortunately, there is not much more information in it than the reply I received to my parliamentary question. I appreciate that is the current position. These schools have been through so much, in particular St. Raphael's which is a school for children with special needs and intellectual disabilities. Given the current state of the school, we have to do better.

Since I was elected, I have, along with councillors in Celbridge, met the principals of these schools in the evening, and it is important to acknowledge their commitment to their students. They are working out of hours. My mother was a principal and I know, no more than being a Deputy, it is a full-time job. One does not get time off. I would like to acknowledge their commitment to their students and I look forward to the meeting next week. It is to be hoped things can progress with a degree of urgency.

I again thank Deputies for raising this matter. On behalf of the Minister, they should rest assured that this project is being given priority attention and we are attempting to bring the matter to a close as soon as possible. I understand significant technical matters crucial to the delivery of the site were identified by the site acquisition team. Each matter requires thorough and complex assessment, in conjunction with Kildare County Council and the landowner.

I must emphasise the importance of conducting a thorough appraisal of the site-specific technicalities before proceeding with an acquisition, not only to minimise risk, but also to obtain the best value for money for the Exchequer. The site acquisition process is complex and subject to the completion of a successful negotiation and conveyancing process. I would like to give the Deputies a definite timeframe for the completion of the acquisition, but officials will endeavour to bring the process to a conclusion as soon as possible.

It is expected that once legal conveyancing commences, the project to deliver the new school accommodation can simultaneously progress to architectural planning stage.

Commemorative Events

Yesterday marked the centenary of the publication of James Joyce's Ulysses. It is an event that deserves to be commemorated and recognised by this State. Over the past ten years, we have engaged with a lot of commemoration in terms of the important historic political events we have commemorated, including the commemoration of the Irish involvement in the First World War, the Easter Rising of 1916, the meeting of the First Dáil in 1919 and the War of Independence. All of those are commendable, political, military events that deserve to be commemorated. However, we cannot just view the progress of the Irish State in terms of political or military developments. It is very important we recognise the publication of Ulysses, the centenary of which took place yesterday. International commentary on the events I have outlined shows the event that got much more commentary and recognition was the publication of Ulysses by James Joyce. Recognition for that goes to Sylvia Beach and Shakespeare and Company in Paris, which published the book in 1922. Let it be clear, that book would not have been published in Ireland. There was great difficulty getting it published anywhere. Ms Beach and Shakespeare and Company deserve recognition.

What Joyce delivered was a remarkable literary achievement. The study of Ulysses and the works of James Joyce have gone through an extraordinary transformation over the past 40 to 50 years. Forty to 50 years ago, Joyce was regarded as a bit of an intellectual oddity. That has changed significantly now. We can now see he was one of the great literary figures of the 20th century. Literature probably was the dominant art form in that century and James Joyce was its Michelangelo. We should be extremely proud he was an Irishman and, as I am, extremely proud he was a Dubliner.

We need to note that James Joyce's work is not just of benefit and use for those who are literary scholars. Every year, huge numbers of tourists come to Dublin because they have an interest in James Joyce and his works. We need to recognise where the State is failing in its duty to commemorate and support that memory of James Joyce. There are some events which are protected, including the James Joyce Centre, which a Member of the Houses of the Oireachtas has been instrumental in protecting over the years, and the James Joyce Institute. The State should be doing much more. I will give a couple of examples. I refer to James Joyce House on Usher's Quay, where The Dead, one of his great stories, is based. We seem to be acting as bystanders in looking at that house. We need to recognise it is an important part of Joyce's history and Irish history that deserves to be preserved. In Sandycove, there is the James Joyce Tower, in respect of which the State has played a very limited role. That should be a shrine to James Joyce and we, as a State, should value it immensely. A couple of years ago when I was a member of Dublin City Council we had a huge task of work to ensure Sweny's chemist on Westland Row remained open because of a rates bill that was being imposed on it.

As a State, we need to do more to commemorate and protect the memory of James Joyce and his literary works. I would be interested to know what the Minister for Tourism, Culture, Arts, Gaeltacht, Sport and Media has planned to ensure that occurs. I look forward to hearing the response of the Minister of State.

I thank Deputy O'Callaghan for raising this very topical and interesting issue. As the Deputy will know, the centenary of the publication of Ulysses is arguably one of the most important literary centenaries in the history of the State, and while this year we celebrate the 100th anniversary of a great book about Dublin by, as mentioned by Deputy O'Callaghan, a great Dublin writer, it is also a huge moment in international writing.

