Skip to main content
Normal View

Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 27 Feb 2025

Vol. 1063 No. 6

Housing Commission Report: Statements

I welcome the opportunity to speak today on the work of the Housing Commission and the significant work the Government is doing and will continue to do to implement the commission’s recommendations.

Before I do so, I wish to say I am honoured to have been afforded the opportunity to take on the housing brief. I look forward to contributing to an area which has the potential to significantly enhance the lives of people in our society.

This afternoon I will update the House on the work ongoing in my Department since the publication of the report of the Housing Commission. I am delighted to take the opportunity to speak about the housing policy agenda more broadly. I will set out some of the key reforms we will progress to address the immediate challenge of boosting housing supply while supporting those policies and structures needed for a sustainable housing system and a supply of new homes in the country that it needs into the long term.

This twin-track approach of short-term pragmatic actions in tandem with longer-term deliverables to underpin the sustainability post-2030 speaks directly to the broad direction of travel proposed by the Housing Commission. It will be a challenging task to marry the two and - the House may not agree fully on this - mine and the Government’s primary focus will be on achieving these ends.

The report of the Housing Commission has been much referenced in this House since it was published last May. As I take up the housing portfolio, it is opportune to set out the scale of work that has been progressed over some months in response to the commission’s report. I also want to outline how the commission’s work has been reflected in the programme for Government, how the Government continues to examine in detail the commission’s proposals and how it can build on the solid platform laid by Housing for All over the last three years. Before continuing, I want to acknowledge and reflect on the achievement the commission’s report represents. I commend and thank the commission members on a challenging job well done. Each of them brought drive, commitment and passion to the task set. The commission was established in December 2021 to consider long-term housing post-2030 and examine how to build on the policy changes outlined in Housing for All and related Government policies. The main report is the output of more than two years grappling with and developing solutions to a myriad of complex and interlinked issues. The commission was unquestionably diligent in this work. The members brought a wealth and breadth of experience and expertise, adopting a meticulous evidence-based approach and consulting extensively with the public, housing providers, tenants, younger adults and other sectoral stakeholders, all of which is reflected in the depth of the commission’s consideration which can only really be appreciated when one examines the report. It is more than 400 pages long, covering ten thematic areas and including more than 80 recommendations and around 500 actions and subactions.

At a high level, the commission considered that housing should be affirmed as a unique national priority supporting social cohesion and economic development and with a focus on expressing our collective aspirations for society. I wholeheartedly agree with the commission in this respect and will work tirelessly to make this happen. More specifically, the commission proposed a housing deficit should be addressed through emergency action and cleared over ten years. It recommended a radical reform across all aspects of the social housing system. It set out a suite of actions for the private rented sector and it issued a call for a greater focus on outcomes with an enhanced ambition embracing a different risk- and decision-making environment across the administrative system.

Again, with some exceptions and a different emphasis in some areas, there is much that resonates with me and my vision for the future of the housing system.

These points and others are captured by recommendations in the report and I will touch on as many of them as time allows during this debate. There is much to be considered in the report and there are many areas where implementation may be complex or have potential consequences elsewhere, but I can confidently say we are scoping and progressing many of the actions. Some have been committed to in the new programme for Government, while others are reforming thinking on the step change needed to build on Housing for All and to deliver 300,000 or more new homes by 2030 and 60,000-plus per year thereafter.

Building on the engagement my officials had with the commission last year, I spoke to the commission’s members recently to thank them, hear their views and invite them to engage further with me and my Department as we strive to implement their proposals. A point made by one of the members at that meeting stuck with me, principally that the report is best considered as an ongoing resource for ideas and solutions, rather than as one that can be quickly consumed and implemented. Of course, we must act with urgency in the face of the crisis facing many households, but we must not lose sight of the longer term need as we do so.

There has been much commentary suggesting we have not engaged seriously with the commission's report. Much of this narrative is uninformed and I would like to put it to bed here today by outlining the work under way since the Government published the report last year. My Department began examining the report almost immediately after it was published, assigning dedicated resources for this purpose. We moved quickly to task the Housing Agency to support this work, not to reimagine the commission's consideration but to help examine costs associated with them, identify priorities and consider implementation timelines, resourcing implications and so forth. The commission rightly considered these matters to be more appropriate for the Government. This is, in itself, a complex and time-intensive exercise and it is taking time.

Reflecting the urgency needed, however, we are focusing first on those recommendations identified as key by the commission, as well as those others that can potentially have the greatest impact on supply in the short to medium term. This work is continuing at varying stages of progress. At the same time, we are mapping the full suite of recommendations and a direction of travel for substantial longer term reform. This includes work that is already under way in my Department but to which the commission's recommendations speak directly and indirectly. There are many commitments in the programme for Government relating to housing and infrastructure informed wholly or in part by the commission's report. We are taking these commitments forward and incorporating them into the broader work under way as appropriate.

The commission highlighted the need for a joined-up approach on infrastructure that supports housing development. The Government has considered how this might be best achieved, focusing on actions that can have an almost immediate impact, and to this end has committed to establishing a strategic housing activation office. This new office will report directly to me. It will focus on enabling infrastructure to support public and private housing development and providing solutions to infrastructure blockages. In this regard, the commitment draws on the commission's recommendation for a housing delivery oversight executive, co-ordinating related investment across key utility providers and intervening to unblock infrastructure issues on the ground. Backed by the required capital funding, it will play a game-changing role in enabling housing delivery in the near term and into the future. The office may not be exactly as the commission envisaged on day one, but it reflects a pragmatic approach to quickly achieving the underlying objective.

I agree with the commission in that speed is of the essence, especially if we are to maximise delivery this year and secure a robust pipeline in the years hereafter. I hope to bring proposals for establishing the office, including its role, functions and staffing, to the next Cabinet committee on housing and thereafter to the Government for a decision. I am mindful of the need to move quickly, but I am also keenly aware of the importance of securing the right person and team to lead and support it. Critically, the office must be led and staffed by persons with the necessary expertise, access to the key actors and a depth of understanding of the system in order that it can hit the ground running and have an immediate impact.

Allied with this, the new towns and cities infrastructure investment fund is a cornerstone commitment of the programme for Government, again aligning with commission proposals. The fund will be scoped and designed as part of the review of the national development plan. It will enable more strategic investment in infrastructure, land assembly and derisking of strategic sites for residential development in towns and cities. Importantly, while the decision is still to be made, it could provide funding firepower to facilitate the work of the strategic housing activation office.

We have also committed to establishing land activation units in local authorities to ensure a more proactive approach to identifying opportunities for development. This will build on the recent investment in local authority resources and help tackle important issues such as vacancy and dereliction through the vacant homes officers and town regeneration officers. The commitment will implement a key action in the commission's report, enhancing the powers and resources of local authorities and supporting and enabling the delivery of sustainable levels of housing. Relatedly, my Department is working with local authorities to review resources of housing delivery teams to secure future staffing needs and ensure the optimal structures for housing delivery are in place. Key in this regard will be developing, ring-fencing and retaining greater specialism in the sector relating to direct-build housing. The Minister of State, Deputy Cummins, will speak later to the intersection of the Housing Commission's report and the significant reforms under way in our planning system.

Since Housing for All was published in 2021, almost 107,000 homes have been added to the national housing stock through new builds, the completion of historical unfinished developments and vacant properties being brought back to use. Much still needs to be done but we have achieved a lot, with a step change in delivery in recent years. Last year's dip is certainly disappointing. I remain optimistic, however, that with appropriately targeted action by the Government, many of the more than 100,000 commencement notices lodged over the past two years will translate to new home completions and a general upward trajectory in the supply of recent times can be sustained. All our efforts must now focus on achieving the targets in the programme for Government, delivering more than 300,000 new homes by 2030 and building to 60,000 per year by the end of the period.

The commission's report contains a range of estimates for housing demand projections, including estimates of unmet housing demand. I welcome a range of views and the testing of assumptions underpinning the Government's housing targets, just as I would also test those put forward by the commission. The commission estimates unmet demand of between 212,500 and 256,000 homes. I understand there was much debate among the commission's members regarding this estimate, which is natural, given that any estimate of unmet demand necessarily relies on judgments regarding underlying assumptions, such as the rate at which Ireland's average household size will converge with that of peer countries. Given that we currently have a younger population than many of our peers, the commission's judgment on the average Irish household size in the event of a less constrained housing market underlies its estimate of unmet demand.

I agree with the commission that clearing unmet demand is a priority action and must be addressed within the decade. I also agree that estimates of housing requirements must be regularly assessed and reassessed, and I expect to revisit the targets in 2027. Our revised targets, underpinned by expert, peer-reviewed research and modelling, are credible and ambitious. Scaling up capacity to deliver 60,000 new homes by 2030 will be an enormous challenge but it is one that can be achieved by, among other things, appropriate supports to grow the construction industry's capacity year on year. Growing capacity will establish a platform from which housing supply can be ramped up to the higher levels needed after 2030 and provide a platform to deliver on the commission's recommendations of addressing unmet demand within the next ten years. I await further analysis by my Department to underpin new targets for each tenure as part of the next housing plan. We will consider all views on these estimates but whatever the overall number, the point remains we must seek to grow supply significantly for all tenures while doing so in a sustainable manner.

