Vol. 1027 No. 3
6. Deputy Cormac Devlin asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs the action that is being taken to ensure that the Iranian authorities abide by the principles enshrined in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, to which Iran is a party, given the recent events in Iran; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [48898/22]
11. Deputy Gary Gannon asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs the contact that he has made with the Embassy of Iran to condemn the Iranian state's violent suppression and murder of protestors recently; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [49071/22]
19. Deputy Mick Barry asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs if he will report on the human rights issues that were discussed with the Iranian Government on his visit to Iran earlier this year; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [48962/22]
20. Deputy John Brady asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs the Government's response to the recent outbreak of protests in Iran; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [49016/22]
23. Deputy Seán Haughey asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs if he will highlight human rights abuses in Iran; if he will raise concerns in relation to the recent death of an Iranian woman (details supplied) while in detention; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [48658/22]
I understand Deputy Haughey is taking this question on behalf of Deputy Devlin.
Will the Minister continue to highlight human rights abuses in Iran? Will he raise concerns regarding the recent death of an Iranian woman, Mahsa Amini, while in police detention? Will he do what he can to ensure that Iran subscribes to the principles of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, ICCPR?
There are five different Deputies-----
There is some confusion here. I am not going to keep interrupting. If the questions are grouped, there is only one 30-second introduction allowed and Deputy Haughey has had that. All Deputies in the grouping have equal time after that.
I will do my best to answer everyone's questions if I can. I propose to take Questions Nos. 6, 11, 19, 20 and 23 together.
I am happy to have an opportunity to answer these questions because this is a very current and worrying series of developments. I am deeply concerned about the unjustifiable and disproportionate response of the Iranian authorities to Iranian citizens protesting against the death of 22-year-old Mahsa Amini in police custody after her arrest for allegedly violating dress code regulations. Ireland does not believe that anything short of full equality for women should be the objective, anywhere in the world. No woman should lose her life because of how she chooses to dress herself.
I commend the women and men of Iran who have exercised their fundamental right to assembly and protest. It is most regrettable that the response of the Iranian security and police forces has resulted in the further loss of lives, as well as a large number of people being injured. The use of force against non-violent protestors is unjustifiable and unacceptable. People in Iran have the right to peaceful protest and that right must be ensured in all circumstances. Iran is a party to the ICCPR. I call on the Iranian authorities to abide strictly by the principles enshrined in the ICCPR, including the right to peaceful assembly. The decision by the Iranian authorities to severely restrict Internet access and to block instant messaging platforms is a further cause for concern, and is a clear violation of freedom of expression.
On 21 September I met with the Iranian foreign minister, Hossein Amir-Abdollahian, at the UN General Assembly high level week in New York. I relayed to him my deep concerns regarding the circumstances of Ms Amini’s detention and death. During my visit to Tehran in February of this year, I also raised Ireland's concerns in relation to human rights in Iran with the minister, particularly the rights of women and LGBTI+ persons and respect for freedom of religious belief.
I urge Iran to immediately conduct an independent investigation into the circumstances of Ms Amini’s death. Ireland, along with our fellow European Union member states, will consider all options at our disposal to respond to the death of Mahsa Amini and to the actions of the Iranian authorities against the protestors. In my statement issued on 3 October, I condemned the unjustifiable and disproportionate response of the Iranian security apparatus to peaceful protests, as I have done again today. In addition, I reminded the Iranian Government of its obligations under the ICCPR. In meetings with Iranian officials, officials of my Department will continue to repeat these fundamental messages.
As the Minister knows, there is serious concern about the circumstances of Mahsa Amini's death in detention, with claims that she was beaten to death. I too believe it is important that an independent investigation into her death be undertaken and I would like to know what Ireland can do to ensure such an inquiry gets under way. There have been mass peaceful protests in Iran following Ms Amini's death, particularly by women. Many of the protestors have been killed. Many others have been injured and at least 1,200 have been arrested. Amnesty International has claimed that Iranian security forces regularly and deliberately fire live ammunition at protestors, which is also unlawful. Clearly, the fundamental right to assemble and protest is being breached by Iran in this case. What can be done to ensure that Iran subscribes to the principles of the ICCPR?