As mentioned by Deputy O'Callaghan, Ulysses offers us many tourism opportunities, with visitors keen to walk the streets of Joyce's rich characters and visit those places made iconic by Ulysses. Our rich literary history allows us to promote a unique tourism offering. Dublin was named the seventh best city in the world to visit in 2022 by Lonely Planet, specifically calling out the centenary as a key reason to plan a visit to Dublin in 2022.

I thank the Minister of State for the reply. I am pleased to hear that progress is being made in terms of the commemoration of Ulysses. I welcome the detail contained with the reply.

It is fair to say James Joyce had a difficult relationship with Ireland. He probably would be surprised that, in a national Parliament, Members are standing up to commemorate the publication of his great book 100 years ago. I do not think he would have envisaged he would have the support and appreciation of the Irish people that is manifested by us all today.

We need to look at doing something bigger to commemorate James Joyce. I ask that the Minister of State would bring some of the following ideas to the attention of the Minister with responsibility for culture. They may be good or bad ideas, and if rejected, I do not mind, but we do need to do something significant to commemorate James Joyce. In travelling around the world one passes through Charles de Gaulle Airport in Paris and John F. Kennedy Airport in New York. My first idea is to change the name of Dublin Airport to James Joyce International Airport. It would give a real indication of the appreciation and value we place on a literary figure. It would also be a slight shift of emphasis from a very dignified, historic past where we commemorate people involved in politics or military struggles.

There would also be a certain irony in Dublin Airport, a place from where people leave the country, being named after James Joyce.

I will raise a more contentious issue. I will be interested to hear what people like Deputy Durkan think about this. I went to Zurich a couple of years ago with two friends. We got a tram up the mountain to Fluntern Cemetery. The back of it is a lonely place. You go in through a gate and Joyce's grave is at the back of the graveyard. It is a lonely spot and there are very few other graves around his. When he died, Nora Barnacle was interested in having his body brought back to be buried in Ireland. That is something we should give consideration to. It is a contentious issue and people may disagree with it. Joyce has no family descendants alive to object to it, but we as a country need to give recognition and thought to bringing home our most famous child.

The Deputy has offered many ideas. As I said, Fáilte Ireland has supported the Bloomsday festival for a number of years. Tourism Ireland has also developed an innovative programme around this particular centenary this year by reaching out to global audiences around the world. As the Deputy said, this momentous centenary is being marked in many different ways, with the support of the Government. Like the Deputy, I look forward to the roll-out of this programme.

He said that Joyce had a difficult relationship with Ireland. The number of people who left over past decades indicates that many of them had a very difficult relationship with Ireland as well. I always had a major interest in Tim Pat Coogan's book, Wherever Green is Worn, and the Irish diaspora, be it in Australia, New Zealand, Canada, the United Kingdom or the United States. Last night, we saw Celtic, a club I have supported over the years, play Rangers. Celtic's founder, Brother Walfrid, Andrew Kerins, came from Ballymote in my constituency. People like him are equally Irish and feel so.

The idea of James Joyce airport is interesting. We have to look at all the young men and women who have left over the past decades. It could be an idea to remember the people who left through whatever airport, whether it was Knock Airport, Shannon Airport, Cork Airport or Dublin Airport. We must remember that we are in a much better space, but the Deputy's idea is interesting. A James Joyce airport is certainly worthy of consideration.

Citizens' Assembly

It is sometimes very hard to know how to articulate something that I have been campaigning on for almost seven years. Along with others, I have been convinced for a long time of the necessity for Ireland to change its drug policy. I have been working with others in other political parties, movements, lobby groups and community groups to try to get Ireland to change its view of the drug user. In all that, there is now space for us to talk as a country about the treatment we have handed down to those who have used drugs, who use drugs and who are in addiction services.

There is a significant misunderstanding of the nature of drug use. We have attempted over the course of the history of the State to shame those who take drugs as much as we possibly can, and to criminalise them in an attempt to get them to stop, but that has been the most catastrophic policy failure on any level. It is an expensive disaster that causes misery, pain and death. The people who are most affected by it are the most vulnerable and powerless in Irish society. When we criminalise people for their addiction or drug use, we are actually criminalising marginalisation and disconnection because, disproportionately, the people who come into the criminal justice system as a result of being caught with something in their possession for their own personal use are from areas of disadvantage, are members of the Travelling community, are migrants or are people with disabilities. They are often people who are self-medicating trauma and pain and are trying to seek a connection. Irish society, the Irish Legislature and this State have decided to criminalise that disconnection and marginalisation in an attempt to correct that individual. It does not work. Some 70% of drug cases in front of the courts concern possession for personal use. It is a complete and utter waste of time, money and energy and it does not work.

