Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 26 Feb 2025

Vol. 1063 No. 5

Gender-Based Violence: Motion [Private Members]

Deputy Ruth Coppinger

I move:

That Dáil Éireann:

notes the World Health Organisation (WHO) states that gender-based violence is a global pandemic and the greatest threat to the health of women and girls worldwide, a woman or girl is killed by a partner or family member every 10 minutes;

in this State:

— since 1996, 274 women have died violently, up to 7th February, 2025;

— 52 per cent of women have experienced sexual violence in childhood or adulthood;

— 35 per cent of women, have experienced psychological, physical and/or sexual abuse from an intimate partner;

— in 2023 Women's Aid recorded 40,048 disclosures of abuse;

— Gardaí responded to over 65,000 domestic abuse incidents in 2024, of those 1,600 reports occurred over Christmas week;

— the LGBTQ+ community reported an increase in queerphobia; a person's sexual orientation was the motive in one in six hate incidents reported to Gardaí; and

— 28 per cent of men have experienced sexual violence in their lifetime;

further notes that:

— only 5 per cent of those who experience sexual violence as an adult reported it to Gardaí, of these it is estimated that just 14 per cent make it to trial;

— victims/survivors of sexual violence have spoken publicly about how harrowing their experience of the legal system is, many characterise it as a second attack or even worse than the original attack;

— despite the Government's claim to have a trauma-informed and survivor-centred approach, complainants face traumatising legal impediments, such as:

— the use of character references in support of those convicted of gender-based violence which can grossly re-traumatise victims and are especially inappropriate considering the dynamics of gender-based violence, recent legal changes requiring sworn testimony with references does not reduce that trauma and can actually compound it;

— the accused has the ability to request access to counselling records of complainants, this has been highlighted by victims/survivors as being extremely invasive and traumatic;

— the Citizens' Assembly on Gender Equality in 2021 called for the exclusion of counselling/medical records from evidence;

— the knowledge that counselling records can potentially be accessed results in many victims/survivors postponing essential treatment, dropping cases, not reporting offences; it therefore represents a gross invasion of privacy, an attack on the right to timely treatment, and on the ability to seek justice;

— counselling records have no credible evidential value, but serve to intimidate or discredit complainants; and

— other jurisdictions afford privilege to therapist-client consultations; and

— the use of rape myths about clothing, sexual history, mental health, alcohol, or drug use, in court to discredit victims; every time a victim is blamed, or their experiences undermined, all those who have experienced gender and sexual violence are damaged and the culture that enables abuse is fostered; and

calls on Government to treat gender-based violence as the epidemic it is and immediately act to:

— end the practice of character references before sentencing for those convicted in cases of gender- based violence;

— protect confidentiality, the right to privacy and therapeutic healthcare for victims and immediately legislate to prevent access to counselling records by the accused and their defence team;

— provide advocacy and representation for complainants in the court process;

— ensure that there is compulsory training of the judiciary and juries regarding sexual and gender-based violence and end the ability of rape myths and victim blaming being put by defence legal teams in court cases;

— invest and recruit court personnel, so nobody has to wait more than a year for a sexual assault, rape or gender violence case;

— introduce educational programmes in schools, colleges and the wider society to challenge misogyny and gender violence;

— introduce mechanisms to recall and make accountable judges who make misogynistic and insensitive rulings;

— move to implement "Valerie's Law", to remove any guardianship rights for those who kill the other parent of their children;

— femicide and intimate partner violence training for Gardaí; and

— introduce a domestic violence register "Jennie's Law", to make available information about anyone with a conviction for domestic violence.

I want to begin by welcoming the survivors of gender-based violence and the families of victims who are in the Gallery. The fact that there are so many people here is testament to the urgent action needed on this. The Minister spoke recently about knife crime and asked whether the streets of Dublin are safe. Women are safe nowhere in this country. Women are not safe on the streets, in their homes, at work or even when they sleep, as we know from so many examples.

This morning we wake to find yet another woman, at 82 years of age, seems to have been a victim of murder and a man has been charged. Six women have been murdered at the hands of a man in this country within an eight-week period. We have an epidemic of gender-based violence globally. It is recognised by the World Health Organization, WHO, that the biggest danger to a girl or woman in this world is violence against them. Every ten minutes, a girl or woman is murdered by a male relative, partner or family member. That is an incredible statistic. All of the statistics relating to this State are provided in the motion; I will not go through them again.

Suffice it to say, there has been a record number of calls to Women's Aid and a shocking increase in the number of calls to the Garda, something that emerged in replies to parliamentary questions to the Minister. There have been 65,000 disclosures. This crime is practically unpunished and unreported. Only 5% of adults ever disclose or report to the Garda if they are an adult victim of sexual violence and only 14% of that 5% ever get to prosecution.

Today, people have gathered here who have succeeded in getting a trial. What are they telling us? One survivor, Sarah, said that after a violation of her bodily integrity, our courts allow a second violation to be carried out on persons who are already in such a vulnerable state. She went on to say that the cruel irony is that the greatest blow often comes, not at the hands of our attacker, but from a system designed to protect the victims of crime. Is the Minister listening to what people are actually saying? They go to the trouble of reporting the most personal injury to themselves, and find the second trauma is the court and legal system. I ask him to take that on board and listen to what people are saying.

One of the most positive developments we have seen in the past year is that women and men - we also have male survivors of gender-based violence here today - who go through this process then decide to waive their anonymity. They come out onto the court steps and describe what they have been through. They do that for a reason, namely that they do not want anyone else to go through the same thing. That is why they should not have to do this. Such is the horror of the misogynistic court process and the injustice of our justice system, they are breaking the silence. In the words of the inspirational Gisèle Pelicot, "Shame must change sides". Survivors want today to be a turning point. They thought they had turning points before. Promises were not kept and change did not come, but this has to be a turning point now.

The motion outlines the scale of the problem. We have to name the issue clearly because some, such as those, for example, on the far right, are trying to use this issue to stir up racism and division. This is essentially a problem of male violence. It is rooted in the patriarchal family structures created by capitalism, male supremacy, entitlement and gender inequality. It is rooted in the idea that men have the right to control women and their bodies. Macho culture is not decreasing; it is actually increasing. We know the statistics relating to the Internet. It is promoted to young boys within minutes of setting up a TikTok account. Not a thing is being done about that.

It suits the system now, as we see writ large in the US, to promote misogyny, homophobia, transphobia and, of course, racism. This is seen perfectly in the US, where violent sexual predators are in leading positions in that administration. The ultimate male entitlement is exemplified in femicide, that is, the idea that a man owns and controls a woman's life and that she must be killed. We have to challenge those ideas and the culture of misogyny that lends itself to violence against women and girls.

Gender-based violence has a brutal reality and impact on the lives of people. A large majority never report it and those who do report it do so to stop other people. Every time someone is believed or there is victim blaming and a man is praised as being a pillar of society when behind closed doors he is completely different, that is extremely damaging and increases the culture of gender-based violence. Successive Governments have failed to do anything about this issue and the brutally misogynistic legal system.

Any time change is asked for, there is always a compelling reason put forward by the Government as to why it cannot be done. We are told about the Constitution.

Why are all these rape myths, like those about clothing, contraception, fake tan, relationships the victim may have had and the fact that they took drugs or drink, allowed daily in our courts? What is the Minister going to do about it? This deeply misogynistic thinking about what women wear, etc., is extremely damaging.

A couple of issues have emerged as being particularly prominent for many of the survivors of the court process. I will start with the first, which is character references. We have to begin by saying that gender-based violence is a unique crime. The perpetrators are master manipulators. Nobody knows what they are like in private, in their relationships or in their encounters with people. Two weeks ago, 35 references were trotted out for a garda who had sexually assaulted a woman twice and falsely imprisoned her while on the job in a Garda station. Among those references were some from, we think, gardaí. I have spoken to that woman. She does not know who wrote those references, but it was extremely damaging and traumatising for her. I read yesterday a report of seven testimonies - I think they are changing the name of them now because they know how damaging the term "character reference" is - for a child rapist, somebody 50 years senior to the victim. This is going on every day in the courts. What is the purpose of these references? They are utterly irrelevant. They are written by unqualified people. There is no recognition of the dynamic of gender violence or of the fact that the perpetrator cultivates a persona. There is a brilliant description by one survivor that these references testify "to nothing more than the mastery of manipulation skills the sex offender has". The whole modus operandi of a sex offender is that. A recent change was made whereby people can be cross-examined if they write a reference. That is not enough. That is absolutely worthless. What benefit is it if 35 people traipse up to the witness stand to testify? It could actually be even more damaging. We need to say that these references have no place in court. They are not relevant to a fair trial.

The other issue is counselling records. This has emerged as a really traumatising issue for many people. A communication was sent around to TDs yesterday. I want to read out a snippet of the words of Hazel. She says she has worked so hard to rebuild herself, to get to know the new her, since the morning she was raped. She talks about the benefit of counselling with the rape crisis team. She says she never knew that "my thoughts, my fears, my shame, my turmoil shared during the safety of my counselling sessions could be shared with ... the person who did this to me." Why is this going on? Seriously. It has increased since 2018, since the change was brought in, since section 19A was brought in. Section 19A is a joke. It has not been used. The onus has been put on the victim to just give their notes. If they do not give their notes, they are told their trial will be delayed and told it will just bring more hassle for themselves, and they therefore just give them. What evidence is procured from a therapy session that is vital to somebody's right to a fair trial? I would die on a ditch for people's right to a fair trial, but the notes are made by a therapist and are not even from the person. They are a therapist's notes of what the person said. Therefore, they are third-party notes. I do not even know why they are admissible.

What about the right to privacy? What about the right to seek healthcare, to seek therapeutic care, for yourself? That is in the European laws that are enshrined. I have heard our Constitution cited, specifically Article 38.1, which states, "No person should be tried on any criminal charge save in due course of law." How is anything that can be got from a therapy session necessary for the due course of law? I have not heard yet one viable example. We can ascribe a lot of things to Éamon de Valera but I do not think he was sitting down in 1938 writing Article 38.1, thinking, "Must have therapy notes for the right to a fair trial." We have to completely challenge the reality. I have spoken to many representatives from the rape crisis centres and they say that they do not understand why due course is being interpreted in this way and that there is no credible evidence. Let us be frank: this is being done only as a chance to find something, some nugget, to undermine the credibility of the victim. It is being done for no other reason. The mere possibility of these notes being used, by the way, is deterring people from pursuing cases and from seeking counselling and is creating huge trauma, so I do not think an amendment will do. We need to outlaw this. For example, in the US there is therapist and client privilege. We need a similar situation here. People have the right to seek help. This is just misogyny writ large.