I agree with all the sentiments expressed in the Minister's statement but I would go further. I accept the fact that he met with the Iranian foreign minister in New York but we also have an ambassador here from the Islamic Republic of Iran. He needs to be summoned and the Minister needs to tell him that the actions we see in Iran at the minute with the murder of Ms Mahsa Amini, the suppression of the protestors, the violent conditions of subjugation and violence against women by the morality police, are not in keeping with the values we have as a country. If there is going to be an ambassador here, that ambassador has to be summoned. I ask the Minister to summon the ambassador and admonish him for the extraordinary scenes we are witnessing. I also express my solidarity with the protestors in Iran, who are demonstrating incredible courage in the face of unimaginable violence.
I express my solidarity with the powerful social movement in Iran, led by women, which has erupted since the state murder of 22-year-old Kurdish woman Mahsa Amini. Iran Human Rights has put the death toll at 133 since the state started trying to violently repress this movement, and more than 1,500 have been arrested. Still, this movement grows. The slogan "Woman, Life, Freedom" echoes from one corner of Iran to another. Mahsa Amini was murdered by Iran's notorious morality police, who took her into custody accusing her of violating the super-strict hijab dress code. She died from cardiac arrest after suffering a head injury and a three-day coma. The killing of Mahsa was not an accident. Her murder is a continuation of the systematic, misogynistic and repressive policies of Islamic capitalism. What further action does the Minister intend to take to show this country's revulsion at the actions of the regime in Tehran?
I express my sympathy and that of my party to the family and friends of Mahsa Amini, who was killed in detention following her arrest. Regarding the subsequent crackdown on protesters, this is not the first time the Iranian authorities have cracked down on protests such as this. Reports estimate that between 63 and 133 innocent civilians have been murdered in this crackdown with over 1,500 people arrested. There needs to be an immediate independent investigation. I have no faith in the Iranian authorities to investigate themselves. The Government needs to put pressure on to ensure there is an independent investigation. I reiterate the point that the Iranian ambassador must be summoned so that we can express our horror and grave concerns about the crackdown on the rights of women within Iran.
I share the concerns of Deputies about this issue. Our voice needs to be heard in terms of condemnation and criticism. We must work with our EU colleagues as well in terms of being part of a collective EU response. In respect of the Iranian ambassador, my Department continues to closely monitor developments in Iran through our chargé d'affaires in Tehran. I raised the case of Ms Amini's death and the Iranian authorities' response to protests directly with my Iranian counterpart in New York a few weeks ago. Senior officials in my Department are in ongoing contact with the Iranian ambassador and the Iranian authorities are fully aware of our concerns. These issues are also getting far more discussion within the EU, which is looking at how we can collectively respond to put pressure on Iran to end the brutal crackdown on legitimate and, in most cases, peaceful protests. We are talking about schoolgirls here. We are talking about students, women and indeed men who are outraged by a young woman losing her life in custody having been beaten up. That has sparked something in Iran that has spread outside it in terms of calls for change and the outrage that has come with that. We must monitor how this progresses but Ireland needs to be very clear in terms of what we expect and ask for in terms of consistency with international law and respect for women's rights.
As other Deputies have said, the Iranian authorities have introduced restrictions on free and uncensored Internet access, WhatsApp and Instagram. Again, the fundamental right to freedom of expression is being breached in this case. Two fundamental rights are being breached: the right to assemble and protest, and the right to freedom of expression. The Minister spoke about our EU colleagues. What can be done at EU level to highlight this case, these events and the situation in Iran generally? Are we talking about the EU issuing a statement or going further, perhaps with some sort of sanctions? No doubt it must fit into the overall geopolitical situation in that region. I would be interested to know what the Minister proposes to do or what he can propose at EU level to highlight these circumstances.
I reiterate that I accept fully that the Minister met with his foreign affairs counterparts in New York, but in a previous discussion with Deputy Brady the Minister highlighted that we have ambassadors here to keep diplomatic channels open. It now warrants the Minister summoning Ambassador Eslami to his office and admonishing him in person. That is certainly something the Irish people would expect.