Scaling up the use of modern methods of construction is a key Government priority which can help speed up delivery with achievable reductions in delivery times of between 20% and 60% for projects through the effective maximisation of scale. In line with the commission’s report, my Department is working with the industry to develop a standardised design approaches study to build awareness of the benefits and opportunities for the sector presented by standardised housing design. A timber and construction steering group is also focusing on areas such as regulation, public procurement, research and public awareness to increase the use of timber in construction.

Modelling by the Department of Finance estimates that delivering 50,000 homes on average per year to 2030 will require some €20 billion in development finance each year. The State is doing more than ever in this space, directing an unprecedented level of public resources at housing, and will continue to do so. The level of investment required in the long term, however, cannot be solely the responsibility of the State. It will also require considerable levels of private investment. Some of this private investment will come from our domestic banks, and we will work with them to ensure they are appropriately using their lending capacities to support the development of housing nationwide.

It is an unassailable fact, however, that the majority has to be secured from international sources. It is clear from last year's completion figures that there has been a significant drop in apartment delivery, rooted in the almost complete retrenchment in institutional capital since 2022, which has severely impacted on the delivery of new homes. Institutional investment, such as that from Irish and other European pension funds, will be key to generating the additional supply of new homes we need.

There is no getting away from this. Uninformed commentary unfairly labelling all private investment as harmful impacts our ability to attract this investment and provide the additional homes we need. Critically, protecting renters and attracting finance for home delivery are not mutually exclusive. Securing this type of investment will benefit today's renters and those wishing to avail of accommodation in future. To do so, we have committed to establishing the stable and predictable policy approach necessary to attract and retain private investment and this will inform our thinking on the review of the rent pressure zone, RPZ, regime. This review will have regard to the need to appropriately balance the interests of landlords and tenants to support a sustainable, long-term model for rent price regulation. My Department has asked the Housing Agency to review the operation of rent pressure zones, which will fully consider the Housing Commission recommendations in this regard. The review will be completed by the end of March, after which I will consider proposals to bring to the Government prior to the ending of the current RPZ controls on 31 December this year.

I stress that we can both protect renters and attract finance for new homes for rent at the same time. Increasing the supply of properties for rent benefits all renters and that is why it is a key ambition for the private rental sector. The commission has made significant and far-reaching recommendations that will alter the operation of the social housing system as we currently know it. For example, it recommends retaining and recycling all social housing moneys within the system for maintenance and future delivery. It recommends merging social housing with cost-rental housing, based on the principle of a cost-recovery rent and it recommends increasing social and cost-rental housing to 20% of the national stock.

The commission acknowledges the long-term needs from these recommendations and the need for significant appraisal and consideration before any substantive decisions can be taken. I am committed to considering these recommendations as part of the need to establish a better platform from which housing supply can be increased to meet the need arising in the long term. This consideration will be reflected in the new national housing plan, although the need for appropriate appraisal and consideration to enable decisions to be taken in relation to these seismic, longer term ambitions may take some time.

The approved housing body, AHB, sector will continue to be indispensable partners in delivering and managing social and affordable housing as we work towards further scaling up delivery and a more sustainable longer term system. The Housing Commission reinforced the crucial role of AHBs and recommended policy and structural reforms to maximise the potential of the sector while addressing risks and impediments. My Department established the AHB strategic forum in 2024 to collaborate on a future vision and reform roadmap for the sector. The forum was informed by multiple sources, including the findings and recommendations of the commission. We are currently finalising the forum's report and expect a review of the recommendations arising in the coming months and for the agreed priority actions to be incorporated in the new housing plan.

Affordability and home ownership remain at the heart of the Government's housing policy. We have been very successful in growing a new affordable housing programme from a standing start in 2021. To date, more than 6,000 approvals have been issued under the first home scheme. In addition, nearly 1,300 local authority affordable purchase homes have been purchased by first-time buyers across 16 local authorities. I met representatives of the Land Development Agency this week and heard about its pipeline, which will see the agency deliver a volume of homes on a par with the largest home builders in the country, a significant proportion of which will be apartments.

We have worked hard to build a pipeline across the affordable purchase and cost-rental areas. I note the commission's support for the affordable housing framework we have put in place, as well as its proposals to build on this and regularly review the functioning of these schemes as the market evolves. My Department is working on ten-year specific breakdowns of the housing targets for the period ahead. This work will inform the targets for social, affordable and cost-rental houses over the next five years. I welcome the recommendation from the commission to deliver cost-rental housing on a greater scale and we have made some good strides in this space recently.

From 2021 to the end September last year, we delivered 2,640 cost-rental homes through AHBs, local authorities, the Land Development Agency and the cost-rental and tenant in situ schemes. Affordable housing schemes, including cost-rental, are starting to deliver at scale and this momentum will continue as the pipeline is developed. The programme for Government commits to building more cost-rental units and embedding it as a permanent tenure.

Addressing vacancy and dereliction and bringing existing properties back into use as homes is a key priority for this Government. The Housing Commission draws particular attention to this important area. It notes that while the overall vacancy rate has declined in Ireland, there are high levels of vacancy in some rural areas and it remains a serious issue. The Government has also been taking action in areas highlighted by the commission, including ensuring vacant homes officers are in place across all local authorities. The vacant homes refurbishment grant is a key enabler in reducing vacancies and is proving extremely popular, with the number of grant payments rising from 100 in 2023 to 1,349 by the end of last year and equating to 1,449 vacant properties being returned to use as homes. We will continue to push initiatives in this area in line with programme for Government commitments and informed by the ideas of the commission. All of these commitments and targets will inform discussions for the forthcoming national development plan review, as will the programme for Government commitment to invest additional capital in Uisce Éireann. This investment is essential if the scale of the necessary housing development exceeds what is provided in the Uisce Éireann capital investment plan underpinning its strategic funding plan from 2025 to 2029.

The ambitions I have set out, particularly around addressing the immediate issues of increasing the supply of new housing, rely on securing the appropriate levels of capital funding and a strengthening of the whole-of-government approach introduced under Housing for All. Maintaining the considerable levels of collaboration and joined-up thinking across key Government Departments with our delivery partners and sectoral stakeholders will be critical. I am committed to continuing and deepening this collective approach in the coming years. Funding will also be critical. Without funding the required solutions, we run the real risk of exacerbating the challenges we already face. Work is already starting on the review of the national development plan and this is due to be complete by July. The last national development plan review recognised the importance of housing as an issue of national importance and I will again make the case for its critical importance. I recognise these will be challenging discussions given the many important competing priorities drawing on a finite level of available resources, but I am optimistic the outcome of the review will reflect the focus and measures needed to meet the challenges ahead. Of course, the Exchequer and the national development plan cannot be the sole contributor. Other sources will also be important. The incoming Apple moneys and the revenue from the disposal of State shares in AIB can also contribute to the investment needed in critical areas, acknowledging the many expectations of my ministerial colleagues in that regard. I will engage regularly with the Minister, Deputy Chambers, over the coming months to secure the moneys needed to deliver them. Securing the appropriate funding will be a key factor in defining our progress over the coming years.

I thank the Housing Commission for its work which, as I have set out, is having a significant influence on the Government's work. I acknowledge much still needs to be done to implement the recommendations. I will continue to consider the report as I work through the actions to boost supply in the immediate term and further develop my plans to deliver on the longer term ambition of a functioning housing system that meets the needs of all.

I join the Minister in thanking the Housing Commission for its work. I commend each member of the commission on their efforts by any objective measure. The commission's report is an impressive piece of work and is having the intended impact on informing the policy debate and providing innovative ideas and solutions to the challenges we collectively face in the housing space.

The Minister, Deputy Browne, has set out the thrust of the report and the key areas of focus of the Government's work that are being informed by the report. I intend to speak about the intersection of the commission's report and the reform of our planning system. The commission's work ran concurrently with a significant body of work to consolidate planning legislation and update the planning policy framework. Many of the ongoing areas of reform under way reflect the areas of interest of the commission. I will highlight progress on some of the key reforms in train to ensure the planning system can continue to support the delivery of housing across the country.

The Planning and Development Act 2024 was signed into law last October. It followed a complete fitness check of the Planning and Development Act 2000 to identify the necessary reforms required to deliver the optimum planning system to meet the challenges we will face in the coming decades. The Act will bring greater consistency, clarity and certainty to the planning system. It will build on and enhance the existing plan-led approach to development whereby the national planning framework and the new national planning statements will set a very clear policy direction to reflect the Government's priorities for the future development of the country.