I will move on to the Government's response to the motion. Obviously, we are all happy that the Government is not going to oppose the motion, but I hope it is not just killing it with kindness. The Minister mentioned in the media coverage that some of these things are being looked after by the Government and that we should leave them in its hands. That was kind of the impression given. However, people have left this in the Government's hands for long enough. The Minister also mentioned, and I want to talk in particular about, the Judicial Council. He said that the Judicial Council is solely responsible for some of these things. No, I absolutely do not accept that the Judicial Council, which is made up solely of judges from the Supreme Court right down, should be left to self-regulate, as if that has worked so well. How is the idea that they should decide what they do a proper system with input from ordinary people? We need accountability. We need training of judges and legal teams about rape myths. That is not compulsory. We put in a parliamentary question about this. There is no monitoring as to how many people do it and there is no record kept of how many people go. It is just there; it is a case of take it or leave it. In what other job would one be allowed to just pick or choose whether or not to go to professional development that is absolutely vital to people's lives?

The Minister has referred to zero-tolerance strategy. There was so much fanfare about zero tolerance a few years ago following the horrific, tragic killing of Ashling Murphy. There were so many promises that so much would be done. There is not even zero tolerance of violence against women in political parties, so let us be frank here. Even in the Minister's own party, people who have carried out violence against women have been selected.

I want to mention other laws that need to be enacted. I am sure the Minister is well aware of Valerie's law. We also have-----

An Cathaoirleach Gníomhach (Deputy Aengus Ó Snodaigh)

Go raibh maith agat, a Theachta.

Deputy Ruth Coppinger

I apologise; I did not realise I was out of time. I can take this up later. May I just mention that we have the brother of Valerie French here today? It is very important that Valerie's law is moved on and enacted.

Deputy Seamus Healy

It is worth reminding ourselves of the statistics and it is important that we read them into the record. I will read just the first few sentences of the motion. They read as follows:

... the World Health Organisation ... states that gender-based violence is a global pandemic and the greatest threat to the health of women and girls worldwide, a woman or girl is killed by a partner or family member every 10 minutes;

in this State:

— since 1996, 274 women have died violently ...;

— 52 per cent of women have experienced sexual violence in childhood or adulthood;

— 35 per cent of women, have experienced psychological, physical and/or sexual abuse from an intimate partner;

— ... Women's Aid ... [were told of over 40,000] disclosures of abuse [in 2023];

— Gardaí responded to over 65,000 domestic abuse incidents in 2024, ... 1,600 ... [of those in] Christmas week;

This is obviously an appalling vista and it is really worrying and really depressing. The time for talking has long since gone; we obviously need action immediately.

As Deputy Coppinger said, the legal and courts system creates huge difficulties for victims in this situation. It effectively retraumatises them and feeds into a situation where only 5% of sexual violence is reported to gardaí and only 14% of cases make it to trial. We need urgent action and legislation, particularly legislation to stop giving the accused and their legal teams access to counselling records. We need to end the practice of character references in gender-based violence cases and we need to provide adequacy for victims in the court process. We also need training for judges, gardaí and juries.

The domestic violence services in my constituency, Tipperary South, are operated by Cuan Saor in Clonmel. It is an organisation I have been associated with since the mid-1990s. I am currently a board member and treasurer. It has developed from very small beginnings, and through the huge commitment, dedication and professionalism of staff at all levels, into a county-wide service acknowledged for its excellence. It provides a range of services to victims, including a helpline, emergency accommodation, support and information, outreach support, court support, childcare, parenting, counselling, training and, together with Tipperary County Council, a safe house. I acknowledge the work done by the organisation and thank the recently retired project leader Geraldine Mullane, who has given exceptional leadership and professional service over the years. I wish her well in her retirement.

From the annual reports of Cuan Saor and similar organisations throughout the country, it is clear we need additional emergency accommodation. We also need additional safe houses. For instance, Cuan Saor was unable to admit more than 205 women and 230 children in the past 12 months to its emergency accommodation. We need to ensure staff are paid properly and enjoy the same salaries as comparable staff in the HSE, Tusla and Cuan. This needs to be done urgently because it has the potential to create - and is already creating - difficulties in the recruitment and retention of staff. I commend the motion.

Minister for Justice (Deputy Jim O'Callaghan)

I commend Deputy Coppinger and her colleagues on using their Private Members' time to table this extremely important motion. As the Deputy indicated, the Government will not oppose the motion. I assure her that is not a case of the Government saying to leave it in our hands. I am fully aware Government will not have all the answers on this issue. Many proposals have been put forward by the Deputy and her colleagues with which the Government agrees; some proposals are more challenging and I will outline them presently. This is such a significant and widespread problem that Government on its own will certainly not be able to resolve it. The issue of violence against women - and that is predominantly what we are talking about - is of such a pervasive nature that we need a response not just from the political system, but also from society as a whole. One of my functions as Minister for Justice is not just to try to change the law and policy, but also to try to give effect to societal changes in attitude. Women are predominantly the victims of this violence; consequently, men are predominantly the perpetrators of this violence. It is incumbent upon me as a male Minister for Justice to speak to men who think it is acceptable to perpetrate violence against women. We must repeatedly emphasise it is not acceptable.

I agree to a certain extent with Deputy Coppinger on the origins or provenance of this violence. A lot of it, like a lot of violence, is about trying to control individuals. For too long, some men have believed they are entitled to try to control women. That societal attitude needs to change.

I know the Deputy and her colleagues have been working with many survivors and victims of domestic and gender-based violence in order that their voices are heard. I welcome those victims and families of victims to the Gallery today. I commend them and I admire them for their bravery in coming forward and speaking out as they have done. It is important to point out that the voices of survivors are particularly loudly heard when they go through the courts process and it results in a conviction against the perpetrator of the appalling violence against them.

I note what Deputy Coppinger stated about the challenges posed by the courts system. I know it is challenging and we need to make it easier but the voices of those who go through the courts system and obtain a conviction at the end of it are very loud and influential. These women remind us that, although we have made improvements, reformed our laws and strengthened support structures, we have much further to go in the journey to seek justice.

As I said, we will not oppose the motion. We are not yet where we want and need to be. A society where there is zero tolerance for domestic, sexual and gender-based violence is our objective.

The statistics in this area are frightening. Deputy Healy referred to the CSO statistics in its survey of sexual violence published in 2022. It is simply unacceptable that more than half of the women in this country have experienced sexual violence in childhood or adulthood. I am pleased the CSO, along with Cuan, is now doing a survey on domestic violence. We need further information on that. We cannot adequately respond to this or any problem unless we have the necessary data. I regret that I have no doubt the figures will reflect the reality that far too many people are living with domestic violence. To deal with it, we need to know the data in respect of it.

I will outline what the Government has done in respect of some issues raised in the motion. Deputy Coppinger focused on disclosure of counselling notes. I was a Member of Dáil Éireann in 2017, as she was, when we dealt with the Criminal Law (Sexual Offences) Bill that went through the Houses then. Section 33 provided for the inclusion of a new section 19A. All of us thought at that time this provision would deal with that issue. I read section 19A earlier. On paper, it looks like it covers all the important issues. It states counselling notes shall not be disclosed unless it is necessary for a fair trail. Unfortunately, section 19A is not operating the way the Oireachtas intended. That point was made by Professor Tom O'Malley in his review of the legislation in this area. He said people are not aware of it. I am committed to reviewing it. If we need to have legislation to amend it, I will bring forward the legislation.

Deputy Coppinger also mentioned Valerie's law. I have already instructed my Department that I want legislation to be brought through amending the Guardianship of Infants Act 1964 in order that a court can remove guardianship rights from parents or guardians who kill or seriously harm another parent or guardian of their child. I hope to have a memorandum going to Government next month to get permission from Government to proceed with drafting that. The heads of Bill are being prepared in my Department as well.

The domestic violence register is something I am committing to establish. It is important that if somebody is convicted of a serious criminal offence by the courts, the public should be aware of that. In this country we publish lists of tax offenders but we do not publish a list of people convicted of rape or serious sexual assault. The only way we know about that is if a journalist happens to be in court or if, as many brave victims have done, the victim decides subsequently to go public in respect of it. It is unfair to expect every victim to carry that burden and to decide to waive their anonymity because they want to disclose the identity of the individual.

That is too much for them and we need to have a system in place where there is disclosure of information of people who have been convicted of serious offences. I talk about that in respect of convictions only.

The Government also recognises the need to build on the legislative and structural reforms under way to further enhance support for victims of gender-based violence. We have seen sentences increased. We have seen the Criminal Law (Sexual Offences and Human Trafficking) Act 2024 signed into law last year, which expands a victim's right to legal representation in circumstances.

Deputy Coppinger referred to the character reference issue. At present, the law is that if someone is going to give a character reference, it has to be under oath or an affidavit and he or she can be subject to cross-examination. In terms of the woman the Deputy mentioned, Sarah, she should be told who has put in a character reference in respect of the person who had been convicted of the offence against her. Character references only arise in the imposition of a sentence. I will consider it, but we need to be aware. Will we do away with character references across the board and for all offences? It would be difficult to say we will get rid of character references in respect of persons who are convicted of certain offences but for other serious offences we would permit them. It is an area we need to reflect on.

There is a lot of reform happening in the family justice area. A central element to this is the establishment of dedicated family courts with specialist judges assigned on a full-time basis. It is important that our family law system operates much more effectively. Regrettably, a lot of the violence we see perpetrated against women is violence that comes from persons with whom they are in a relationship within the family. The Courts Service is progressing an ambitious ten year modernisation programme to deliver an operating model that is digitally enabled and designed around the user. That is something that will improve it.