Several solidarity protests have been organised in this State since the murder of Mahsa. The Iranian community has been the key driver of these protests, which have been supported by other groups such as students at Trinity College and the socialist feminist group ROSA. These actions should at the very least be matched by the actions of the State. I hear the point the Minister is making. He met his Iranian counterpart at the UN on 21 September and the Department is monitoring the situation in Iran but how much more needs to happen? How many more people need to be killed before the Minister summons the Iranian ambassador to Iveagh House to let his views be known on this and to symbolise Irish opposition to Iranian state murder and Irish support for the Woman, Life, Freedom revolt?
It is right that we fully support the right of the Iranian people, particularly women, to protest against draconian measures and treatment. I wish to raise serious concerns about the Iranian response to this crackdown and the protests, which blames the West and totally ignores Iran's own responsibilities, its crackdown on protesters and the shameful treatment of women. I reiterate my support for protesters and condemn the brutal crackdown on them. We are due to open an embassy in Iran next year and I support and welcome that as it is needed. I support our approach towards diplomacy. It is right that the Minister calls in the Russian ambassador to give him a dressing down regarding the brutal and illegal occupation of Ukraine. A similar approach must be taken with the Iranian ambassador. He needs to be summoned for the Minister to express our shock, horror and grave concerns about the treatment of people in Iran, particularly Iranian women.
I hear what the Deputies are asking for with regard to the Iranian ambassador. I ask them to trust me when I say the ambassador knows exactly what our views on this issue are. One of the differences between Iran and Russia is that I have had a number of conversations with my Iranian counterpart because Ireland has a specific role on the Security Council regarding trying to re-establish the joint comprehensive plan of action, which is the Iranian nuclear deal, which is linked to sanctions. I suspect that I will be speaking to my Iranian counterpart in the near future so I will have a direct opportunity to raise our concerns and the concerns of this House directly with the Iranian foreign minister, which is a much more powerful tool in some ways than raising it with the ambassador. The Deputies must trust me when I say the ambassador will also be very clear about our concerns and the perspective of this House. I suspect he is listening to this debate as well.
Regarding what we can do at EU level, I will give the House a sense of Ireland's view on Iran and sanctions. Sanctions constitute an important tool of foreign policy that is used to deter states from pursuing actions that threaten international stability or harm citizens in their own country, including through human rights abuses. Since 2011, the EU has applied sanctions against individuals and entities complicit in or responsible for directing or implementing grave human rights violations in Iran. Ireland works with its partners in the EU to ensure all sanctions regimes are targeted and contain clear exemptions for humanitarian actors. The list is regularly reviewed and updated. In light of recent protests, the EU is considering a range of responses, including expanding its targeted sanctions against those who violate human rights. There is an ongoing conversation about how we can be impactful in terms of targeted sanctions in response to the concerns of the EU and Ireland regarding what is happening in Iran.
7. Deputy James Lawless asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs if he will be advising any Irish citizens currently in Russia to leave; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [48983/22]
The Department of Foreign Affairs is closely monitoring the situation in Russia in consultation with the Irish Embassy in Moscow. The Department currently advises against all travel to Russia. The security status of our travel advice for Russia was raised to "do not travel", which is the Department’s highest level of warning, on 28 February 2022. On 7 March 2022, Irish citizens in Russia were advised to consider carefully their presence in Russia and those who wished to leave were advised to do so as quickly as possible. On 7 April 2022, two diplomats from the Irish Embassy were instructed to leave Russia. This has limited the ability of the embassy to provide services and assistance to Irish citizens in Russia. In light of ongoing developments, the Department’s advice to citizens was further strengthened on 14 April 2022, when Irish citizens in Russia were advised to consider carefully the necessity of their continued stay, and to make plans to leave.