This will in turn be reflected in regional strategies and local development plans, the latter being extended to ten years to allow for a more strategic planning approach at local level.

Enhanced policy clarity will inform decision-making on the ground with greater certainty on expected outcomes for those seeking to undertake development, as well as for communities and interested parties. The Act will also introduce statutory timelines for decision-making and the streamlining of judicial review processes to ensure that delays will be reduced and investment decisions can be made with an expectation of when a decision on a planning application may be forthcoming.

Under the Act, An Bord Pleanála will be renamed an coimisiún pleanála and its organisational structure is being changed to better meet its challenges and workload. In addition, a new advisory board will be introduced to the Office of the Planning Regulator. The commencement of the Act is a task of considerable scale and complexity and is a key priority of this Government. It will be commenced on a phased basis to facilitate the transition from the arrangements under the current Act to those under the new Act. While I can appreciate the sense of urgency to commence the Act, we must ensure that the planning system continues to function efficiently and effectively while transition is under way and that those engaging with the system, including within the construction sector, have a line of sight in terms of when key changes will come into play.

My Department has also been engaged since 2023 in the process of revising the national planning framework, NPF, to ensure that the planning policy framework is up to date and reflects the Government's priority objectives, particularly in relation to housing, climate change and infrastructure. The final draft revised NPF is now ready for approval by Government. Subject to that approval, it will be introduced into the Houses of the Oireachtas for final approval. The revised NPF will provide the basis for the review and updating of regional, spatial and economic strategies and local authority development plans to reflect matters such as updated housing figures, projected jobs growth and renewable energy capacity allocations, including through the zoning of land for residential, employment and a range of other purposes.

The revised NPF sets out a need to plan for the delivery of approximately 50,000 additional homes per annum every year until 2040. The key next step is to discuss the spatial distribution of housing needs through updated planned housing requirements on a local authority by local authority basis. This will enable local authorities to zone more land for housing purposes to address emerging need and demand. It will also enable strategic planning for transport-orientated development in and around our five cities to support the delivery of new sustainable communities at brownfield and greenfield locations along existing or planned high-capacity public transport corridors. Given the urgency and scale of the challenge facing us, it is essential that the updated housing requirements can be incorporated into the planning process and system as quickly as possible. As such, it is intended that local authorities will be required to update their development plans in line with a clear policy direction and accompanying methodology.

The planning system must also be properly resourced with the requisite skill sets in place. New legislation with statutory decision-making timelines, the need to review and update development plans, as well as the important role the planning system has in tackling land activation, vacancy and dereliction, all bring this need into sharp focus. Recognising this, the Minister, Deputy O'Brien, published a ministerial action plan for planning resources last year. This action plan provides a detailed roadmap to increase the pool of planning and related expertise needed to ensure the planning system is fit for future needs. These actions are already being progressed and will be driven by a steering group put in place to oversee the plan's implementation. The action plan, supported by recent investment in ring-fenced resources for local authority planning staff, prioritises the staffing of the local government sector, in particular. The positive impact of increased resources is already visible within An Bord Pleanála. This has brought about significant improvements in performance since the Government investment in the doubling of resources in the organisation. Of course, we need to see the remaining backlog cleared by the board as urgently as possible.

Sanction has been granted since October 2023 for an additional 213 permanent full-time posts in local authority planning departments. My Department is continuing to engage with the local government sector regarding the next phase of staffing.

Earlier this month, my Department made a joint submission, with the Department of the Environment, Climate and Communications, the Department of Further and Higher Education, Research, Innovation and Science and the Irish Planning Institute to request the inclusion of the occupation of town planning officer on the critical skills occupation list. The Department of Enterprise, Trade and Employment is considering this request.

As the Minister rightly pointed out, there has been a step change in delivery in recent years, despite the disappointing dip in completions that was experienced in 2024. It is clear that while we experienced a 4.6% increase in the delivery of scheme houses, we simultaneously saw a reduction of 24% in apartment completions. This clearly impacts the 2024 output. We will need to focus on enabling the delivery of apartments again, including a focus on reversing the retrenchment of institutional capacity which has provided the funding for much of the apartments built in our cities in recent times, while also investing in the Land Development Agency, LDA, to unlock apartments at scale, which is what is in its pipeline.

The immediate focus of Government is on using all levers at our disposal to build on the increase in supply seen during the term of Housing for All and to strive to reach the credible and ambitious target of delivering more than 300,000 new homes by 2030. The planning system will play an integral role in these efforts to achieve our targets and our focus will be on implementing the reforms I have set out and leaving no stone unturned in seeking additional levers within the planning system to aid these efforts to provide housing options to persons such as those I outlined last week.

I congratulate the commission again on the work it has done and the impact it is clearly having an Government thinking. There is much alignment with the planning reform under way and the views of the commission. We will continue to consult the commission's report as we consider other opportunities to realise our ambitions on housing, which I know we all share across this Chamber.

On behalf of Sinn Féin, I thank the individual members of the commission and its secretariat and all those other individuals and professionals who assisted it in its work over the two and a half years. This is, as the Minister of State said, an incredibly significant piece of work. It is on a par with the National Economic and Social Council, NESC, Housing in Ireland 2005 report. It is a benchmark piece of work which I would like to think all of us will return to on a regular basis as a source of ideas as well as new thinking.

I also welcome today's debate but, of course, a debate is not enough. I hope we get the Government's support when the Oireachtas housing committee is formed to ensure we can further this discussion in a more detailed form by inviting in former members of the commission and others to interrogate, scrutinise, talk and think through the implications of all of its recommendations for housing policy, irrespective of whether we agree or disagree with them.

There is a role for the individual members of the commission. I urge the Minister to discuss with them what they can do to promote their work, beyond the Dáil Chamber or the committee, with wider sectors, whether through engagement roadshows or other kinds of activities.

Before I talk about the detail of the report, I will make a comment on the response of the outgoing Government and the incoming Administration with respect to the work of the commission. The outgoing Government's response was deeply disappointing. When it was forced to publish the commission's two reports, it falsely claimed, in my view, to be implementing the majority of the recommendations. That is something the Minister knows caused quite a lot of annoyance to commission members as well as to others. While I appreciate the Minister telling us there has been a lot of work done on the interdepartmental working group, we would like some detail. How often has it met, what has it done and is there documentation that can be released to Members? Likewise with the Housing Agency because, for the life of me, I have no idea why the Housing Agency was asked to do costings for anything.

That is the function of the Departments of Finance, public expenditure and reform, and housing. Again, however, because the Housing Agency is an experienced body, if the Minister will share further details about its work with us, that would be helpful.

In the absence of any of the detail to which I refer it is hard to judge what has been done at all. Of course, the Government has spent nine months running scared in respect of this matter. There was no launch of the commission's report. The outgoing Minister was given the task of circulating the report to members of the Oireachtas housing committee. He refused to do that. As stated previously, there was no promotion. It was also striking that there was no reference at all to the Housing Commission report in either Fianna Fáil’s or Fine Gael's election manifestoes. I strongly challenge the position of the Minister that the substance, let alone any of the detail, of the commission's report is in the programme for Government, but that is a discussion we continue to have. I welcome that the Minister met with the commission shortly after taking office. That is a positive. I welcome that the incoming Government has allowed us to have this debate, but the proof will be in the extent to which the commission's report is implemented.

I will talk about the headline recommendations of the commission's report and then go through, in what little time I have, many of the sections. It is interesting that the most important part of the commission's report - its devastating critique of not just the previous Government's record on housing but also of those which preceded it - was absent from the Minister's and the Minister of State's comments. Let us remind ourselves of what it said. It spoke about systemic failures and "ineffective decision making" in housing policy. It said that policymaking was reactive and that "risk aversion dominates". They are its words, and not mine. It said that all of this is "undermining affordability". One of the most damning criticisms was that there was a "failure to successfully treat housing as a critical social and economic priority" and that the outgoing Government and those which preceded it had "one of the highest levels of public expenditure for housing, yet one of the poorest outcomes". These are damning criticisms. I genuinely hope that the Minister will absorb those criticisms because the commission did not make them lightly.

The good news is that the commission went on to say in the opening section of the report that there are clear solutions if there is a commitment to address the issues. It used the phrase, which the Minister will hear from other members of the Opposition today, that, "Only a radical strategic reset of housing policy will work." That means not more of the same, and not tinkering round the edges, but something fundamentally different. That involves tackling the housing deficit, which I will come back to in a moment. It will require, as it said, emergency action. It will also require, crucially, the increasing of social and affordable homes to 20% of housing stock, something that has so far been absent from any Government commentary. What does all this mean?

First, according to the commission, it means we need an output of an average of 60,000 new homes per year every year for the next five years. Not only do we need that output, but it needs to be front loaded. The commission recommends hitting 60,000 units by 2027. That is an enormously challenging task and different to the Minister's proposals. The implication of its comments on social and affordable housing was that the delivery would need to be at least doubled to at least 20,000 units per year on average. None of that is in the programme for Government or the current draft of the NPF. Nor was it mentioned by either the Minister or the Minister of State.