The Deputy also mentioned the issue of making complaints against the Judiciary. Complaints can be made against the Judiciary within the Judicial Council framework. There is also a constitutional mechanism and legislation in place for the severe purpose of trying to remove a judge from office. We have to be careful that we protect the independence of the Judiciary. The last thing we want is for decisions of judges to be subject to review by this House or people this House decides to appoint to some statutory body. We went through a difficult circumstance in establishing the Judicial Council so that it would retain its independence. It can examine the conduct of a judge in cases where judicial misconduct is alleged.

The Deputy also called in the motion for education programmes to challenge misogyny and gender-based violence. A substantial body of work is under way with Cuan at the core of its efforts. Educational and awareness-raising campaigns have covered the issues of sexual consent, domestic abuse and intimate image abuse. Building on the momentum of those campaigns, Cuan is launching a campaign called Hardest Stories. It will be launched today at 11 a.m. and I hope Deputy Coppinger will forgive me, but I will go down and launch that campaign by Cuan. The launch is at 11 o'clock so regrettably, I will have to leave here at 10:40. The Minister of State, Deputy Collins, will be here for the rest of the debate.

Deputy Ruth Coppinger

He is not here now. That is not good.

Deputy Jim O'Callaghan

I know but I think it is appropriate that-----

Deputy Ruth Coppinger

He should be listening to the whole debate.

Deputy Jim O'Callaghan

-----I go down and launch that Hardest Stories campaign by Cuan. It is also working in partnership with the Department of education.

I thank the Deputy for the motion. The Government is not opposing it. This is an issue that requires full attention from Government but I reiterate the Government will not have all the answers. There is a requirement for more and I will listen to all suggestions that come from this House.

Deputy Catherine Connolly

I thank Deputy Coppinger for bringing this issue and setting it out so clearly in the motion and to the visitors in the Gallery. I wish the Minister best of luck in his new role and I welcome that he is not opposing the motion, which is often the death knell - but I will give him the benefit of the doubt that it is not the death knell and he will take this matter seriously.

Deputy Jim O'Callaghan

We will.

Deputy Catherine Connolly

He said is committed to bringing in the register and changing the law. I have only five minutes so I will not go into it. I welcome what he is saying and he will have to deliver on that.

Deputy Jim O'Callaghan

We will.

Deputy Catherine Connolly

In 1974, a groundbreaking book about a women's refuge in Chiswick, London entitled Scream Quietly or the Neighbours Will Hear was published. Fast forward 49 years to the Royal College of Surgeons in Ireland publishing an article entitled, "Why is sexual violence still hidden in plain sight in this era of oversharing?" about domestic violence and gender-based violence.

Forgive me if I am sceptical because, as Deputy Coppinger said, we have listened to the news this morning about what seems another murder of another woman, this time in her 80s. Since I entered the House in 2016 along with all my colleagues on this side of the House, and with some of Government backbenchers, we have repeatedly spoken on the failure to deal with domestic violence and gender-based violence.

Actually, I am most uncomfortable with the word "domestic". It reduces the importance, the seriousness and the significance of criminal activity. I would like to get rid of the word "domestic" and treat violence for what it is. I am also unhappy with words like "epidemic" and "pandemic". This is not an epidemic. These are serious crimes committed, for the most part, by men.

Since 2016, we have fought and fought and pushed the Government. My worry is there has been no proactive action on behalf of the Government. It has all been reactive, pushed from the Opposition, and we have been pushed from the organisations on the ground. Women's Aid, in particular, this week have come out and I will come back to that in a minute but we have pushed the Government.

The Government produced a number of reports finally before it got to the zero strategy and what was produced was an audit of refuge services by Tusla, which was completely inadequate, and then the Department did a review of the structures and services there, which said there was an absence of data, an absence of funding, fragmentation, gaps and deficits. That was in 2021 or 2022.

In 1974, Scream Quietly or the Neighbours Will Hear was published and we cam fast forward to a report telling us to there is a lack of data, lack of funding, deficits and complete gaps. All of the time, the numbers for violence are increasing and increasing and the world is becoming a more unsafe place for women and for families. The Minister referred to a figure and said unfortunately most of it is within families; it absolutely is. The figures are shocking; 63% of women were killed in their own home, 53% were killed by a partner or ex-partner and almost nine out of ten women know their killer.

My difficulty when we have debates like this - and I am really appreciative that Deputy Coppinger has used her time - we are talking and talking; I have been talking since 2016. I am very familiar with the services on the ground. Back in 2002, SAVI produced a groundbreaking report called Sexual Abuse and Violence in Ireland. We utterly ignored it. The prevalence of violence against women was clearly set out and then we fast forward to the Royal College of Surgeons in Ireland telling us it is hidden in plain sight.

We then begin to ask ourself as legislators; what is happening here? What do we mean when we say we want zero tolerance? We never rolled out enough refuges. I say that with caution because Safe Ireland - and I am somebody who has called for more refuges and will continue to do so - has called on the Government to imbed a full infrastructural response to domestic abuse at local level, rather than prioritising new refuge spaces. The CEO said: "We are very, very concerned that there will be a focus on refuge building at the expense of the real response to new refuge spaces."

More has to be done and the Government must take it seriously. I am almost out of time so I do all of that to emphasise we are beyond talking. Refuges are the most basic thing we can provide but they should be redundant in the future if we are to seriously tackle and deal with domestic and gender-based violence.

Deputy Roderic O'Gorman

I support the motion and I thank Deputy Coppinger for using her first opportunity in Private Members' time to raise this absolutely critical issue. There can be no equivocation when it comes to assessing our efforts to end violence towards women and girls in this country. We are simply not doing enough. I say that as a former Minister for equality, I say it as a politician with a long-standing interest in this area and I say this simply as a person living in Ireland today. All of us elected to Leinster House have a responsibility to keep this issue at the forefront of our debates and our legislative and policy efforts.

That is not to say significant work has not been undertaken. We have seen the third national strategy published. We have seen increased investment and the establishment of Cuan; an agency solely focused on DSGBV. I acknowledge the commitment that the then Minister, Deputy Helen McEntee, brought to this area. For my own part, the introduction of five days paid domestic violence leave was an important tool to provide assistance to victims.

I am glad this leave is now in place and that Ireland is one of the first countries in the EU to introduce it. I want to recognise the work that Women's Aid did in supporting the introduction of that policy. However, with all of this, it is still not enough. We know it is not enough as women continue to die violently; three women so far this year according to Women's Aid. These were Paula Canty, Annie Heyneman and Gillian Curran. We are barely eight weeks into 2025 and information about another death is emerging in the past 24 hours. We know it is not enough as the most recent figures show that just over 65,000 cases of domestic abuse were recorded by An Garda Síochána last year. This is a 20% increase over the previous two years and a steady rise of 10% per year each year since 2020. We know it is not enough because we still see that applications for domestic violence protection orders have increased by 25% in the five years up to last September.

Notwithstanding the statistics, it is of course critically important that women and girls who have been victimised can access the support of An Garda Síochána and the Courts Service swiftly and to the fullest extent. This is not always guaranteed and today's motion rightly identifies the many barriers and factors that are working against women and girls who deserve timely, appropriate justice. While all efforts to help victims are absolutely crucial, they are by definition addressing the symptoms of the overriding problem. Prevention is the critically important piece if we are ever going to get this right. This is recognised in the Istanbul Convention but it is not always prioritised in the State's public policy. Prevention was a major focus. It was something the Green Party raised continuously in the last Government, and it is why in the third national strategy published last year there is a lot greater focus on prevention that in the predecessor strategies. This broader strategy recognises a hard truth. Violence against women and girls will remain a feature of our society until we successfully address the root causes and until our preventative effort works. This requires a cultural and a generational shift in attitude. At the heart of it is a necessary shift in male attitudes towards women and girls and a shift in the general societal attitudes about the spectrum of violence and abuse directed at women. We know this is possible but it is crushingly slow. The State holds the power to drive this kind of cultural shift forward in our educational curricula, through public information and through a zero-tolerance criminal approach. This is recognised in the motion today and I welcome that.

I am glad that this motion will be agreed but I come back to my earlier point. There is no doubt that all of us in this House share the goal of ending gender-based violence in this country but, as with anything, genuine progress will take a laser-like focus at the top of Government. The Minister of State and also the senior Minister will be bombarded with competing agendas but they cannot let this particular issue slip. They need to drive forward change and progress at an even greater pace. Until women and girls stop being targeted, victimised and killed, we as a country will never have done enough.

Deputy Matt Carthy

Gabhaim buíochas leis an Teachta Coppinger as díospóireacht a thabhairt chun cinn ar an gceist thábhachtach seo mar caithfimid deireadh a chur le foréigean in aghaidh mná agus cailíní. I thank the movers of this motion, particularly Deputy Coppinger, who has an unimpeachable record on this issue. I also welcome the guests to the Public Gallery.

Tackling violence against women and girls must be a priority across our society. Every day, women and girls face violence in the form of domestic and sexual abuse, stalking, harassment and intimidation. Figures that were revealed by the Minister for Justice to me last week showed that the number of emergency calls made to An Garda Síochána reporting domestic abuse rose from over 44,000 in 2020 to over 65,000 last year. Hundreds of women have died violently in Ireland. Many were killed in their own homes. Most were killed by a man known to them. Some 274 women have died violently in this State since 1996. As we look at these figures, women will rightly wonder how much has really been achieved in the years since the Government's so-called zero tolerance strategy was announced because women do not feel safe and often they are not safe. We have to do better in preventing domestic and gender-based violence. We have to do better in terms of supporting victims of such violence towards getting them to safety and rebuilding their lives. We have to do better in ensuring that victims of gender-based violence get the justice they deserve in a timely manner that does not compound their trauma. It is crucial that Cuan, the new statutory Government agency that is dedicated to tackling and reducing domestic, sexual and gender-based violence, is provided with the resources needed to do its job, particularly in the area of prevention. The Government also needs to ensure that An Garda Síochána and the justice system have the resources and the training to better deal with these issues and violent attacks. We know the long delays in our courts prevent survivors from rebuilding their lives.