Irish citizens currently in Russia are advised to be vigilant about their own safety and to avoid mass gatherings, including protests or demonstrations. Citizens should be aware that new laws that affect media freedom of expression can be used to impose severe and arbitrary sentences. Irish citizens should be mindful that these laws cover posting or sharing banned content on social media. We also recommend that Irish citizens should be mindful that increasingly severe limitations on banking, including the withdrawal of Visa and Mastercard services, may directly affect their ability to access their money for the foreseeable future. Any Irish citizens remaining in Russia are recommended to register their details with our embassy in Moscow, and they can contact the embassy should they require assistance. The embassy currently has reduced capacity to provide support in crisis scenarios, particularly for citizens situated far from Moscow. The Department’s advice to citizens is clearly outlined in the Department's travel advisory notice for Russia, along with information on current departure options from Russia.
My question relates to the position of Irish citizens in Russia. What advice is being given to those people in light of the mobilisation and continued deterioration of conditions?
I will update the House because some questions have been asked in the media this morning about the remains of Rory Mason and also about Brian Maher, who was interviewed on "Morning Ireland" this morning.
Our consular teams and our team in the embassy in Kyiv are working with Ukrainian authorities to ensure Rory Mason's remains are brought home to his family as soon as possible. Separately, we are involved in a European medevac, effectively, to bring injured EU citizens out of Kyiv and get them home. We are working with Brian Maher on that and hopefully it will happen in the next day or so. I want to clarify that because there has been discussion in the media this morning on it. There is no crossover between the two issues. One is about repatriation of the remains of a young man and the other is a medevac system. They are two separate procedures.
The Department of Foreign Affairs is closely monitoring the situation in Russia in consultation with the Embassy of Ireland in Moscow. The Department currently advises against all travel to Russia. The security status of our travel advice for Russia was raised to "Do not travel", the Department’s highest level of warning, on 28 February, after the war began. On 7 March, Irish citizens in Russia were advised to consider carefully their presence there and those who wished to leave were advised to do so as quickly as possible. On 7 April, two diplomats from the Embassy of Ireland were instructed to leave Russia. This has limited the ability of the embassy to provide services and assistance to Irish citizens in Russia.
In light of ongoing developments, the Department’s advice was further strengthened on 14 April, when Irish citizens in Russia were advised to consider carefully the necessity of their continued stay and to make plans to leave. Irish citizens in Russia are advised to be vigilant about their own safety and to avoid mass gatherings, including protests or demonstrations. Citizens should be aware that new laws that affect media freedom of expression can be used to impose severe and arbitrary sentences. Irish citizens should be mindful that this includes posting or sharing banned content on social media. We also recommend that Irish citizens should be mindful that increasingly severe limitations on banking, including the withdrawal of Visa and Mastercard services, may directly affect their ability to access their money for the foreseeable future.
Any Irish citizens remaining in Russia are recommended to register their details with the embassy in Moscow, and they can contact the embassy should they require assistance. The embassy currently has reduced capacity to provide support in crisis scenarios, particularly for citizens situated far from Moscow. The Department’s advice to citizens is clearly outlined on its travel advisory for Russia, along with information on current departure options from Russia should they want to leave.
I have allowed a minute and a half extra on that because of the circumstances.
I thank the Leas-Cheann Comhairle. I probably will not need it and will try to be efficient with my time. I thank the Minister for the update. There are three categories of information regarding the situation of Irish citizens in Russia. One is the degree to which consular assistance remains available onsite and on the ground. The Minister mentioned the embassy presence continues. What practical assistance can be given to citizens in that situation? To what extent are they susceptible to mobilisation? What is the legal position? Are they in a position to refuse? Are they liable to be conscripted? Is that a live threat to Irish citizens? Does it depend on dual nationality or the nature of their citizenship? There are practical considerations concerning routes out. I understand it is becoming more and more difficult to get flights to the EU or third countries, as many citizens, not least many Russian citizens, are trying to flee the situation. That places an additional complication on Irish citizens attempting to depart. Is the Minister and the Department aware of that? Can any practical advice be given there?
I thank the Leas-Cheann Comhairle for her latitude on the answer. It was important. There is consular assistance available. We have an embassy. It is not operating at full capacity because Russia has effectively expelled two of our diplomats in response to justified decisions we had to take. We have a presence there. We can and will help Irish citizens but are limited in what we can do for a series of reasons, some of which I have outlined.