It is important to remember that the commission produced not just one report, it produced two. There is no comment of course on the recommendations to hold a referendum to enshrine the right to housing in the Constitution. At least now we know the Government is not going to do it and the charade of the previous programme for Government is dispensed with. As the Minister stated, there are 11 sections and 83 recommendations. I will focus on some of the key ones in the time available.

In section 3, on meeting housing requirements, the issue of the deficit is absolutely crucial. It is wholly absent from the NPF review document. We had an exchange with the officials before the general election and they could not answer our questions on how they got their figures. What is important to understand about the deficit is that if you do not address it, it grows each year. The deficit they talked about was the mid-range of 235,000 units. If you do not adequately increase overall output to meet that year on year, it grows. In fact, when a number of high-profile members of the commission read the programme for Government, they commented publicly that the Government was not addressing the deficit and that it was therefore going to grow. The Government should please listen to them and what they are saying and revise its NPF targets upwards. Likewise, they said policy needs to be based on assessment of actual housing needs. The idea that you would wait until 2027 to do a review of those already inadequate targets in the NPF review document makes no sense. It should be done annually. It should be fully independent of Government. It should utilise the best expertise in the country and be published for us all to respond to. I look forward to the debate on the national planning framework review, but if the Minister of State, Deputy Cummins, does not get those numbers right then he will be failing from the beginning. I again urge him to engage with the experts on this matter, so we do not end up having a row about the underlying numbers.

With respect to section 4 and delivering supply, the housing delivery oversight executive is one of the most important ideas in the commission's report. It is one of their emergency actions. Of course, as the Minister knows it was rejected by his predecessor and is not in the programme for Government. It is interesting that the way in which he describes this, both in his interview at the weekend and today, is a bit different. I am not yet clear as to whether he is fully embracing the idea of an independent body of people who know how to deliver housing in the public and private sector and other agencies. If he does that and it is fully independent of the Departments that often act as a constraint on delivery, it could be interesting. However, we obviously need to see the detail of what will be involved. There are interesting propositions about establishing high yielding housing delivery zones and enhancing the powers of our local authorities, which is something the outgoing Government was doing the opposite of. The land price register is one of the few elements of the commission's recommendations that is in the programme for Government. I would again like to know the detail of what the Minister is proposing and when, but that is something on which he could have the support of this side of the House. There is then a cluster of recommendations on infrastructure, land and finance, all of which are key to increasing and accelerating both public and private sector supply.

I turn to the issue of finance, because if I hear another Government Minister telling us that the public sector cannot do it all I really am going to pull my hair out because nobody on this side of the House has ever said that. That Department of Finance report the Minister referred to talked about an annual requirement of €20 billion. They are saying €18 billion of that needs to come from the private sector, which means only €2 billion of State investment being used for housing delivery despite the fact that the State's capital commitment is between €4 billion and €5 billion. Of course, the reality is that the State has to do more. We need an annual capital investment by the State on social and affordable housing in the region of €8 billion, but far more of that needs to go into direct capital investment and not acquisition through turnkey, Part V and others. On the private side the issue is not whether we need more private sector capital or not. It is about what kind of capital to deliver what kinds of homes and in what manner. I will come to the detail of that later.

The next two sections of the report relate to cost, quality and capacity. Again, these are hugely important in terms of the standardisation of our standards, condition surveys and surveys of existing stock, particularly public housing stock, and building workforce capacity. I welcome that the request has gone in for planners to be put on the critical skills list, but how long will it take? That is something that should be happening as a matter of urgency. I know Deputy Cummins agrees with me on that but let us get it across the line as quickly as we can. Much of these sections of the Housing Commission’s report we agree with, and they are contained in some detail in our own alternative housing plan.

With respect to the private rental sector, I think this is one of the weakest sections of the commission's report. There was clearly a deep division as referenced in the footnotes. While I think there was an attempt by the commission to reach consensus, as a consequence of that it is quite an ambiguous section. I think we can all agree there are some good suggestions. The reference rent depends on the detail of reference to what, and how it operates. However, we are still of the view that we need to see a temporary ban on rent increases. We need to link rent reviews to an index made up of issues including wage inflation and there needs to be the use of reference rents for new rents and properties coming into the market. We have proposals in respect to that.

The Minister indicated that it is possible to protect renters and attract institutional investment. What is not possible is to allow rents continue to increase in order to attract that investment. There are better ways to attract the capital required for private home building than allowing landlords to either increase rents in existing tenancies or to increase rents between tenancies. I warn the Minister against any such proposition because I believe it would be counterproductive and result in little extra supply. What it will do is punish already hard-pressed renters who are paying rents that have never been higher.

Section 7 relates to affordability.

In some respects, this was one of the less satisfying aspects of the report because the focus needs to be on how to bring the all-in cost of development down to achieve greater affordability. It is interesting to note that the commission recommends phasing out the help-to-buy scheme, something the Government is not willing to do, and wants it to be replaced by an equity scheme. The problem is that this does not address the issue of the inflationary impact of such measures or bring costs down. Our alternative housing plan sets out in great detail better ways to derisk the private residential development sector by removing barriers and reducing costs to allow far more good quality homes to be built. It details a range of measures including HBFI, HISCo, planning, master planning, a targeted development levy and water connection waiver for SME builder-developers who are building homes for people to buy or for self-builders.

The section on social housing is one of the strongest. It has the largest number of recommendations, 16 in total, with many of these in alignment with our own party policies. Not only does the section require a dramatic increase in overall output but, exactly as the Minister has said, it also requires a really radical structural reform of how we finance, deliver and maintain our social housing stock. Again, if I am to take the Minister at his word and if he is interested in those proposals, there are areas where we could work together. Crucially, if it is his proposition, as per the programme for Government, to deliver an average of 12,000 new social homes a year, that will not cut it. It is nowhere near what the Housing Commission has said is required. It is also crucial that we get the Department of Finance, the Department of Public Expenditure, NDP Delivery and Reform and the officials at the Department of Housing out of the micromanagement of project delivery. They must trust, empower, fund and staff our local authorities and approved housing bodies to work with building contractors to build the homes that people need. With respect to cost rental, if the Minister does not understand by now that cost rental is in a deep crisis and that the increasing unaffordability of those units is going to be his main challenge alongside delivery, he needs to think again.

Sections 9 to 11, inclusive, are really important. Section 9 relates to on rural housing. Of course, until the Government publishes the rural planning guidelines, we will be no further on. There is also a need to provide supports for people to build sustainable homes in rural communities. Section 10 deals with inclusion and section 11 relates to environmental sustainability. Again, these contain many good suggestions. The Oireachtas housing committee has done work on some of these areas before and we would like to continue to work with the Department and the Ministers in the future.

In the final few seconds I have, I will say that it has not been possible to do justice to this report in the 15 minutes I was allocated. The Oireachtas committee needs to be allowed to do more. I urge the Government to let us do that. Unless it listens to what the commission is saying about targets, the delivery of social and affordable housing and structural reform of the system and unless it introduces the radical reset of policy that is required, it will be more of the same and more tinkering around the edges and the Minister will not achieve the things he says he wants to achieve. If that is the case, we will hold him to account. If, however, he wants to implement the radical reforms of this report and other recommendations from those of us in opposition, we will work with him.

I wish both Ministers well in their new roles. However, I must say that this Government has yet to show the political will needed to resolve the housing crisis. This has been made more apparent in recent weeks as the Government's pre-election confidence in reaching its housing targets was revealed to be utter fantasy. I hope the Government takes note of the Housing Commission's report because something needs to change radically. I also hope the Government will, as Deputy Ó Broin said, give the Oireachtas committee the opportunity to debate the report, to challenge the Government on it and to make sure it is implemented.

The housing crisis impacts upon virtually every community in the constituency of Cavan-Monaghan. People cannot find accommodation in the communities in which they wish to live and work. Students struggle to find accommodation while they are away for college. Disproportionate and unsustainable levels of people's wages are spent on the extortionate rents they are paying to vulture funds. The Government sees vulture funds that are uninterested in seeing the housing crisis as a potential excuse to further impoverish renters. It is truly a case of the treatment being worse than the cure.

An entire generation has been locked out of home ownership. I would like to speak of the missed targets for the delivery of affordable homes in Cavan and Monaghan but so lacking is the ambition of Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael that they did not even bother to set a target for either county. They tell us that the need is not great enough. The Government is so lacking in political will to deliver affordable homes in Cavan and Monaghan that it does not even put up a facade of trying.

Communities across Ireland are crying out for teachers, healthcare workers and many other vital workers. Many Irish people in Australia, Canada and beyond, the new diaspora of the Government's creation, would be willing to fill these roles if only they had a home to come home to. The Government's failures betray what must be either a lack of interest or an inability to foster an environment that would allow them to return home.