I hear what our previous speakers have said, but domestic violence refuge centres often represent the only place where those experiencing domestic violence can find safety. There are still far too many places, including counties Cavan and Monaghan, with no refuge at all. The figures for domestic violence for the Cavan, Monaghan and Louth region also revealed to me by the Minister last week reinforced the demand for urgency with regard to opening domestic violence refuges in both Cavan and Monaghan. These figures show that this region has the highest number of calls outside of the Dublin region. The reason that is important is because when women present, sometimes they feel they have nowhere to present to other than to their local TDs office, which in itself is a scandal because we have to deal with people giving their most intimate, private details in a setting that is not appropriate. They ask directly what their options are. Oftentimes, they are left with the conclusion themselves, having dealt with all the statutory agencies, that the option provided to them is either to make themselves homeless or to return back. The lack of availability of affordable housing is one of the greatest barriers and challenges for women and children who are victims or survivors of domestic abuse. It also means that women and children are often forced to remain in refuges for longer than is needed, and in some cases the option of returning to the abuser is actively considered. In previous, very tragic cases, this is what happened. Supporting the long-term housing needs, therefore, of survivors of domestic violence must be given the priority that it deserves.

In dealing with the issues of domestic and gender-based violence, it is also important that we listen to the survivors of rape, sexual abuse and domestic violence. We need to listen to them particularly regarding their experience of the justice system. Survivors of rape, sexual assault and domestic violence and their families have raised a number of very important issues which need to be dealt with by the Oireachtas as a matter of urgency. I will be proposing that the incoming justice committee when it is established actually meets with survivors who have contacted us in advance of today's debate because there are clearly a number of areas where legislative changes are required, including dealing with the retraumatising impact of victims' counselling notes being disclosed in rape and sexual assault cases, the blocking of parental and inheritance rights for those who kill their spouses, and the need to create a domestic violence register. It is also clear from the survivors that the disclosure of counselling notes shown at trial severely compounds their trauma. The commitment in the programme for Government to deal with this has to be fast-tracked. If the Government is intent on fast-tracking it, this side of the House will accommodate it.

Deputy Máire Devine

I thank Deputy Coppinger for the comprehensive motion on gender-based violence. It will further the State's response and our society's attitude to this insidious harm in virtually all walks of life. The statistics are startling as mentioned by my colleagues here. Substance abuse and poverty play their part in the domestic and gender-based violence and disturbingly our homeless figures do not include those who are accessing safe havens. We welcome the inclusion of criminal behaviour which was previously not recognised and abusive coercive control, revenge porn and marital rape. In my role as a mental health nurse and just talking to women about why it was always women that were referred to and not the perpetrator, women, especially older women, said to me that they did not know they had rights. They were told they made their bed and had to lie in it. We have moved on from that but we have so much more to do. A zero-tolerance policy for these crimes shows 52% of women and 28% of men reported experiencing sexual violence in their lifetime.

This underscores the need for the Cuan governmental agency to address all aspects of tackling domestic and sexual violence. I ask the Minister of State to consider that local authorities must be supported to provide priority accommodation for victims fleeing life-threatening situations, an emergency flee fund must be introduced to allow people to set up new lives and shelters must have access to emergency medical services and local GPs. Sinn Féin has submitted to the civil legal aid review that the €18,000 threshold for legal aid remains far too low. Additionally, while the Irish courts refer convicted domestic abusers to rehabilitation programmes, there is no obligation on them to complete them. Only 10% did so in 2023. Completion of these schemes should be a condition of sentencing and we should also discuss whether all such convictions should be referred to the rehabilitation programmes and a Jennie's law register. I thank the brave women and men in the Gallery who spoke out and in doing so call attention to the plight of other victims. I also recognise those voiceless victims who have yet to come forward and cannot do so for fear for their safety. We will continue to demand action on their behalf.

Deputy Mairéad Farrell

I thank Deputy Coppinger for bringing forward this motion and for campaigning inside and outside this Chamber, as well as all those people who have joined us today because it is such an important issue. In the last year, we have seen reports of domestic violence to the Garda rise by 8% across the State but by 11% in Galway. We have already seen women violently killed in 2025. My thoughts are with those women and the people who love them. Tracking the real incidence of domestic violence is extremely difficult because in many cases it is kept secret or managed privately through whisper networks. It is positive that women are coming forward with their stories and seeking help. This is a public safety issue and women should not be left to carry this burden on their own. Unfortunately, however, we see far too often that women who need help and seek support do not find it. In this Chamber last week, I raised the institutional barriers, specifically around housing, placed by this State in front of women trying to leave domestic abusive situations.

This week, I met another woman who had been in exactly this type of situation. She left a very abusive and violent situation with her six children. This woman had been living in a council property in another county. She left to go to Galway where she had family support, but because of the institutional barriers put in place by this State she was not allowed an intercounty transfer. This meant she had nowhere to go. She had to start a new housing application with Galway City Council, which means she is now only days on the list in a county where you need to be ten years on the list to get a housing solution. This is another barrier erected by the Government and one this Government can change. This woman is now staying in her mother's house with her six children. It is very overcrowded. This is straining their relationship, which further isolates her and weakens her support network. Galway City Council cannot even offer her emergency accommodation because it is full. This woman told me she is thinking of returning to the abusive relationship because she has no other option. This is absolutely horrifying, but it is a barrier that is placed by the State in front of women. This situation needs to be changed. The Minister of State has the power to do that, so do it.

Deputy Paul Donnelly

Hear, hear.

Deputy Louise O'Reilly

I welcome the victims, survivors and their families in the Gallery. I thank Deputy Coppinger and her group for bringing forward this motion and providing us with the opportunity to have this important discussion. In November last year, Focus Ireland published a report which found domestic violence is a significant factor in making mothers and their children homeless. I will, if I can, illustrate this point by using just two of the many examples I am dealing with now in my office. I take this opportunity to remind the Minister of State that in my constituency of Dublin Fingal West we do not, as yet, have a domestic violence refuge.

I am dealing with a woman, whom I will not name for reasons of her own health and safety, who was very seriously assaulted by her partner around seven years ago. She had been on the housing list for seven years in Dublin city at that stage. When he was sent to prison, she moved as far away as she could get while still remaining in her workplace. She moved to north County Dublin. Now, she finds herself in a situation where she is high up on the Dublin City Council housing list. She is absolutely terrified she will be offered a house because it will be in a place where her abuser, now released from prison, will be living. I have gone from the Garda to the council to the domestic violence agency and around and around but I cannot find anybody to deal with this issue. The problem, when there is interaction between domestic abuse and the homeless crisis the Government has created, is that there needs to be a senior decision-maker who can assist.

I spoke to my constituency affairs manager this morning before I came in here and we are dealing with multiple cases of people who have safety orders or protection orders but who are forced to live in the same house as their abuser. I would like the Minister of State to consider what it would be like to go home every single evening because you have no choice and nowhere else to go and must return to your abuser. This issue needs to be tackled because the interaction between domestic abuse and homelessness is making life dangerous and intolerable for victims and survivors.

Deputy Paul Donnelly

I also thank Deputy Coppinger for bringing forward this motion. From 2020 to 2024, 62 women North and South on the island of Ireland were killed by their abusers. As a society and a State, we must do better in terms of tackling gender-based violence. It requires investment in services, including the provision of adequate refuge places in every county. It means ensuring our laws are fit for purpose, including dealing with the new challenges created by social media and technology.

In 2024, the Sonas domestic violence charity in my area, in Dublin 15, helped 631 women and 661 children in the refuge, transitional housing, safe homes and community outreach. However, 368 women were unable to be accommodated by Sonas in 2024. That is a shocking number. It means that people were unable to get the help and support they needed to get out of a domestic violence situation.

The number of calls made in the Dublin metropolitan region, DMR, western division, which covers the Dublin 15 area, increased in 2023 from 5,458 to 6,025. Women's Aid has said that at least one in four women in Ireland is subject to some form of abuse from a current or former partner. Violence against women continues to rise, yet there remains no clear, effective response forthcoming from the Government to address the issues of the shortage of places and supports for women caught up in these circumstances and unable to leave. We deal with these cases daily. People are coming to our constituency offices and, I am sure, the constituency offices of Government Deputies, terrified and afraid for themselves and their children. I urge the Minister of State to recognise that we need to get a grip on this situation. The reality is that women are dying and children are being left in traumatic circumstances. They need help and support now.

Deputy Rose Conway-Walsh

I thank Deputy Coppinger for bringing forward this motion, but I do so with a heavy heart. The truth is we do not take this issue seriously. Let us face it, if we were serious about tackling violence against women - sexual, financial, coercive control and all these aspects - we would be doing something about it. We are not. I looked at the aid granted and the total is twice as much as what the scanner in the National Gallery of Ireland cost. We do not take this issue seriously. We do not have the sanctions in place first of all. Why do perpetrators do it? They do it because they get away with it and they are allowed to get away with it over and over again. How many women could be alive today if we took this issue seriously? We talk about zero tolerance. If we had zero tolerance for domestic violence, we would not be doing what we are doing and we would certainly have a proper justice situation.

We do not have that. Day after day, we are putting children in very serious and dangerous situations by making them spend time with perpetrators. I know of cases where judges have made children go to see the perpetrators and spend time with them after they have threatened to kill them. That is our law. These are the laws that are there to protect people. We make it impossible for women to leave, not least because of the housing situation and the difficulty of bringing their children with them. There are so many issues. I am fed up with all the talk about it and the failure to do what needs to be done to prevent violence against women and domestic violence. I have been working in this area for more than 20 years and I do not see the progress that is needed and that is talked about over and over again. I agree that we need more refuge places, but we must stop people doing it in the first place. We must call them out - men and women - to stop them doing it.

I commend the organisation, Beyond Surviving. I met Ciara last weekend in Castlebar. The organisation is hugely important. Why are we not bringing in Clare's law and Jennie's law? The Government has the support of the entire House to enable it to do that. If there is a will there to do it, we would do it as a matter of urgency.

Deputy Mairéad Farrell

Hear, hear.

Deputy Mark Ward

We must have a zero-tolerance approach to gender-based violence. This issue is compounded by a judicial system, political system and society that fail to confront the problem.

I have seen at first hand the incredible work done by Saoirse women's refuge in my area. Those involved informed me of the stress a woman has to go through in the legal system. The process of obtaining a safety order can be difficult logistically as well as mentally. Often, a physically and mentally abused woman must bring her already traumatised children into the Family Courts. There is no privacy or space, and they often feel unsafe. We must make court proceedings more survivor-friendly.

More and more women now have to choose between homelessness and a place that is no longer safe. We can imagine the trauma of being physically and mentally abused and having the courage to reach out for help only to be faced with a Hobson's choice of staying in the home with the abuser or becoming homeless with children.