I do not think the mobilisation that has been announced impacts on Irish citizens in Russia. I stand to be corrected on that if I am wrong but I would be surprised if non-Russian citizens were required to mobilise.
There are flight options out of Russia. You can fly to the EU via Turkey, in particular, but those flight options are much more limited than they normally would be.
That has answered the question. I thank the Minister.
8. Deputy David Stanton asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs his views on the current situation in Myanmar; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [48912/22]
25. Deputy Richard Bruton asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs if he will outline the humanitarian situation in Myanmar; and the initiatives that have been taken by the international community to address the situation. [48926/22]
This question has to do with Myanmar and the awful situation there. It gives the Minister an opportunity to inform the House of what he and the Government are doing and what is happening at UN level.
I propose to take Questions Nos. 8 and 25 together.
The Deputy is right that it is an awful situation and, because there are so many other awful situations around the world, it may not be getting the attention it should. I remain deeply concerned by the deteriorating security, humanitarian and human rights situation in Myanmar. It has been 19 months since the military took control by coup and launched a brutal campaign to retain power and reverse the hard-won progress that had been made in that country. Their actions had devastating consequences for people there. I utterly condemn the coup and attempts to consolidate or legitimise the military regime.
The Government has repeatedly called for the immediate release of detainees. It has expressed abhorrence at the indefensible killing of unarmed civilians and the use of military weaponry, sexual violence, torture and the death penalty by the military regime. It has done so through five national statements since the coup. I also strongly support the EU's adoption of sanctions against the perpetrators of the coup and the economic entities that sustain them.
Ireland has advocated for regular discussion of the situation on the UN Security Council. There have been ten discussions at the council since the coup, regrettably in closed meeting format, most recently on 16 September. At those meetings, we have highlighted our deep concern at the deteriorating situation on the ground, including the death sentences carried out by the military regime against pro-democracy activists. I remain deeply concerned by the politically motivated verdicts against Aung San Suu Kyi, President Win Myint and others.
At the UN Human Rights Council, Ireland has consistently supported international efforts towards ensuring accountability and justice, including through the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar, the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court.
The humanitarian situation in Myanmar is precarious and civilians continue to bear the brunt of the armed conflict. More than 14 million people require humanitarian assistance and almost 1.3 million people are displaced across the country. To date in 2022 the Government has provided €1.2 million towards humanitarian needs in Myanmar. We have also responded through our core support for the UN-pooled Central Emergency Response Fund, CERF, which has provided over €12 million in response to the crisis this year. In 2022, the EU has allocated more than €27 million in humanitarian aid.
The Government also continues to provide support to the Rohingya crisis, allocating over €8 million between 2018 and 2021 through trusted UN and NGO partners. I will continue to work closely with partners in the EU and at the UN to encourage diplomatic solutions to end a crisis that is entirely self-made by the military in Myanmar. We will continue to try to prioritise and shine a spotlight on that horrific situation, which is not getting enough international attention.
I thank the Minister for his response and acknowledge the work he and his officials are doing at EU and UN level. Much has been done. Reading the reports from Myanmar is horrifying, as the Minister has alluded to. He mentioned the Rohingya. Will he comment on the plight of those people? I have met some of them here. They are gentle people. I think there are 1 million of them in Bangladesh at the moment in a precarious situation as well. The Minister mentioned sexual abuse, torture, execution, the death penalty and so on.
Will he comment on calls for a global arms embargo and what is being done to make that happen?
It is now five years since the Rohingya crisis began in Myanmar. The violence and terror perpetrated by the Myanmar military created conditions where 750,000 Rohingya people had no option but to flee their country. Conditions for the voluntary, safe and dignified return of Rohingya people to Myanmar remain very uncertain. Approximately 1 million Rohingya refugees continue to seek refuge in Kutupalong, Bangladesh while tens of thousands more are across the region. Over 140,000 internally displaced persons remain confined to camps in Myanmar. The situation has deteriorated further since the illegitimate military coup on 1 February 2021. I am deeply saddened at reports that over 2,200 people have been killed, approximately 15,000 have been detained, over 1 million have been displaced by conflict and over 14 million people are in urgent need of humanitarian assistance. Those figures are listed in a statement but when you think about it, it is quite extraordinary that there are 14 million people in urgent need of humanitarian assistance. It is nearly three times the population of Ireland.