The Housing Commission report eviscerated successive Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil Governments' response to the housing crisis. It described Government housing policy as the result of ineffective decision-making and criticised the lack of consistency in housing policy. Its identification of the need for 60,000 houses a year is in stark contrast to the Government's own targets. It is double what it delivered last year and majorly in excess of what it will deliver this year. It means that the Government is worsening the housing deficit every year.

What is the Government's plan? The Housing Commission has demanded a radical reset. For the people of Cavan and Monaghan, a radical start would be for the Government to finally do what is needed and to take an interest in the people of Ireland and their need for housing.

I am a member of four significant regeneration projects within the Dublin 8 area: those for Oliver Bond House, Dolphin House and Emmet Road and the Donore Project Consultative Forum. There is scant and limited mention of regeneration in the damning housing report so I will inform the Minister of the communities' experience to date. Oliver Bond House and Dolphin House are established complexes that are mortifyingly overdue for regeneration. They have now been in progress for 20 years and it will be at least another ten before they are completed. The Minister, the Department, the Department of Public Expenditure, NDP Delivery and Reform and the local authority must understand that these formerly proud and tight-knit communities struggle to maintain cohesion in the face of an interminable wait for decent modern housing as opposed to their present utterly Dickensian conditions. In 2017, the European Committee of Social Rights found human rights violations regarding the substandard social housing in Ireland. Sewage, contaminated water, dampness and persistent mould raised concerns for habitability. Dolphin House residents continue to report sewage invasions years after these problems were first identified. I have personally witnessed these conditions and have made representations for reasonable repairs to these homes. It is very concerning that there is no national timeframe for the refurbishment of local authority housing stock.

I commend the dedicated volunteers and project co-ordinators who desperately try to hold communities together as people lose hope given the unacceptable probable 30-year timeline for regeneration. They will be pensioners by the time regeneration is complete. Where is the urgency in that?

The Minister must prioritise in any revised regeneration blueprint. It is not all about bricks and mortar. He must determine how to keep a community together and prevent fragmentation. He must ring-fence funding for essential repairs in the meantime to make conditions bearable in the here and now. We should not have to beg exhaustively. Proper provision must include the front-loading of adequate community facilities including community centres, sports pitches, leisure centres and crèches. Adolescents in our inner city face harrowing challenges in their environment due to inequality and disadvantage. The term "age-friendly city" must be expanded to include our youth, who have no input into the amenities and features in their surroundings and are left with few safe activities to avoid falling into troublesome behaviour. They will be the first tenants of these regenerated areas but they have no voice in their communities. Their voices will add a layer of ownership and responsibility and reinforce, protect and respect the area. We need teen-friendly public realms and cities. We need them to own their area and to belong.

Déanaim comhghairdeas leis an Leas-Chathaoirleach as a ról nua. Déanaim comhghairdeas leis an Aire agus leis an Aire Stáit as na róil atá acu freisin.

As has been outlined by my colleague Teachta Eoin Ó Broin, the Housing Commission report is such an important piece of work that it needs to be taken very seriously by the Government. We all recognise that the housing crisis is the single biggest issue facing the Government. However, that recognition is not being met by action on the part of the Government. In fact, the Opposition - the real opposition – had to drag it kicking and screaming to have this debate at all. We are not seeing the Government move with the urgency that is required to address the monumental task of taking 15,000 people out of homelessness, almost 5,000 of whom are children. The numbers are growing and this is to our shame. More and more families - parents and children – are being forced into emergency accommodation and homelessness every day. This is hardly surprising in light of the extortionate prices for both housing and rental accommodation. In my constituency of Kildare North, a three-bed semi-detached house now costs more than €500,000. According to the RTB, County Kildare ranks as the third most expensive for renters. In north Kildare, one would be lucky to get a three-bedroom house for less than €3,000 a month.

The Taoiseach's threat of ending the rent pressure zone system hangs over many. People worry about what they will do if their rent is drastically increased. The commission itself says we have one of the highest levels of public expenditure on housing, yet this is the outcome.

The tenant in situ scheme is another initiative supported by the Housing Commission in its report. It is a lifeline to so many people who face eviction when a landlord decides to sell, often leaving them with nowhere to go. I am disgusted that this scheme has been suspended in Kildare for people facing eviction. The importance of the tenant in situ scheme cannot be stressed enough for people facing homelessness.

One does not need to read the Housing Commission report to know that this Government does not care about people facing homelessness. Anyone watching the "Upfront with Katie Hannon" programme on Monday night who saw Chloe, who lives in a homeless hub, knows that the Government does not care. Chloe featured in a housing debate during the general election at which the Minister was present in the studio. On that night in November she told us that her son has a congenital heart condition and is having open heart surgery next month, in March. She said she was anxious about bringing him back from the hospital into the hub. The Minister's predecessor was present in the studio. One would think he would have got straight on to Dublin City Council to say it should get that sorted. However, he did not. He did not have the wit or the care to do that. What that says to me is that this Government simply does not care. What is worse is that it does not care that everybody knows that it does not care. This is a dystopian and callous State to be living in.

I very much welcome this debate, which is long overdue. I also welcome the Deputy Browne to his new role as Minister for Housing, Local Government and Heritage. I wish him well. We should have had this debate months ago, before the election.

The Housing Commission's report is as clear as it is stark in relation to the Government's failure on housing. It is abundantly clear that we do need a period of accelerated delivery to eliminate the deficit of up to 256,000 home and that a specialist entity is needed to drive, direct and oversee a programme to accelerate supply. I very much thank the members of the Housing Commission for all their work over the last two and a bit years. I welcome the fact that the Minister met with them recently.

We in the Labour Party believe that the State must play a more significant role in driving the accelerated delivery. In particular, we believe that this can and should be done by using the LDA as the primary vehicle. For example, in my city of Limerick, the LDA has six strategic sites and all of them bar one are category 3, which is long-term development viability. Nothing will be built on them for the better part of a decade. That is despite the fact that rents in the city have gone up by 19%, higher than in any other part of the country and that Limerick's house price inflation is the highest nationally.

The report is very detailed and deserves serious treatment from the Government. The Labour Party support a number of key proposals in the report, especially the one to establish a housing delivery oversight executive. This must have real legislative powers to tackle the barriers to housing supply and to clear the blockages that prevent the delivery of new homes. I welcome the fact that the Minister and the Government have moved to establish a strategic housing activation office, but this must be independent of the Government. It cannot simply be another body where, essentially, Ministers can mark their own homework. Currently, it takes many years from a plan being lodged to the completion date. There are significant blockages in planning, approval, finances and infrastructure. I welcome more detailed engagement with the Minister on the strategic housing activation office, hopefully at committee, on how it will work, how it will be staffed, etc.

I am a strong believer in the recommendation to enhance and resource local authorities properly, in particular to develop land activation units to deliver housing. I am a former councillor and, far too often, as part of the local government system I felt more like a policy-taker as opposed to a policymaker. Local authorities are not trusted enough by the Custom House to deliver the homes we need.

In our general election manifesto, unlike Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael, our policies were underpinned by the recommendations of the Housing Commission. They were also premised on the creation of an overall housing delivery oversight executive. That is why I gave a cautious welcome to the Minister's plan for a strategic housing activation office. My concern about the Government is that there is a habit of Ministers, and in particular the Taoiseach, floating half-baked policy changes in the media to see which way the political winds are blowing. They then respond rather hysterically when they are legitimately called out on this by the Opposition. We must activate vacant planning permissions, many of which relate to apartments, particularly in cities, including those outside Dublin.

The Croí Cónaithe scheme is not working. The State must find a better way of bridging the viability gap, because as it stands the scheme favours those with deep pockets, which prevents young people in particular from getting on the property ladder.

I now turn to the section on affordability in the Housing Commission report. This is something that disproportionately affects both younger people and renters. In the past decade, we have had the largest increase in young people living at home in Europe. My concern is also referenced in the report, which states: "the current lower rate of home ownership by younger cohorts will present significant affordability challenges when entering retirement." What will happen to the thousands of people my age who are stuck in the private rental market when they invariably retire, or even the minority of those availing of cost rental, or as I call it "market discount" rents. What measures will be put in place so they can live securely into old age? The current system is unsustainable, with large levels of current expenditure being directed towards demand-side measures rather than on capital expenditure, to fund additional social and cost-rental housing delivery.

I am pleased that the commission report refers to phasing out the help-to-buy scheme, because that is an inflationary measure that is driving up the price of housing. I have heard a reference before, including from the Minister, to the point made in the commission's report about empowering local authorities. The Minister claims that he has consolidated the four-stage approval process into a single stage, which we all know is completely gumming up the system, yet that is really only true if we exclude Part V, turnkey and design and build.

This again goes back to the targets. The best and most overarching way to deal with the crisis is to dramatically increase supply. The most effective way to do that is through capital investment in cost rental and social housing, not through demand-side measures such as the help-to-buy scheme and the first home scheme.