We know that the most dangerous time for women who experience domestic abuse or relationships involving physical violence is when they attempt to leave the home. A quick search on the Women's Aid website this morning revealed that 274 women have died violently in Ireland since 1996. I hate bringing up statistics because behind each statistic is a real person, a family member - somebody who has been failed by the system. Some 63% of the women were killed in their own home, with 55% being killed by a partner or ex-partner. Almost nine out of ten of these women knew the person who killed them.

In my area of Dublin Mid-West we saw a 10.3% increase in the number of incidents of domestic violence in the past year alone. Women deserve better. They deserve to feel safe in every space they enter. I do not want to live in a society that treats 50% of its population as less worthy just because of their gender.

Deputy Alan Kelly

I extend my very best wishes to you, a Leas-Cheann Comhairle, in your role. It is the first time you have been in the Chair while I have been present.

An Leas-Cheann Comhairle

Gabhaim buíochas le Deputy Kelly.

Deputy Alan Kelly

I am sharing time with my colleagues, Deputies Sherlock, Lawlor and Sheehan.

An Leas-Cheann Comhairle

Is that agreed? Agreed.

Deputy Alan Kelly

I thank the Independent and Parties Technical Group for tabling this very important motion on gender-based violence. I also welcome the guests who are in the Gallery.

This is an important debate that raises a number of issues that need urgent and ongoing examination. Last July, my party tabled a similar motion addressing many of the same calls following the courage of Natasha O'Brien. In that motion we specifically called for a review of the practice of suspending sentences, and the criteria used for applying suspended sentences to those convicted of violent crimes. We also called for increased urgency in the development of sentencing guidelines by the Judicial Council, clear guidelines on the use of character references and a comprehensive database of judicial sentences. In addition, we sought reforms to the courts system to better protect and support victims and survivors of domestic, sexual and gender-based violence, including the provision of effective training for legal professionals and the Judiciary.

We called for consistency in sentencing and the provision of access to rehabilitation programmes for perpetrators of domestic, sexual and gender-based violence. We sought the introduction of a commissioner to act as an independent advocate and voice for victims and survivors. We looked for a review of Irish Defence Forces regulations in order to deal more proactively with members either accused of, or convicted of, violent crimes.

Another ask was for increased funding from the Government for the provision of additional refuge places, in line with the Istanbul Convention. In addition, we called for increased resources in budget 2025 for Cuan and a commitment to multi-annual funding for rape crisis centres and other domestic, sexual and gender-based violence service providers.

Unfortunately, in the six months since then, little has changed and more shocking cases have emerged. Tackling domestic, sexual and gender-based violence in all its forms is a core, whole-of-government responsibility. It needs input and co-operation across Departments in areas such as health and education, as well as justice. It requires a co-ordinated and sustained response from a host of State agencies and Departments. We cannot confine ourselves to believing that by rolling out yet another criminal justice measure in this House, the problem can be solved: it cannot. DSGBV is much more than just an issue for law reform, although that may well be needed.

Above all, we need more research, evidence and awareness. The motion reflects this when it highlights, for example, the prevalence of rape myths and their impact on the criminal justice system. Myths about rape, and about the criminal justice system's attitude to rape, may well have an impact on a victim's decision whether to report, the attitudes of gardaí who receive a report and the decision whether to prosecute.

The English Law Commission published a consultation paper in 2023 on evidence in sexual offence prosecutions. Rape myths and how to tackle them was high on its agenda. The commission was able to point to local and international research on the issue. We cannot point to similar evidence here because we have not commissioned the necessary research. The Minister should resource Cuan to carry out that work.

I now move to prosecution decisions. The DPP's guidelines for prosecutors state that a prosecution should not be instituted unless there is admissible, relevant, credible and reliable evidence. The guidelines also state that it is not the practice to operate a rule under which conviction would have to be regarded as more probable than acquittal but "Where the likelihood of conviction is low, other factors, including the seriousness of the offence, may come into play in deciding whether to prosecute". There is then listed a string of considerations which, taken together, may well provide reasons that prosecutions are relatively rare.

Paragraph 4.13 states:

... it is important to know if there is independent evidence which supports the complaint. This could be evidence from another witness, or forensic evidence such as fingerprints or DNA evidence from body tissue. This makes the case stronger than one based on one person's word against another.

It is questionable whether this guidance itself is influenced by societal views and myths and merits review. We need accurate information about the influence of myths in judging complainants in sexual offences cases, whether on the grounds that credibility and reliability are doubted by the prosecutor or whether the prosecutor is anticipating the ways that juries and judges will respond to these factors. An anticipatory approach could create a vicious circle if low conviction rates produce a feedback effect that influences later police investigations and assessments of the evidence, including the believability of the complainant, and rules out even more prosecutions.

As the motion outlines, ongoing public education – particularly about consent – remains key. What every complainant is entitled to from the legal system is that its procedures will maximise the quality of their evidence in terms of its completeness, coherence and accuracy and will enable all witnesses to give their best evidence to a fair and unbiased tribunal. That is the minimum complainants deserve.

As the Labour Party outlined in its recent manifesto, and as was recommended in the report by the Citizens' Assembly on Gender Equality, there is a need for a commissioner to act as an independent advocate and voice for victims and survivors in the criminal justice system. Victims must be properly informed on how to make complaints about sentencing and we must ensure that supports are available to them in what is an alien environment for most of them. A key point is that cases must be heard quickly. The longer a victim must wait for justice, the more likely it is that a case will retraumatise them. We strongly support the need to implement Valerie's law and Jennie's law. I am aware the Minister for Justice has an ambitious agenda and I hope he will take both of those laws on board and prioritise them.

Deputy Marie Sherlock

I thank Deputy Coppinger for tabling the motion, which I very much welcome. I pay tribute to all in the Gallery for their campaigning and strength because the experiences many of them have had come from the most appalling circumstances.

I thank the survivors for all they do to bring to our attention the appalling reality of this matter.

In a report from the Dublin Rape Crisis Centre last year, Sarah Benson put it very starkly when she stated that, statistically, the most dangerous place for women is in their own homes. The nightmare of abuse and violence will most commonly come from the hands of a current or former intimate male partner. Yet, when women finally make the enormous decision to leave, there are so few places for them to go. It has been 14 years since Ireland signed up to the Istanbul Convention. Back then we were told we needed one refuge place for every 10,000 people. We had 131 refuge places in 2011. In 2024, that number had barely crawled up to 159. That is absolutely despicable. What is worse is that it does not represent any meaningful increase. In terms of the number of refuges in Ireland, we are just about running to stand still, particularly as the population has increased by more than 805,000 in the intervening period.

The programme for Government contains commitments, which we welcome, but so did previous programmes. Those commitments were not met. The promises now are way off what is needed. We cannot just go about acknowledging the increased numbers of barring orders and those reporting violence and not make the provision accordingly. It is unforgivable, in this day and age, that we are forcing women who are fleeing with their children to go through the additional trauma of having to travel miles every day for work or school. I think of the woman in Cabra who had to go to Coolock. When she timed out of the refuge there, she had to go to Stepaside. She was travelling for an hour and a half every day to her child to school and then had to walk around the streets of Dublin because she could not get back to the refuge. She then had to be back at the school to collect her child in the afternoon. That is unforgivable. That certain counties do not have refuges is a huge issue, but in Dublin we also have a massive shortage of refuge places.

I also want to raise the issue of the specialist training for gardaí responding to 999 calls. Is every member of An Garda Síochána given specialist training? If they are, is that training trauma informed and based on victims' experience? My understanding is that this is not the case and that there is no specialist training for trainees, probationers or those answering 999 calls in our community.

Deputy George Lawlor

I am pleased to support this motion. I thank Deputy Coppinger for bringing it forward. I welcome our guests in the Public Gallery.

I want to speak about the importance of women having access to refuge places. As a member of the voluntary board of management and a director of Wexford Women's Refuge, I have seen at first hand the benefit of having in a locality a refuge in which skilled and compassionate staff are available to guide victims through the difficulties involved and to advise them on some of the obstacles and issues that are highlighted in the motion. For five years, I chaired the building subgroup of Wexford Women's Refuge. Last year, we opened a new state-of-the-art building in the heart of Wexford town that tripled the capacity of the refuge. The refuge offers outreach services by meeting women in a safe place of their choosing. It offers: court accompaniment; access to counselling; works closely with Wexford Rape Crisis and agencies such as Barnardos, Youth New Ross and the HSE, to name but a few of the great services available to vulnerable women and their children.

An in-house child and family support worker is just one the highly skilled staff available in the refuge. Despite all of this, staff at the refuge are put to the pin of their collar and often find it impossible to keep up with the workload and the demands on the service. Despite this, County Wexford can consider itself lucky to be in a position to have a refuge. Sadly, nine counties - Cavan, Carlow, Laois, Leitrim, Longford, Monaghan, Offaly, Roscommon and Sligo - are devoid of domestic violence refuge accommodation. The Wexford refuge gets multiple requests from outside the county for accommodation. It is almost constantly operating at full capacity. This is despite the almost tripling of capacity last year. Imagine the feeling of isolation the women in these counties experience when from knowing that they do not have access to the safe haven of a refuge in their communities or localities.

As the motion states, only 5% of those who experience sexual violence as an adult report it to An Garda. It is estimated that just 14% of the cases of those who do report such violence make it to trial. The victims and survivors of sexual violence have spoken about their harrowing experiences of the legal system. Ludicrously, accused persons have the right to request access to the counselling records of complainants. We must put an end to this invasive and traumatic allowance for perpetrators. We must support the call from the Citizens' Assembly on Gender Equality in 2021 for the exclusion of counselling and medical records from evidence. That is the very least we can do to support the victims of this heinous crime.

Deputy Conor Sheehan

I thank Deputy Coppinger and her group for bringing forward this important motion. I welcome the survivors are in the Public Gallery. They should not need to come here to see this issue addressed. I pay particular tribute to Natasha O'Brien, one of my constituents, for her advocacy in relation to this work.