On whether Ireland will join the Rohingya genocide case at the International Court of Justice, Ireland is a firm supporter of the International Court of Justice. My Department monitors the cases before the court closely and the question of third-party intervention in proceedings between states is kept under close review. I will come back and give the Deputy more detail on that if he wants, if there is time in the next round.
Does the Minister agree with Tom Andrews, UN special rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, that what is happening to the Rohingya people is actually genocide? Will the Minister comment on the calls for a global arms embargo? Has he had any contact with states that may be supporting the military there to try to stop them from offering that support and from keeping this junta in place? Are there any Irish citizens in that country? What is their situation? Could they be at risk?
On the question of genocide, we are monitoring the cases before the international court. In this respect it is important to note that the prosecutor for the International Criminal Court is continuing to conduct a criminal investigation into alleged crimes within the court's jurisdictions committed against the Rohingya people. That investigation was authorised by the pretrial chamber of the court in November 2019. The prosecutor visited Bangladesh earlier this year and confirmed during that visit that his investigation would be a priority during his tenure. He has allocated additional resources to the investigative team, in particular with a view to accelerating the collection of analysis and evidence. We are very much supportive of that process and will support its conclusions in the context of the potential genocide that took place there.
On arms embargoes and pressure on the junta in Myanmar, perhaps the most effective way of putting pressure on that junta is through China. I have had conversations with my Chinese counterpart in relation to how China might be more proactive. It is one of the few countries that have the capacity to influence the junta there.
9. Deputy Brendan Griffin asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs the up-to-date position in relation to the provision of military aid to Ukraine to assist its efforts in defeating the illegal Russian invasion; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [48901/22]
30. Deputy Gary Gannon asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs if he will report on his attendance at a recent European Union summit on military support for Ukraine; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [49072/22]
What assistance are we providing militarily to Ukraine? What can we do? Are we doing the optimum that we can at this time?
I propose to take Questions Nos. 9 and 30 together.
Russia’s appalling military aggression against Ukraine has highlighted more than ever the importance of European unity and solidarity in response to the challenges we face. I am in regular contact with my European Union counterparts, including through the Foreign Affairs Council. In this context, I attended informal meetings of EU foreign and defence ministers in Prague in August. During these meetings, EU member states agreed to launch work to define the parameters of a possible EU military Common Security and Defence Policy, CSDP, mission to provide training to Ukraine.
Ireland is supportive of the proposed mission, and sees the rationale in the EU co-ordinating bilateral training efforts that are already taking place and providing a platform to co-ordinate longer-term training in response to Ukrainian needs. Ireland is open to participation in the mission, but a decision on whether to do so will only be taken on this once work on the proposal has been finalised. The training mission will take place outside Ukraine in one or more EU member states, given the active conflict under way within Ukrainian territory.
The war on Ukraine has also seen the mobilisation of the European Peace Facility, EPF. To date, the European Union has agreed five tranches of support, amounting to €2.5 billion in military assistance for Ukraine under the EPF. The agreed support consists of €2.33 billion for lethal equipment and €170 million for non-lethal equipment, such as personal protective equipment, medical kits and fuel.
Ireland has contributed €55 million to those efforts, which is not a small amount of money. Every time €500 million is announced in a tranche, we contribute €11 million. We are playing our full part in monetary terms but we limit our financial contribution to the purchase of non-lethal equipment, such as protective equipment, helmets, fuel, winter uniforms, blankets and medical assistance - the things that soldiers need to sustain themselves. We have a very clear commitment in our programme for Government that we will support the EPF but not lethal weapons and equipment, which we do not have a lot of anyway compared with many countries.
We have also given some bilateral assistance where we shared quite a lot of military medical equipment and packs with the Ukrainian forces as well as some personal protection equipment, such as helmets.
This is a watershed moment for European democracy. It is really important that countries like Ireland step up and make our assistance felt in Ukraine. I welcome the efforts that have been made to date. The value of the contribution that has been made is vitally important. I urge the Minister to continue those levels of assistance. I think we are into a crucial phase in this conflict. It is very important that the European Union gives its full support to the people of Ukraine who are trying to liberate their country from an illegal, highly aggressive and appalling invasion by Russia.