Instead, the response of the Government, which I am really concerned about, is to seek to expand these schemes to second-hand homes to stimulate more demand in an already overheating market.

I want to turn to the rental sector and the need for reform. The private rental market does not work, neither for renters nor landlords. There has have been a smorgasbord of policy changes. They say investors need certainty but there have been no less than a dozen sets of policy changes relating to the regulation of the rental market. The claim bandied around about landlords fleeing the market does not add up, and CSO data back that up. What we need is a step change and a fundamental change in the balance of power, away from landlords towards renters. We have some of the weakest renters’ rights in Europe. Our rental market is not the norm; it is an anomaly. While rent pressure zones are not perfect, they have served as a stabiliser and have slowed rent increases. They have been a sticking plaster but the idea that they can be removed, which would expose a gaping wound, is completely misguided.

I have an open mind on the proposal of the commission to introduce a system of reference rents but this is contingent on a functioning rental market with adequate supply, which we do not have. This is why the Labour Party believes we need a rent freeze for at least three years until supply improves. Once supply improves and the market stabilises, reference rents could and should be considered.

We also need to see a properly resourced RTB with real teeth. It is very clear from the report that one of the reasons for the failure of RPZs is the toothlessness of the RTB. Since Housing for All was launched in 2021, house prices have gone up by 40% and the Government has repeatedly missed its targets for social and affordable housing delivery. If we consider the great interest in the Bolands Mills quarter development at Grand Canal Dock, we note it encapsulates this really well. There have been more than 2,300 applications for 46 apartments, and those have been made a week and a half before the closing date.

I welcome the call from the commission for social housing Act to prevent the creeping privatisation of social housing. I really urge the Minister to act on this. The commission report confirms what we have been saying in the Labour Party for some time, namely that the targets related to social and cost-rental housing, which the Government has yet to exceed, are far too low and need to be revised upwards. We need at least 67,000 social homes and to grow the sector to 20% of all housing stock.

We also need to see new targets before 2027. Housing is the biggest civil rights issue of an entire generation. It is younger people, in particular, who are paying the price. I hope the Minister will engage constructively with the Opposition, as I will with him, to implement some of the recommendations.

I congratulate the Leas-Cheann Comhairle on his election to his position. We were seven-plus months seeking a debate in this House on this matter, which is incredible. I hope the Leas-Cheann Comhairle, in his role, can assist all Members who request speaking time so they do not have to wait seven months for a debate on something so important as the Housing Commission report.

I would like to use my time to focus on the tenant in situ scheme. There are a couple of elements to it. The first is the most pressing: there is no money for the scheme at the moment. People in my constituency with whom I am dealing have gone into homelessness in the past week because of the tenant in situ scheme application process. Landlords we were engaging with wanted to sell properties to the council and keep tenants in their properties. In both cases, the tenants have been in them for more than a decade. Those concerned were through the process and then got letters to say there was no funding for the scheme anymore, meaning the properties could no longer be purchased. The tenants are now in emergency accommodation. This is absolutely unacceptable. I am not 100% comfortable with the tenant in situ scheme. It has its issues. It was put in place as an emergency measure to keep people out of homelessness and it is utterly failing. Before the money was pulled, we had the issue of councils saying, without giving detail, that particular properties did not meet the required standards, but they did not indicate what standards the properties failed to meet. Therefore, there is a heap of problems associated with pushing tenant in situ scheme applications through to a conclusion and keeping people in their properties. It seems there is resistance at council level. Also part of it is a lack of resources at council level. The same people who are dealing with homelessness, HAP applications and allocations also have to go through tenant in situ processes. They have not been resourced properly. Now we have the main problem, the Government problem, which is that the councils are not being funded to go through with the applications that are in process. It is an absolute catastrophe and something I ask the Minister to resolve with much urgency.

I wish the three Ministers well in their new portfolios.

In our Private Members’ business of a week ago, I described what is happening with housing as an emergency. Indeed, the Housing Commission report calls for a radical reset of housing policy in Ireland. While every possible solution should be investigated, my party and I are of the opinion that the solutions should and must be led by the Government by way of identifying ways of cutting delivery times, dealing with the slow turnaround of social homes, which I mentioned on the last occasion, and tackling dereliction, not just in some towns but in every town, city and village in the country.

The Minister of State, Deputy Cummins, will be very familiar with my thoughts on Croí Cónaithe. We discussed it in the Seanad over a long period. The vacant homes grant system is good. I listened to the Minister’s contribution, in which he referred to 1,400 homes that have come through under the initiative. However, I am dealing with five cases in which people simply cannot afford the outlay of €50,000 for the Croí Cónaithe grant. Those people could move in, thereby taking themselves off the Kildare County Council homelessness list, if they had the €50,000. There has been some commentary on staged payments. I ask the Minister to flesh out a little how it may work for the people concerned. The initiative will make a difference but no builder in the areas I am dealing with will start unless they see some money upfront. That is causing a huge problem for many, who see the grant as a way out of homelessness and of affording their own family home. Statistics indicate there are 160,000 derelict homes in one state or another in the country.

My colleague mentioned the tenant in situ scheme. There have been 140 approvals in County Kildare, that is, 140 families saved from homelessness, but last November there was a diktat from the Government stating that since the council’s target has been achieved, it would get no more money. Unfortunately, I had to deal with the fallout of that over the Christmas period. People were saying their landlord contacted them stating the council was no longer going ahead with buying the family home for them. As my colleague has done, I ask the Minister to approve funding for our local authorities. In Kildare, where I am from, several landlords are waiting on news as to whether the tenant in situ scheme will continue. Those facing homelessness need the scheme. I ask the Government to come back to us as quickly as possible with its plans for the tenant in situ scheme.

I congratulate the Leas-Cheann Comhairle on his new role. I congratulate the two Ministers and wish them the best of luck in what is clearly a very challenging role.

After spending over 20 years on Wicklow County Council and having dealt with four county development plans, I would like to make a number of points on the Housing Commission report. Many aspects are good but some show a disconnect with realities on the ground. In this regard, I will deal with rural planning first.

Page 186 of the report states, “Strengthen the environmental and planning thresholds for single housing in rural areas”. I totally disagree with this. The restrictions on planning are already very stringent, as I know too well. Another proposal states: “Revoke amendments to the Building Control Regulation 2014 that allow opt-outs from the Building Control (Amendment) Regulations (BCAR) for single dwellings”. If this were implemented, it would add about €15,000 to the cost of building a one-off rural house. This is an unnecessary cost.

There is also a proposal to increase development levies on rural dwellings, which proposal I oppose. Both of these proposals would potentially reduce housebuilding, not increase it, which we are all trying to do.

I commend the proposal to develop villages and nodes, but most villages have no wastewater treatment plants to allow for their expansion.

The second point I raise relates to the national planning framework. The delay in this being issued has resulted in 325 houses being refused planning permission in Blessington, County Wicklow, because the town population targets were too low as the new population targets were not issued by the framework. This is purely a red tape issue that has stopped this badly needed house building and there is a really simple fix.

On a related matter, the Office of the Planning Regulator removed a headroom option in zoning. This means the amount of land zoned exactly matches the population targets. This does not take account of the fact that some zoned land will not be developed or will be refused planning permission. In the 2022 Wicklow development plan, we had the ludicrous situation whereby in many towns, land was dezoned to comply with this directive. There are outdated census figures at a time of a housing shortage.

My third point relates to affordable housing, which is a massive issue. The report rightly identifies the squeezed middle on page 146. These are the thousands who do not qualify for social housing and cannot afford a mortgage. We have not done nearly enough for them. We need to put much more emphasis on this group. There are good recommendations in the report around simplifying the process but we need to come up with more imaginative solutions, such as councils identifying land and zoning it for affordable housing, and working with builders to complete the project. Those in the squeezed middle are being squeezed financially but are also being squeezed by housing bodies, which often buy full estates, thus excluding all other buyers, and by councils buying one-off houses. This gets very little attention and needs to be discussed.

All of the above relates to supply. The recommendations I have made can all contribute to increased supply. We will not solve the problem quickly, but we must turn the corner and see progress.

Like those in every other portfolio and in every other role, I wish the Minister well. I wish every Minister who has some part to play in resolving this issue well. It is our greatest challenge. We have had a number of debates in recent times on the health service and mental health service, and there are significant challenges in all those areas. However, resolving the housing issue will be particularly challenging but it will also have a knock-on effect in improving health outcomes. It is not unjust or unfair to say that.

I do not dispute that there is a challenge across the country but Galway is suffering disproportionately in this challenge. At the moment, if people are on the Galway City Council waiting list for a two-bedroom home, their wait will be in excess of a decade. If they get a house within a decade, they will be doing well. For those who may be waiting for a four-bedroom, the council does not have four-bedroom properties at the moment. Waiting times in that regard will be exacerbated.