As a man, I am very conscious of the fact that we are the problem because we are the perpetrators of this violence. I am very clear as a white man in a position of enormous privilege that I want to be a positive role model and an agent for change. This issue permeates society and the fight against this scourge cannot be led by women and women's rights movements alone. This is a global human rights issue. As the author Margaret Atwood once said: "Men are afraid women will laugh at them. Women are afraid men will kill them." As former State pathologist Dr. Marie Cassidy said, which goes to the root of this motion: "It is the man in your bed you should be worried about, not the man under your bed."

The motion contains a number of practical measures. Many of these were also contained in a motion we brought forward last year, so we are very happy to support the motion before the House. Those measures include ending the practice of victim's counselling notes being accessed and read by accused persons during trials and ending character references in cases of gender-based violence. We also need compulsory training for members of the Judiciary to allow them to gain a better understanding of the harm of rape myths. This is all contemplated by the motion.

Domestic and gender-based violence hit a ten-year high in Limerick last year, with more than 2,500 reports of such violence being made. There have been instances in the past of Members of this House providing character references in respect of individuals convicted of gender-based violence and sexual crimes. This should bring shame on all of us.

Deputy Jen Cummins

Gabhaim buíochas leis an Teachta Coppinger as an tairiscint seo. While writing my speech, I found the words came with great difficulty. This was not because I did not know what to say, it was because I was afraid that once I started to speak I would not be able to stop and would get so annoyed that my words would go beyond what is allowable in this Chamber.

Having listened to testimonies from people around the country, I cannot help but be furious and frightened. In the late 1990s, I worked in a domestic violence project service in London for Irish women. As a very young person straight out of college, I was struck by how many services were available there for women from all over the world. I am afraid that the situation has not improved since the late 1990s. However, this is not about me. I am a public representative and am here to be a voice for others who have been subjected to gender-based violence. This issue affects people of all ages, classes, colours, creeds and jobs. One group contacted me - and I am sure they have contacted others - to say that of the 174 of us in this Chamber, 59 have perhaps been subjected to sexual violence. I am sure Deputies have received many emails urging them to support this motion. We live in time in which women are being murdered, with six so far this year. Last night newspapers reported that another woman has been killed on a ferry. Calls to Women's Aid and other domestic violence services are at an all time high. The Dublin Rape Crisis Centre is inundated with requests for support. Things are out of control.

Deputy Coppinger's motion highlights many matters that we need to address. One of the things I find most galling - many speakers have mentioned it - is the fact that when someone has experienced gender-based violence and goes for counselling, this can be used against them. The Minister of State indicated that it is set out in this way to prevent unfair trials, but who is being treated unfairly? Who is it pitched against?

Looking through lens of education, we can see that violence in the home is detrimental to learning and long-term educational retention.

In 2015, it was found that 40% of cases referred to Women's Aid involved children who had experienced and lived with domestic violence. They also experienced physical and sexual abuse. In 2023, 4,478 incidents of child abuse were disclosed to women's aid. I have read findings that in Europe 73% of women who experienced physical or sexual violence by a current or previous partner indicated their children had become aware of that violence. How can a child or young person learn when they are living in a home where there is violence, control or abuse? How can they focus on homework or study for an exam? How can they do their college assignments? The short answer is that they cannot do these things. Their trauma and adverse childhood experiences envelop them and they go into survival mode. To learn one needs to be able to relax, be comfortable and to have a structure. This is very hard when there is shouting, screaming, crying, violence and fear.

Then there are young people who are in intimate relationships and who are affected by this. If they are in a learning environment, how are they supposed to do their college work or their further education work? A total of 51% of young women affected said they had been abused under the age of 18. One in five young women in Ireland have been subjected to intimate relationship abuse. How can these young women who are in college or starting their careers be at the level they need to be at? They cannot achieve what they would like to do. It is not acceptable. We need to act now. I am very happy the Government will not oppose the motion.

Deputy Gary Gannon

I thank Deputy Coppinger for tabling the motion. I acknowledge the guests we have in the Gallery. My party leader, Deputy Cairns, has been in touch to acknowledge the presence of Mr. David French. She has been working alongside him to bring forward Valerie's law. We will continue to push this as heavily as we can from the Opposition benches, although it would be infinitely easier if it came from the Government.

It has become absolutely routine to be confronted with new reports highlighting the devastating impacts of gender-based violence in Ireland. Time and again, research published in our media has detailed new lows the country has sunk to when it comes to the prevalence of the crisis. It feels like as a society we are becoming increasingly more desensitised to its magnitude. It has been said before that since 1996, 274 women have died violently in the Republic of Ireland. In 2024, an average of 1,250 incidents of domestic violence was reported to the Garda every week. These statistics demand an immediate response from the Government but time and again they are reduced to a headline.

While it is positive that women have been coming forward in recent years, the data we have on the issue comes from under-resourced front-line agencies filling the gap where the State should be. The epidemic of men's violence against women continues to be framed as a women's issue in all facets of society. We know that gender-based violence must be confronted by men. We have created a society where there is such a pervasive sense of male violence against women that the word "femicide" has been coined to describe the epidemic. Even that very term allows men to evade accountability for this ongoing crisis. I remember reading an article close to 15 years ago on Tom Meagher, whose wife Jill was brutally murdered in Australia. He referred to what he called "the monster myth", which he said allows us to see men's violence against women as being perpetrated by monsters who are othered so as not cast blame on the culture in which they are created.

I am quite fearful, in the culture we have moved into, that these same male perpetrators of violence against women no longer seem to be hiding in dark corners or are no longer being othered. They are the President of the United States, sports stars with contracts and sponsorship deals, and men with large social media platforms that actively target young male children in schools as a way of normalising their toxicity and violent hatred towards women. This needs to be confronted on a macro level in terms of education programmes, positive interventions and creating role models and a society that help us remove this culture being targeted at our children every day. Alongside that, we are witnessing a clear and alarming rise in violence among men globally and locally. We are at risk of being a society where women will bear the brunt of men's violence even more than they already do, and we will be confronted with even more horrifying statistics. This is not just a crisis, it is a clear warning sign and an opportunity for the Government to act.

The use of therapy session notes in legal proceedings of sexual assault cases is nothing short of cruel. It is horrendous that such a scenario is still allowed in our court system. We have heard time and again that the process retraumatises survivors, leaving them with no safe space to heal from an unimaginable trauma. The absolute antithesis of restorative justice is to retraumatise victims but this is exactly what the court system allows. It is incumbent on us to intervene and provide legislation that will ensure it will no longer be allowed.

The motion calls on the Government to acknowledge the gender violence epidemic and take immediate action to overhaul the justice system. The Istanbul Convention to which Ireland signed up demands at the very least prevention, protection, prosecution and co-ordinated policies to protect women against men's violence. I support these measures as the most basic starting point of addressing the issue of men's violence against women.

Deputy Sinéad Gibney

I thank Deputy Coppinger for using Private Members' time to introduce this very important motion and for providing an opportunity to discuss it. I also welcome that the Government will not oppose the motion, although I share the same scepticism and concerns that have been aired by colleagues to the effect that we really need to see action on this issue. This is a scourge on our society. It is a scourge of domestic, sexual and gender-based violence. The reality is that all of us know somebody who is either experiencing or has experienced gender-based violence, whether or not we know it.

I commend the motion because it speaks to all four pillars of the Istanbul Convention. These are prevention, protection, prosecution of domestic and gender-based violence and the co-ordinated policies we need to mitigate it. I also welcome there is a focus on the justice system. Although we have seen improvements in recent years, and we have seen the establishment of Cuan, which needs the resources to match its remit, it is simply the reality that the justice system continues to retraumatise victims. The areas in which it specifically does so include, for example, character references and the release of counselling notes. It is important that we address the justice system and the retraumatisation of victims and survivors of domestic violence and instead create a pathway for them to access justice which is welcoming and assists and supports them the whole way through.

In my interaction of working with and speaking to those on the front line of dealing with domestic, sexual and gender-based violence, they described to me the fragility of the process that it takes women to come forward. When we see these problematic features of our justice system we can see how this fragility is shattered. Why would people come forward when they know they will be faced with this and when they know that prosecutions are so problematic? Of course, this fragility is exacerbated by things beyond the justice system. I call out particularly the accommodation issue. The Housing for All programme does not mention this matter. We know there are not refuges in enough counties to even meet the Istanbul Convention parameters. We need to make sure these spaces are available so when women come forward they are met with a response that can support them.

I want to focus on two words in the motion, namely "challenge misogyny". It is the reality that it is our patriarchal society in which we live that tolerates this misogyny. It perplexes me that we as policymakers and legislators do not connect enough the misogyny we see underlying domestic, sexual and gender-based violence with the everyday sexism that women experience and with the gender order that we simply tolerate in our society. It is the case that women are paid less, we take on more of the unpaid and underpaid care work in society, we have poorer outcomes when it comes to employment and we experience, as half of the population, everyday sexism in our day-to-day lives. I have been in the Dáil three months and have been called a girl multiple times by colleagues. This is not okay. We see on the Cabinet benches a dearth of women and on the Government benches an underrepresentation of women. All of this says to me that we are still a sexist society. We need to connect on the spectrum the sexism we experience with the misogyny that underpins it.

I agree with the Minister for Justice that this is not just a legislative issue. It is a broader societal issue and we need to speak to it. There is plenty that we, as legislators, can do.

I emphasise the need for more legislation in respect of the online space.

I researched pornography and violent pornography and the impact they have on young children about ten years ago. At the time, there were tools being touted around age verification and so on. We have done nothing. When we talk about pornography, people immediately put forward the argument of free speech and the fact that pornography has been around for ages. We did not previously have what we have now, which is the ubiquity of pornography and the message it is sending to young men and women about how to behave in a sexual environment. Our young men are being exploited and groomed by figures in the online space who are having a significantly problematic impact on them. We need to address these matters and we can, as legislators, do so.

I commend those people who work in this space and who, I believe, take on a role for which the State should have responsibility. I refer to the NGOs that support women in coming forward and rebuilding their lives. I thank our guests in the Gallery for coming and for being a part of this discussion.