It is important that any military equipment that we have in this country that is nearing the end of its life should be relocated to other European neighbours to cover the displacement of aid that they are giving to Ukraine. Has that been considered?
I will begin by disagreeing with Deputy Griffin. I do not believe we have any traditions of militarisation in this country, certainly in an overseas capacity and I do not believe that we want any. I think the Irish people's compassion, commitment and support for Ukraine and the people of Ukraine following the illegal and horrendous invasion by the Russian state is very clear. That is felt in every town, village and city in this country where we have extended our welcome. I also fully support the commitment to non-lethal aid to Ukraine but no more than that. There is a space for the Irish State and people in diplomacy and our role in the world as peacekeepers but we need to protect that. That is very important.
I believe there is a fear that there is increasing militarisation in Ireland. I have received correspondence about an arms fair that the Minister will speak at later. Will he take some of the time he has to respond to me to explain what the purpose of that is? Are the fears of people who have contacted my office to say that he should not be involved in that event legitimate?
I will put some numbers on the record to clarify the assistance on a bilateral basis that we have provided.
Ireland has provided in-kind assistance of approximately 10 tonnes or 5,000 units of ready-to-eat meals as well as 200 units of body armour, which were shipped earlier this year from Defence Forces stock to Ukraine. Our focus has very much been on non-lethal equipment to help Ukrainian soldiers to defend themselves and feed themselves. That assistance has been positively received in Ukraine. There is an understanding of our principled position of not providing lethal weapons into conflict zones. For a start we do not have many of them but many other European countries are willing to fund that kind of equipment. We have a different role to play, even though we are playing our full part through the financial contribution but it is very much focused on the non-lethal side.
We have an industry in Ireland; it is not an arms industry. We do not export arms but we have companies that have developed capacity that can be used in military circumstances. I do not think there is anything wrong with that.
There is.
When our peacekeepers are in Mali, the Golan Heights, Southern Lebanon or anywhere else in the world, I want them be well equipped. I want them to have modern equipment and software systems on their computers that keep them as safe as possible. I want to ensure the technology that is available internationally is also available for our people. That is not an arms industry. It is ensuring that Ireland has capacity and a transparent approach. When there are industries that we tap into and when there are technologies that we need to keep our people safe, we need to be open to looking at that.
We are over time.
That is the space we are in. Ireland will never be an arms producer or an arms exporter.
The Minister will have a chance to come back in.
I just wanted to be clear on that.
I agree with the Minister's position. We need to ensure our peacekeeping forces internationally are given the best possible opportunity to do their jobs, remain safe and come back home to their families. That should be a priority for the Government. I welcome the recent increase in funding announced in the budget and that should be at the top of the agenda.
We need to revisit the equipment that is sitting idle in this country. At a time western European democracy is being challenged so viciously and we have weaponry that is about to go out of date, that discussion needs to be had and the issue needs to be revisited. It is immoral for that weaponry to remain in warehouses in this country when there is a European democracy fighting for its very existence against a dictatorship led by a vicious evil leader. That is the reality of the situation in my eyes and that is a discussion we need to have again.
The greatest defence our peacekeepers have when they are overseas is that we have a reputation for humanitarian intervention. Our peacekeepers put themselves in harm's way to avoid conflict. We have an extraordinary tradition on that. Many of our peacekeepers have lost their lives in the name of peace. I fully agree that when our peacekeepers are overseas, they should be equipped with the best possible equipment. The Minister is speaking at an arms industry event later. Can he guarantee that those arms will simply be going to our peacekeepers overseas? Will they be used for other more nefarious, violent and aggressive purposes? If that is the case, I do not believe he should be speaking there.