Another trend I recognise that shows Galway is suffering disproportionately is in the monthly homelessness figures. Galway consistently has the highest number of children in emergency services outside Dublin. The description given in the figures is "the west" but when delving into them, it can be seen that of the three counties in that area, Galway, Mayo and Roscommon, Galway has a significantly higher number of children who must reside in emergency accommodation on a nightly basis. The population of Galway is smaller than some other urban areas but we have this unfortunate and unique position. The situation is without doubt similar to that in other parts of the country but it is exacerbated in Galway.

The most recent monthly figures recorded 227 children in emergency accommodation in Galway. The impact of that goes well beyond the impact of the lack of shelter. There is also the impact on physical health and mental health, school attendance and relationships. Those children are not in a position to feel a part of the community. It is difficult to join the local football club if you are not sure where you are going to spend each night. It is difficult to have social occasions with friends or other members of the community. There are many knock-on impacts of the homelessness and housing crisis. I am particularly worried that we are storing up a sense among the young people of the country at the moment that nobody is listening and nobody cares. We may pay a price for that in the future.

I welcome, and compliment the Minister for establishing, the strategic housing activation office. However, a number of different bodies and organisations seem to have some remit across the housing sector. The public are becoming a bit frustrated. There might even be a lack of awareness of what each body does. The Minister is going to initiate the strategic housing activation office, which seems a good idea. We also have the Housing Agency, a Cabinet subcommittee on housing, the LDA, all the approved housing bodies, the local authorities, a housing task force in many local authorities and a homelessness task force in many local authorities. The Housing Commission also proposes to establish a housing delivery oversight executive. There is a lot going on. There seems to be a lot of different people and groups with different remits. When people hear about these housing bodies, they think solely about housing supply and assume that each of those bodies has some remit in terms of direct supply. It can be difficult to address what each of those bodies does.

That goes some way towards the issue we face here. The public wonders how we complicated the home building and housing process. One thing that frustrated me extensively when I was a member of the local authority was the time it took from the concept of a housing scheme to the point of Part 8 planning. The Department claims the length of time for local authorities to draw up the designs for social housing projects and secure Government approval is 59 weeks. I often found it took longer than that. In fact, particularly for affordable housing, it seemed to take much longer than that, which was frustrating. My recollection is that there was a four-step approval process. It was mentioned earlier that the programme for Government commits to establishing a single-step approval process. If we are calling it a single-step process, we should provide a timeline. The Department should be able to turn around a decision on a public housing scheme in a very short period to allow the local authorities to carry on and build it. It was mentioned earlier, and there is credence to the suggestion, that the Department might be somewhat risk averse and not satisfied enough to give the local authorities the funding and let them build without participating in their decision-making process.

One place where I would not support the Housing Commission is in respect of the proposal to end the tenant purchase scheme. That is something we should maintain. We should always continue to promote homeownership.

There has also been discussion about ending rent pressure zones and a rent reference scheme. One thing that rent should reference is the standard of the private rented accommodation of which a person is availing.

I wish the Minister and the Minister of State well in their work. It is a hugely important area and they are going to need all of the breaks and support that they can get in this House and in councils.

When I think of local authority housing, I think of the question I am often asked, which is: why, in the 1950s, were we able to build so many well-structured houses for people who were able to avail of them from the housing list? There was a tenant purchase scheme to allow them to move on in their lives, buy the property and rear a family in it. I was reared in a three-bed local authority house and there were nine of us in that home. We have in recent years built a bureaucratic nightmare that is getting in the way of proper housebuilding. The Government must look at that and take out those blockages. We must ask what the County and City Management Association is doing. What obligations are on it to deliver on the numbers, whether through agencies or directly through the council? What will the Government do to make the association live up to the targets it should be achieving?

In terms of transfers, I have seen people trying to upsize and downsize, elderly people who want to move to a much smaller house because of the cost of maintaining a three-bedroom house, but who cannot get the transfer, not because the houses to downsize or upsize are not there but because the Department puts the onus on local councils to carry out the repairs and to bear the cost of those repairs. We must ask each council how many houses are vacant in its area and what is it doing about it.

We must ask each council how many people on the list want to downsize or upsize and ask it why it is not purchasing four- and five-bedroom houses. Councils leave people without any hope whatsoever in a very small house and have no plan for them to move on in future. There is an issue with the mortgage to rent scheme and getting the final decisions and letters from councils. I speak from experience with my council and my experience with vulture funds, which have no heart whatsoever, no compassion and no humanity. They just want their money. Where a young lady with cancer or a family trying to redeem themselves after the crash are looking to the mortgage to rent scheme and it has worked to the point where the local authority has been asked for that letter, either they do not get it or they will wait months. The vulture funds are quite impatient when dealing with families like that.

In a debate yesterday, I referred to SOS Kilkenny. It is providing houses built for the purpose of housing disabled people. Everything is in those houses and it gives people independent living. The houses are there, but the HSE, which is a reactive rather than proactive organisation, is not providing the names of those who need to be housed in an emergency situation, or indeed a planned situation for life, to SOS to have them housed. That is despicable. Marginalised people, including those who are disabled, should be first to be looked after. The housing authority and in this case the HSE should be forced into action. The section that deals with these houses and the funding of them within the Minister’s Department is quite good. It is excellent. The battle is with the HSE. I ask the Minister to pull all those parties together, including organisations like SOS and the Department’s housing arm and insist they are brought up to speed, react to what is required of them and plan with these organisations.

The tenant in situ scheme was mentioned. I do not know why the council will not work on that scheme. The first problem it might have is there is only one person in a house which has three bedrooms. However, there is room for the council to buy that house, there is room for it to downsize that person and there is room for it to perhaps put a number of other people in that accommodation. There are so many schemes there. I do not understand why there is anyone on the housing list and why people are frustrated by the purchase of their homes.

The last issue to mention is the decision around, for example, four houses in Piltown, County Kilkenny. Why that has stuck in the Department I do not know.

I wish the Minister and Minister of State well in their roles, especially my constituency colleague, the Minister of State, Deputy Cummins. The Report of the Housing Commission declares the current housing situation a crisis of unprecedented scale that demands immediate and decisive action. It identifies the significant and sustained shortfall in housing supply as a core issue requiring a substantial increase in delivery not just in our cities but in our rural communities and remote Gaeltacht areas.

On affordability, the report shows urban areas are not the only ones affected. House prices continue to rise across the State, that is, in rural Ireland as much as in the cities. House prices and rents continue to spiral. Daft recorded a 10% jump in rents in County Waterford, which is over double the increase in Dublin. Meanwhile, Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil throw numbers around like snuff at a wake in an effort to confuse, mislead and distract from their abysmal performance over recent years. The lack of progress on affordable and social housing means villages and towns are facing demographic cliff edges in many cases as young people from these communities are unable to set up homes and raise families of their own.

In my constituency this problem presents itself in Dunmore East, Tramore, Bunmahon, Dungarvan, Gaeltacht na nDéise, Ardmore and many other areas. In the latter there are very serious concerns about the ability of the village to survive as a community due to the inability of families to set up homes there. While there has been some progress in recent months, the slow saga continues and there is still not one affordable or social home built. Is amhlaidh an scéal é i nGaeltacht na nDéise. Tá todhchaí an cheantair Gaeltachta seo i mbaol mar gheall ar an easpa tithíochta inacmhainne agus sóisialta. Is géarchéim í anois agus tá beart de réir briathair ag teastáil ón Rialtas. Caithfidh an Rialtas gach tacaíochta a thabhairt don phobal áitiúil, d’Údarás na Gaeltachta agus do Chomhairle Cathrach agus Contae Phoirt Láirge chun tithíocht sóisialta agus inacmhainne maraon le suíomhanna inacmhainne a chur ar fáil. I am asking the Government to use every resource at its disposal and for the Minister and Minister of State to work with Údarás na Gaeltachta, the community in Gaeltacht na nDéise and with Waterford City and County Council to develop and progress the project to develop affordable housing, social housing and serviced sites.

Rural Ireland cannot wait any longer. We need to see more urgency from the Department when it comes to affordable and social housing in rural and Gaeltacht communities. We need to see more urgency when it comes to rolling out affordable serviced sites as well.

I also wish the Minister and Minister of State well. There has been abject failure. There was an abject failure to reach 40,000 houses, which we all saw coming, unfortunately. The Government would say it did not, but either way we need to see success here or every Member is going to be inundated – as I and many others already are – by representations from those who are suffering due to the housing crisis. There are those who cannot afford the rents. I did my usual and looked at daft.ie. There were 15 places in Dundalk and 22 in the surrounds. There are not actually that many because obviously if you were to send one of the multiple emails the advertiser will receive, you will find most of these houses are gone. There was a three-bedroom property for €2,100, a two-bedroom for €1,450, a two-bedroom for €1,350 and a two-bedroom for €1,900, but these listings are not a big shock to anybody. We must ensure we see delivery.