Deputy Paul Lawless

The crisis in gender-based violence continues to devastate our society. The number of domestic violence cases rose by 20,000 in the past four years alone. Women and children are bearing the brunt of this crisis, the impact of which is being felt in every constituency across the country, including that of Mayo, which has experienced its highest number of domestic abuse cases in over a decade. The Covid-19 pandemic, when the Government's message was to stay at home, caused a major difficulty for so many victims of domestic violence. For most of us, our homes places of solitude, protection and so on, but the pandemic gave rise to a difficult scenario whereby victims were essentially trapped in their homes with their abusers. The case of Natasha O'Brien was really shocking. We should not need to rely on brave victims, which is what Natasha is, to seek the justice they deserve. We do need tougher sentencing. Natasha's case underlines the very lenient sentencing that obtains when it comes to domestic violence.

I also want to raise an important issue regarding the release of prisoners. It is unacceptable that the victims of domestic abuse only learn of the release of their perpetrators when they meet them in shops, clubs and so on in their communities. We owe it to the victims to give them the respect they deserve. We must also give them information in advance that the perpetrators of the crimes of which they were the victims are going to be released.

There is absolutely no doubt that explicit hardcore pornography is blurring and distorting the lines and boundaries between sex and violence. We know there are major issues with young people accessing hardcore pornography. Such pornography distorts relationships between men and women. The image of women as objects being sexually violated is very concerning. We have raised this matter a number of times. We have a Bill that would ban hardcore pornography for young children. We need to take action on this matter and we need to stop delaying doing so. The Minister of State said in the past that it cannot be done. It can be done, it should be done and it needs to be done. In the case of Ana Kriégel, the poor 14-year-old girl who lost her life, hardcore pornography was a huge factor when it came to her attackers. We want to see action. The Aontú Bill would ban hardcore pornography for minors in this country.

I also commend the great work of the women's refuges across this country. In my constituency, there is great work happening in the Mayo refuge. However, it is under-resourced. We need to ensure that victims who are brave enough to seek it receive the help they need. There are major difficulties around capacity in women's refuges across the country. I would appreciate if the Minister of State could give serious consideration to this. We need reform in this area.

Deputy Ken O'Flynn

I congratulate the Leas-Cheann Comhairle on his new position. I welcome his remarks earlier, when he promised to work in a non-partisan and fair way. I have always known him to be a gentleman of that character throughout his tenure in the House and also in his private life.

I welcome the many people in the Gallery who have experienced domestic violence. They have emailed us, as elected Members, and both shared their difficult experiences and enlightened us.

I wish to speak about the aspect of domestic violence that remains totally unrecognised in the context of the housing problem. Women stay in refuges. We already heard that there are no refuge centres in nine counties. In the entire north Cork region from Mallow across to Fermoy, we have no refuge centre. That needs to be addressed. We need to come up to and exceed what is set out in the Istanbul Convention.

I also want to raise how women who have been victims of domestic violence are unrecognised by the housing authorities and local authorities. Quite often, women who are the victims of domestic violence have nowhere to go. Some of them have to return to the home where they have been violated, where their children have been abused and where they have told they will be murdered and attacked. Yet, local authorities look for more information from women and say that they are not on the emergency or priority list or that if they are at a certain desk looking for social housing, they are not on any priority list. Then, they ask questions straight out about how the woman already owns a home and, quite often, her name is down as a homeowner. Therefore, they will not place women on the lists. People are continuously having to provide more information in order to prove to local authorities that they are victims of domestic violence and that they are entitled to be on a social housing list to qualify for the housing assistance payment, HAP, get out of the oppressor's way and secure accommodation for themselves and their children. That is not acceptable.

Training for gardaí has been mentioned, but what about training for local authority staff and the staff of housing bodies across the country? What are they doing? Is staff training provided? Is there a national guideline on how to deal with somebody who is in a situation of domestic abuse who comes to the counter? Very often, people come to the counter and are dismissed. They are informed that they are not in the list and that the local authority is not interested in them and cannot talk to them. That has to be addressed. We have to have training for our local authorities. Given that there is a list for disabled people or those with medical needs in city and county council areas, there equally must be a priority list for those who are victims of domestic violence to be housed to secure them and their families.

Deputy Richard O'Donoghue

I congratulate the Leas-Cheann Comhairle on his appointment and wish the Minister of State the best of luck in his position. I welcome the people in the Gallery.

For people fleeing from domestic violence, services like ADAPT in Limerick are not enough. People in the rural parts of Limerick have to travel to the city to get refuge. This is taking people from where they may have supports locally. We need more places like ADAPT in others areas to help people who are in this situation.

I have a big issue with social media. If we look at social media and at all the different cultures that are shown on it, we can see that it shows that it is acceptable in some cultures for men to hit women. This is being shown on social media even here in Ireland. We have to send out a clear message that this is not acceptable. For Irish people or those of other nationalities who live here, it is not acceptable. We need to send that clear message out.

We watched the Olympic Games recently - and this is where the Government needs to stand up - and saw people who identify as women competing. I have no problem with a person identifying as a woman. I do not have a problem because I respect people. I see two genders, but I respect whatever people are; that is fine. I do, however, have a problem when I see a person who identifies as a woman going into a boxing ring and competing against a woman in circumstances where this is accepted globally.

The Government needs to send out a clear message to everyone that violence against women is not acceptable Violence against men is not acceptable. Violence against children is not acceptable. We have to make sure that the message comes clear and strong from Government that it is not acceptable in Ireland.

Deputy Paul Nicholas Gogarty

I congratulate the Leas-Cheann Comhairle. Violence against women is a global problem. It happens in so-called capitalist societies, socialist societies, religious communities and secular communities. It happens across the world. It may have an increasing risk in areas of deprivation and poverty but it is not related to income or social status either. We have our own background of patriarchy and misogynistic history but even in modern Ireland today, the level of domestic, sexual and gender-based violence is totally unacceptable. We have by no means lived up to our commitments under the Istanbul Convention.

The facts are stark. One in four women in Ireland has been abused by a partner or former partner; 5% of women who experience sexual assault report it to the Garda, with only 14% making it to trial. The legal system, as others have described, is harrowing. In 2023, there were almost 29,000 contacts with Women's Aid. A domestic abuse motive was recorded for 90% of women in relation to victims of murder, manslaughter and infanticide. Women are more likely to be injured as a result of violence and need medical attention. Since 1996, more than 270 women have died violently in the Republic of Ireland. We are by no means a shining example in any case. We had legislation such as the Criminal Law (Sexual Offences) Act 2017 and the Domestic Violence Act 2018 to aid the protection of victims of domestic violence. Still, there were 25,570 applications to the District Court for gender-based violence against women in 2023 versus 23,536 in 2022. There an increase of 10% every year in domestic abuse cases brought before the District Court. It is abhorrent.

We have increased sentencing for domestic violence from five to ten years, passed by the Minister for Justice, but way more needs to be done. There need to be consequences. We must end the practice of character references before sentencing for those convicted in cases of gender-based violence. We must protect the confidentiality right to privacy and therapeutic healthcare for victims. Advocacy should be provided as well as representation for complainants in the courts process. It is necessary to end rape myths in the courtroom, and to invest in and recruit court personnel so that nobody must wait more than a year for sexual assault, rape or gender-based violence cases. We need educational programmes in schools to challenge misogyny and gender violence. There should be mechanisms to make accountable and even recall judges who make misogynistic and insensitive rulings. We must prioritise accommodation for women and children who have been abused because housing, accommodation and refuges are a major issue in our country. We should introduce Valerie's law, as previously referenced, to remove guardianship rights from those who kill the other parent of children. We must provide femicide and intimate partner violence training for gardaí. We should introduce Jennie's law, a domestic violence register to make available information about anyone with a conviction for domestic violence. On 11 February, in reply to me, the Minister for Justice referred to a scheme in the programme for Government in respect of domestic violence, but this did not include a domestic violence register. There is no mention of this legislation, only a reference to working with gardaí. We need to have some legal mechanism and to bring in Jennie's law.

In the minute I have left, I will talk about the wider societal issue. Among influencers on YouTube, TikTok, all across social media and even on mundane and mind-numbing programmes like "Love Island", it is seen as acceptable for men to commit misogynistic acts against women, for women to forgive all kinds of abuses and bad treatment, and for that to be seen as the norm on our national TV. It is not the norm. These people are making money online perpetuating the myth that somehow men have been hard done by and that somehow ensuring women have their rights means men are being hard pressed. It is not the case. We need to work in society as well as in the education system to make sure that this pervasive influence is dealt with. We have to deal with the algorithms in social media as well.

Minister of State at the Department of Justice (Deputy Niall Collins)

My thanks to People Before Profit-Solidarity for tabling this motion on gender-based violence. I acknowledge also the emphatic contributions made by all speakers across the House. Like other speakers, I also want to acknowledge our visitors in the Gallery today and thank them for their input.

As the Minister made clear earlier, the Government is not opposing this motion. We are all in agreement that we need to keep the momentum of change going as we work towards our objective of zero tolerance for domestic, sexual and gender-based violence in Irish society. The programme for Government commits to tackling this epidemic as a major priority. As Minister of State with responsibility for international law, law reform and youth justice; I have a key role in supporting the Minister and Government colleagues to keep driving improvements to the criminal justice system, and to supporting victims of gender-based violence. I am deeply committed to this important work.

The Third National Strategy on Domestic, Sexual and Gender-Based Violence was published in 2022, and runs to the end of 2026. Under this zero-tolerance strategy, we have increased funding for supporting victims, introduced new legislative provisions, and established Cuan as a dedicated agency to further drive this work. The Minister mentioned some of the reforms that have been introduced to better support victims of gender-based violence, including increasing the maximum sentence for assault causing harm. In addition, we now have new stand-alone offences of stalking and non-fatal strangulation. Both of these offences are common ways in which abusers target victims. It has been shown that non-fatal strangulation can be an indication of future, lethal violence and is a risk factor for homicides against women in the home. Other legislative reforms have extended restrictions on perpetrators cross-examining victims and provided for preliminary trial hearings. The introduction of pre-trial hearings has helped to increase efficiency in how trials are run and allow for difficult issues to be dealt with in advance. This reduces delays and eases what can be a traumatic process for victims.

The Criminal Law (Sexual Offences and Human Trafficking) Act 2024 addressed a number of recommendations set out in the comprehensive O'Malley Review of Protections for Vulnerable Witnesses in the Investigation and Prosecution of Sexual Offences, including around anonymity and legal representation in certain contexts. It also introduced a provision relating to character references in sexual offence cases. Now, regardless of whether a reference is being provided in person or in writing, this must be done on oath or via an affidavit. This requirement underlines the gravity of providing a character reference for a convicted sex offender and it goes further than the regime in place for other serious crimes such as robbery or manslaughter.