In order for military forces to be effective, they need to have equipment. We are increasing our budgets, including our capital spend, on defence, which is about increasing capacity. Deputy Gannon and others in this Chamber will rightly ask me the hard questions on the capacity gaps we have in our Defence Forces today. To protect our sovereign territory and monitor essential infrastructure, we need to increase capacity and move to level of ambition 2, which is what the Commission on the Defence Forces has essentially asked the Government to do. To do that we need to have equipment and technology and there are industries that provide that. We need to have an open and transparent discussion on who they are, where they are and how we source product. Having conferences such as the one later today is nothing more than that. I do not accept the interpretation the Deputy is putting on it that an arms industry conference is happening in Dublin later today. Plenty of companies in Ireland are providing technology, know-how and research in the military space. There is nothing wrong with that. We need to ensure that Ireland has access to modern technology to ensure we can improve our capacity and respond to the kinds of threats and challenges that our military will face in the future.
I understand Deputy Griffin's sentiments. I assure him that we do not have large stocks sitting there. We have some stocks but they are pretty limited. I do not want to allow the impression to go from here that we have significant stocks of armaments that are going out of date while Ukrainian soldiers desperately need more ammunition that we could provide to them. We have pretty tight and limited stocks in that space. They are used for training purposes and for our operations at home and overseas. We do not have the large stocks that many other countries have.
We do not have time for a full question but we have time to fit in one last question. Deputy Griffin is taking the question. I remind him that he will not have the full time.
10. Deputy Jennifer Carroll MacNeill asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs the contact that his Department has had with the Russian Embassy in Dublin since the outbreak of the war in Ukraine; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [48985/22]
This question is on the position of the Russian ambassador. Many people ask me what the point is of having a Russian ambassador put there by a dictator who will effectively just do what he is told to do. There is an argument that he should have been expelled when Russia invaded Ukraine. What is the use, if any, of having the ambassador still in situ?
I answered this question earlier. It is useful to have a channel of communication that allows us to communicate in no uncertain terms what we think of Russia's position on Ukraine and its aggression and invasion of a sovereign neighbour. We called the Russian ambassador into the Department on 3 October to make it very clear that we will never support the referendum results across four regions of Ukraine. They were effectively sham referendums held at gunpoint by Russia. We also have Irish citizens in Russia and across neighbouring countries who are supported from our embassy in Moscow.
On a decision to expel the Russian ambassador, while I completely understand the sentiment, frustration and anger that Irish people have in the context of what Russia is currently doing, I believe having a channel of communication open is what diplomacy is all about, even with countries with which we may have a fundamental disagreement. It is noteworthy that no other country in the EU is expelling Russian ambassadors - even countries that border Russia and are more deeply impacted by this war than we are. International diplomacy matters even when a war is going on and when we have a fundamental disagreement with a country as we have with Russia now. Keeping channels of communication open makes sense. If we have a consular incident in Russia, Members will look to me to solve it and I will need channels of communication. I will need an embassy in Moscow that can respond to that. I believe it is worth keeping that diplomatic infrastructure in place, despite the very fundamental problem we have with Russia's aggression and illegal activity in Ukraine at present.
We are over time. The Deputy has 30 seconds.
My understanding is that Lithuania expelled its Russian ambassador in April. Perhaps I may-----
However, it kept the Russian Embassy open.
It kept the embassy open but expelled the ambassador. Would that be an option for us? People ask me what the point is.
Why have this guy who is effectively a puppet put in there to spout desperate propaganda? That infamous interview with Sarah McInerney will go down in history as one of the most insulting interviews that ever happened in Irish broadcasting.
I call on the Minister to respond.
What is the point? Is there a point at which it becomes-----
We are over time.
Is there a point at which there is greater benefit in expulsion?
I do not see where the benefit is, apart from perhaps getting some satisfaction out of it. Expelling the Russian ambassador would mean the Russian Embassy in Dublin would close, the Irish Embassy in Moscow would close and we would cut off all diplomatic channels between Ireland and Russia. Despite our frustration and the communication of protest that would give in the short term, while I understand the sentiment expressed, what it would do is cut off all diplomatic channels. People ask me what Ireland is doing to promote peace and to bring the conflict to an end. I believe that diplomatic channels are important, even in extreme and difficult circumstances like those we are currently experiencing, triggered by Russian aggression in Ukraine. As a result, I believe those diplomatic channels should remain open.