We are waiting for the Minister of State. I and others in different parties in this Oireachtas have given him time, space and latitude to step up and be the advocate for a citizens' assembly on drugs. It would be easy for us in the Opposition to dismiss the idea of a citizens' assembly on drugs as being a mere talking shop, but my party and I decided that we had to come from a good and fair place to allow such an assembly to be established and advocate within it for what we are trying to advocate for, which is a radical overhaul of drug policy in Ireland. We are still waiting for the Minister of State and the Government to commit to establishing a citizens' assembly on drugs where we can start a proper national conversation on a failed policy and to replace it with something new.

I thank Deputy Ó Ríordáin for raising this issue and I welcome the opportunity to update the House regarding this very important topic. The programme for Government includes the commitment to convene a number of citizens' assemblies, including one to consider matters relating to drug use. The specific timing of future citizens' assemblies will shortly be finalised by the Government.

It could also inform the development of the next national drugs strategy to replace the existing strategy in 2025.

I have been in touch with the leaders and I understand that the timing of the citizens' assembly will be determined by the leaders of the three parties in Government. I hope, as I said, that this will be announced in the coming weeks.

There is a fantastic opportunity for this Oireachtas to achieve something. In recent years, a justice committee report on decriminalisation of drug users received the support of every political party. We passed radical legislation on the provision of an injecting centre. While it has been objected to, it remains law that we can establish an injecting facility in Ireland. That legislation was passed without a single objection from any Member of in this House. No one in these Houses is standing on a war-on-drugs platform or saying we need to have zero tolerance. Every Member of the Oireachtas, from what I can see, is talking about the humane treatment of the person who is addicted to drugs because of the nature of that person's struggle to overcome the reasons he or she got into addiction and the pathway that person needs to get out of it.

I take great comfort from the Minister of State's answer because he is saying we will have a decision on the citizens' assembly on drugs in the coming weeks. Until this point, I have heard so many reasons we cannot have the citizens' assembly. I understand we have Covid and people want citizens' assemblies on other areas, including biodiversity and education. I understand all that. The problem here is that the people who are most acutely affected by this are probably the most powerless people in the State. There is a sense that their addiction is their own fault and there is a significant level of victim blaming. They are probably the only cohort in this land whom people can use a derogatory term to describe on any radio or television programme at any hour of the day or night and get away with it. This is why this is so important. I appreciate the Minister of State's answer, but can we get movement on this in a short time? Can we have the citizens' assembly established before the summer so that we can at least offer those who feel as if they have no voice a process to begin healing and take a new approach to drug use in Ireland?

I thank Deputy Ó Ríordáin for the opportunity to provide an update. As I said, the programme for Government includes a commitment to convene a number of citizens' assemblies, including one to consider matters relating to drug use. The specific timing of future citizens' assemblies will shortly be finalised by the Government. I look forward to those dates.

The Government established a working group to consider alternative approaches to the possession of drugs for personal use in December 2017. The work programme of the group consisted of meetings with experts from other countries, commissioning research on other jurisdictions and undertaking a public consultation. The consultation process received responses from over 20,000 people and included the views of many people who use drugs. The working group examined the option of decriminalising drugs and did not deem this as an appropriate option in the Irish context due to legal difficulties which could lead to de facto legalisation of drugs as well as operational problems for An Garda Síochána.

The Government accepted the views of the working group on the decriminalisation of drugs and, accordingly, there are no plans to decriminalise drugs. In line with this working group's recommendations, the Government agreed a health-led approach to the possession of drugs for personal use in the form of the health diversion programme. I assure the House that we are in step with other EU member states on this issue as the health diversion programme is aligned with the strategic priority in the EU Drugs Strategy 2021-2025 to provide alternatives to coercive sanctions for people who use drugs.

In budget 2022, I secured an additional €6 million for new measures to support the implementation of the national drugs strategy. This includes €700,000 to commence the implementation of the health diversion programme. It will establish a national network of health screening and brief intervention services for people referred to the programme.

I look forward to the commencement of the health diversion programme which will demonstrate a health-led approach in how we deal with people who use drugs. Deputy Ó Ríordáin is correct. We want to take the stigma out of this issue. The national drugs strategy and the health diversion programme will be a start. I look forward in the coming weeks to the Government and the three party leaders determining a date for a citizens' assembly.

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