A number of Deputies raised the issue of the disclosure of counselling records. This is a complex and highly sensitive area, balancing individuals' rights. On the one hand, there is the victim’s right to personal privacy and on the other, the accused person's right to a fair trial. This entails a right to disclosure of any material that may strengthen the defendant's case or weaken that of the prosecution and if this is breached, the prosecution may be compromised or the conviction quashed.

The law in this area was substantially reformed in 2017 by the insertion of a new section 19A into the Criminal Evidence Act 1992, which created a new process by which the court would examine applications to release counselling notes and make a decision taking into account the right of the victim to privacy and the risk of traumatisation while ensuring the constitutional right of the accused to a fair trial. However, it appears that this provision is not operated in practice as intended. Given the importance of the issue, the third national strategy on DSGBV committed to examining and reviewing the issues again, including from the victim and survivor perspective. To progress this important work, an interdepartmental working group, led by the Department of Health, was established in 2024 and includes stakeholders from the sexual violence NGO sector that ensure collaborative input from vital victim and survivor services is taken into account. Officials in my Department are examining as a matter of urgency what steps, including adjustments to the legislation concerned, could be taken to ensure the appropriate balance between the rights of a victim to privacy and to seek counselling help and the right of a defendant to a fair trial can be achieved in practice.

Any changes to the law must be very carefully considered to avoid the risk of constitutional challenge.

Another focus of the motion has been on removal of guardianship rights for those who kill the other parent of their children. This is a commitment in the programme for Government as part of the ongoing work to implement appropriate recommendations from the study on familicide and domestic and family violence death reviews. Work is progressing on an appropriate legislative amendment, which is a priority for the Minister, Deputy O'Callaghan.

A central element of delivering on the zero-tolerance goal of the third national strategy was the establishment of a statutory domestic, sexual and gender-based violence agency, Cuan, which was launched one year ago this week. Cuan has a specific mandate to drive the implementation of the strategy across government, bringing the expertise and focus required to tackle this complex social issue. It works in collaboration with the NGO and domestic, sexual and gender-based violence services sectors to ensure that the best possible services are in place to meet the needs of victims and survivors, including safe and accessible accommodation.

Some Deputies mentioned refuge spaces. A total of 12 new refuge spaces were delivered in 2024. In 2025, this year, Cuan expects 22 new units to be delivered in Dublin and Louth with a further 49 units due to be under construction or due for refurbishment in 2025. That will bring the total number of new units to be delivered or under construction to 230 by the end of 2025, which is up from 140 at the outset of the strategy.

Deputies mentioned the need for education programmes to tackle DSGBV. Cuan is leading on the awareness-raising campaigns designed to reduce the incidence of domestic, sexual and gender-based violence in Irish society as well as ensuring that all victims know how to access the supports they require. Cuan is also working in partnership with the Department of Education on the new SPHE curriculum across junior and senior cycle in secondary schools, and oversees the highly successful "Consent Ed" project in partnership with Galway Rape Crisis Centre, which provides training for secondary school teachers. In an age-appropriate way, these resources cover healthy relationships, boundaries, consent and challenge misogyny and gender-based violence. In addition, the Higher Education Authority and Cuan are co-funding the development of a new sexual violence awareness campaign, which will be rolled out across 12 higher education institutes in early 2026.

A number of other key actions have been delivered under the five-year zero tolerance strategy. Divisional protective service units have been rolled out so that specially trained gardaí are available to support victims of sexual offences across the country. In addition, a new sexual offences unit has also been established in the Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions.

My Department is funding a professional diploma in intermediary studies at the University of Limerick. A pilot scheme has been put in place in criminal courts nationwide and a register of qualified intermediaries is available to the DPP and the court. A review of the effectiveness of the pilot scheme will inform further improvement and roll-out of the intermediary system.

I again thank Deputies for their wholehearted and emphatic contributions. I ask them to keep the spotlight on gender-based violence active. Important progress has been made but we must work harder collectively to improve the system and further enhance supports for victims of gender-based violence.

Reform takes time, but my Department and Government colleagues are fully committed to making it work better for those who need it, for those who are the victims of these horrific crimes who must be at the centre of everything we do to reform this process.

Deputy Richard Boyd Barrett

I thank Deputy Coppinger for bringing forward the motion. As others have, I pay tribute to those in the Public Gallery for coming here today and for having the courage to speak up, and to advocate and campaign on this issue. Their presence is hugely important because listening to the Government and some of the contributions here, they might think that there is a very clear determination to address the scourge of gender-based violence. However, the facts as outlined in the motion and repeated by some of our contributors suggest that the Government is a long way from taking the actions necessary to address this shameful, horrendous and frightening situation. That is what these figures are.

The fact that more than half of women have suffered sexual violence either as a child or as an adult is absolutely shocking. That more than one third of them have suffered that violence at the hands of a partner is absolutely horrendous and frightening. The fact that one in four LGBT people have suffered abuse and violence and that 72% of LGBT people suffer verbal abuse is horrendous. The Natashia O'Brien case summed it up. A 24-year-old woman walking down the street, who intervened on behalf of somebody who was being subjected to homophobic abuse then herself got violently assaulted in public by somebody who did it in a way where they thought it was acceptable, then had to fight for some kind of justice in terms of the response of the State to that horrendous situation.

I hear others referring to this. We often hear - rightly so in some cases - about the treatment of women in other cultures and so on. However, our statistics are some of the worst in Europe and testify to the failure of successive Governments and our society to deal with such absolutely toxic, poisonous, dangerous and criminal violence against women, LGBT people and people based on their gender. It is absolutely horrendous.

The State does not exactly send out a good signal on the way we deal with people who have been victims of that violence, as has been referred to by others. The Minister of State sort of boasted about the 12 additional refuge places last year, which is a pitiful number, against a background where we are not even close to meeting the Istanbul Convention targets. I suspect those 12 could be in my area of Dún Laoghaire-Rathdown, which is one of the counties that did not have any refuge space at all up to very recently and where the Istanbul Convention would require 48 places just in that county. There was a recommendation for 24 but what we have actually got is 12. Of course, they are massively oversubscribed. There is no prioritisation for women suffering domestic violence when they have to leave their home and find themselves homeless. I have even had cases of women who went into a refuge and were then evicted from the refuge after a number of months and put into emergency accommodation. If that is the sort of signal the State sends out about how much it cares about the victims of this violence, it hardly sends a good signal about the seriousness of the State to deal with it.

I want to deal briefly with the issue of the notes of the counselling sessions. This is one observation on top of the other ones. Are this issue and the low numbers of people taking cases not connected? A tiny number of victims of gender-based violence actually go to the State to seek justice precisely because of things like that. Why would they if the notes used in counselling and therapy could be handed over and then made public? It is an active disincentive to seek justice or to seek the therapy someone needs after the traumatising experience of being a victim of such violence.

Deputy Ruth Coppinger

It does not send a very good signal that the Minister cares about this issue when only one Member from the Government side sat through this debate; it is actually an insult. Obviously, a few Members have come in now for Leaders' Questions. I want to run through some of the issues the Minister of State raised. Regarding the counselling notes, the Minister said earlier that there were no issues raised in the debate at the time, which is not true.

Issues were raised by several TDs, including me, at the time. I proposed an amendment stating that we need to ensure this operates as intended and not lead to the disclosure of counselling records becoming the norm. It has become the norm. The Rape Crisis network has confirmed that. I just want to correct the record on that. I will bring forward a Bill on this issue. I have yet to be convinced that any credible evidence is taken from a person's private therapy session. It is third-party information in any case. The Minister actually defended it in the original speech in 2017. The Government talks about a trauma-informed, survivor-centred approach, but nothing in our courts system or legal system provides that. There can be different rules for gender-based violence. Why not? I have absolutely no problem with that. It is a very different type of crime from shoplifting or whatever else so it is not a big deal to have different rules.

I agree that Jennie's Law also should be enacted. I did not get time to say that in my original contribution. One of the advantages of that would be to bring shame on the crime of domestic violence. That is the key reason. I also want to mention the DPP as I did not have time to deal with it. The Director of Public Prosecutions is choosing not to deal with this, and is vetoing the right of people to have their day in court. We saw that with Nikita Hand whom I commend. She bravely took on a multimillionaire celebrity with a massive social media profile. Let us consider the injuries in that situation and the DPP would not take the case. There are serious questions to answer there. Let people have their day in court.

I also want to mention the scale of misogynistic attitudes in society. The case of Gisèle Pelicot in France says it all. It was every man, men of all occupations, who abused and raped Gisèle Pelicot in the knowledge that she had been drugged. This is becoming an increasing problem.

I thank the survivors and the family members of the victims who have campaigned who are gathered here today. I ask them to continue, if they can, with this struggle because every time that any change has happened in this country, on any issue but especially in respect the rights of women or minorities, it has been because of pressure from outside this Dáil. It has never come from within. We saw that with the repeal of the eighth amendment, we saw it with marriage equality and we see it in violence against women. We will have to campaign to hold this Government to account and to make sure that it actually acts on this motion.

International Women's Day is our next focal point. On 8 March, there will be marches in Dublin at 1 p.m., in Limerick, Cork and hopefully in other towns and cities as well. Many of the survivors who have put themselves on the line, have gone through so much trauma and were retraumatised in our legal system have committed to support those marches. I appeal to trades unions, women's organisations, community groups and everybody else to turn out on those marches that are called by ROSA International Social Feminists, of which I am a founding member and which has led the way outside of the Dáil in bringing this issue centre stage. We need to say Ni una menos; that is the cry throughout Latin America against violence against women. It means "Not one woman less". Not one more woman should be lost to violence against women and to gender-based violence. We need massive turnouts on International Women's Day because the complacency is clear. We saw it here earlier in the debate when the Minister left for a press opportunity and left somebody else to deputise for him. Not one of the other Members of Fianna Fáil or Fine Gael-----

An Ceann Comhairle

I thank the Deputy. Time is up.

Deputy Ruth Coppinger

-----or the Independents who are always looking for speaking time could be bothered to be here.

Question put and agreed to.