When the protection from eviction was removed, we had the promise of the tenant in situ scheme. I will accept that, with tinkering, it was a system that operated and that worked for a number of families so we need to see funding for it. I am sure everyone has been contacted by those who were on the verge of a tenant in situ arrangement being delivered and it is an absolutely necessary element of enabling councils to restock. We just need to put it into operation. There have also been issues with ensuring there is a sufficient amount of maintenance money provided to the local authorities to allow them to fix up these properties. I accept there are houses that are not fit to be bought, but that is not what I am talking about. I have seen instances where the local authority is afraid to buy anything that is not brand new. We need the tenant in situ scheme, but we need to look at how it is delivered.

We talk about new modes of construction. We had 3D printing in Muirhevnamor in Dundalk. We need to ensure this is done properly. We know about the opportunities presented by modular, timber frame and 3D concrete printing, but none of this will happen without capacity.

Members have mentioned wastewater. There are the issues with disability and housing adaptation grants. We all accept there has been an increase, but there are a huge number of families who are not necessarily going to be covered by those moneys and there is a holistic way of dealing with this. We also need to look at the point on universal design. I could talk about estate management and all those other issues, but we must ensure we have delivery and protection for those renting at the minute. They are very worried about the conversations around rent pressures zones.

I wish the Minister and Minister of State the best of luck. It is going to be a tough job. All of us here know it is the most serious issue facing the country. I have described it as a social disaster and a social catastrophe. The Minister and Minister of State know it is too. I often speak very passionately and very emotionally and bring forward the cases and human reality of the crisis and I will continue to because we should not get away from that.

Every day hundreds of thousands of people in this country are living this crisis. As I have described, it is causing a mental health crisis. It is causing many young people to leave this country - they are giving up. While I appreciate that the Minister is going to do his best, we need to focus on and give time to a discussion on the solutions that will solve this crisis for those people.

I thank the Housing Commission members for producing the report. It is an important piece of work. I do not agree with all of it and there are issues with people who have vested interests in the property industry playing quite an influential role in policy. For example, regarding healthcare I will make the point again and again in the coming months and years that we do not bring in private operators or private hospitals to tell us how to run our public health system or develop Sláintecare policy. In developing the new Housing for All iteration, I ask that the Minister focus on housing needs. I ask that he focus not on vested interests, but rather the policies that are needed to ensure that people have affordable housing.

Regarding the report, I want to ask the Minister about a couple of things. Why is the proposal for the housing delivery office different from what I read is the proposal in the commission's report for a housing executive oversight body? I want an explanation for that. It seems that the Minister's proposal is different and I wonder why that is the case. It seems a much more limited proposal.

There is another issue in the report, namely, the question of the 20% social housing target. Does the Minister agree with that? Does he have a timeframe for its delivery? I extrapolated the figures. If we aim to reach 20% of housing stock as being social or cost-rental housing by 2035, for example, that would mean we would need to deliver 30,000 social and cost-rental homes every year. Is that something the Minister wants to aim for? Is it a target? I believe it is what we need and that is the scale of delivery by the public sector, through the State, that is required.

This brings me to the narrative that the State is doing all it can. It is not. We will have a surplus of €9 billion. The Minister mentioned different sources of funding available to deliver to the State in different forms. Reference was made to the Apple money. We will have a significant budget surplus. I ask for a response from the Minister to my next point. The requirement of funding referenced is €20 billion. That makes an assumption that 65% of all new homes will be apartments, given the figures presented by the Housing Commission. On the other hand, if we provide 35% of all new homes as apartments, we would reduce the cost to €16 billion.

Currently, we are delivering between 28% and 30% of our homes as apartments. Across this city, we can see that the majority of homes being built are apartments. Can we examine different forms of lower scale housing delivery, such as those in Amsterdam and Copenhagen? Housing in those cities comprises four-, five- or even six-storey developments, rather than 12-storey apartment blocks which, of course, are what the institutional funds want.

I am raising this because I do not agree with the idea that we have to rely on EU institutional funds to fund our housing. By buying into that, we are following the consequential decision that rents have to be raised across the board. That is the argument such funds have been making and, unfortunately, it seems to be what the Government is planning to do.

The Minister mentioned a review of the rent pressure zones. We need to give renters that guarantee. The Taoiseach said that rent pressure zones are being reviewed. The Minister knows that hundreds of thousands of renters across this country are living with anxiety and fear of the rents being increased and being evicted if we bring in a system whereby rents can be increased between tenancies. If there are no rental protections in place from eviction, then we will see a wholesale eviction of tenants, even worse we are what we are seeing now.

Until we have a very clear system that will not allow rents to rise from the end of this year, we should pause the idea that rent pressure zones will change at the end of this year. Renters need that security. We have argued for a rent freeze for three years and the implementation of a no-fault ban on evictions. That is urgently needed, given what the Minister did not mention, namely, the issue of homelessness. I was disappointed the Minister did not mention it. I did not hear him mention it; I am open to correction.

I was sure that was an oversight, but it might be indicative of the Department's, rather than the Minister's, lack of focus and concern about the issue of homelessness. I ask that the Minister put a focus on homelessness and end what we saw on Monday night, in terms of children growing up in homelessness. As I am sure is the case in the Minister's constituency, in my constituency babies are being born into homelessness and emergency accommodation. As parents, how can we stand over that? There are children who have urgent requirements in terms of additional needs, something we saw on Monday night where children with autism or those who require serious medical intervention are growing up in emergency accommodation. How is that acceptable?

We have to go beyond figures and say that some things are unacceptable to us as a country, nation and Government. How can we stand over 4,500 children being homeless? I have done the analysis. It is clear that we have failed to protect renters from eviction because of the fear or policy decision that it will somehow deter investment. In debate after debate on proposals brought forward to implement stronger protections from eviction for tenants, the argument has been made by previous Governments that they cannot do that because it will deter investment. Why is the Government not willing to protect families from eviction when the number one cause of family homelessness is families being evicted from the private rental sector? The Government could implement a ban on no-fault evictions into homelessness. That would be an emergency policy measure and it could be done.

Another area I want to speak on, which is linked to the report, is the right to housing. Again, it is disappointing that the Minister did not mention it. Is the Government saying it will not look at this? Is the Government saying it will not implement a right to housing, which is recommended by the commission? It said:

International experience with constitutionalising rights to housing has demonstrated that changes tend to be incremental ... The Commission is of the view that such an approach is applicable in the Irish constitutional context and that constitutionalising a right of access to adequate housing would provide a guarantee which would evolve over time.

I ask the Minister to reconsider what seems to be his lack of engagement or a decision not to pursue a right to housing in the Constitution. We will push for it again.

Local authorities and bureaucracy have been discussed during this debate. We need to be straight here, and I will be. Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael moved away from social housing about 30 years ago. They decided social housing and the councils did not work and were not the way to deliver social housing. The move was under Part V to get developers to provide social housing. It was a policy made in 2011.

Prior to that, during the Celtic Tiger, councils were told, "You no longer do housing." It is very welcome to now see a shift towards needing local authorities to deliver social housing again. However, questions remains. Why are they not doing it on the scale needed? Why are they not meeting their own targets? Why are councils and housing bodies buying from the market rather than delivering them themselves? The Commission clearly states:

The Housing Commission has found that local government has experienced limited access to the necessary staff and financial resources to facilitate the delivery of homes to meet housing requirements. The remit of local authorities has been weakened by policies that direct their role and resources towards control, rather than enablement and facilitation. This has replaced the priority for local authorities to deliver housing themselves or to facilitate delivery by others.

In some key relevant areas, there is limited access to the necessary staff and financial resources to facilitate the delivery of homes to meet housing requirements. I ask the Ministers to increase the resources to the local authorities so they get what they need. We have alternative ways of delivering housing. Will the Ministers look at other schemes and areas, such as the previously discussed Livret A scheme in France? We could leverage €160 billion into social and affordable housing delivery. We do not need the funds. We can do it ourselves in this country. The money is here and we need to develop the capacity to do it. I ask the Ministers to consider that.

I too congratulate the Ministers on their appointments. I welcome this debate on the Housing Commission report. I read through the recommendations in the report and I welcome some of them. The overview at the start of the report, in particular, jumped out at me where the Commission states:

Arising from its wide-ranging enquiry, the Housing Commission has identified over several decades, there has been a range of interventions to do with housing. However, these interventions have not resolved the failures that are fundamentally systemic.

That is key. There is a fundamental problem with the model and it is systemic in nature. The other line that jumped out at me was, "Only a radical strategic reset of housing policy will work". I call on the Minister to embrace that call to be radical and to have a full reset of housing policy to do things differently. As I said, the current model is fundamentally broken and it is failing people in this country every day. We are aware of hardship through contacts with all of our offices and we all know how bad the situation is. We need to see it fundamentally changed.

I want to discuss some of the recommendations. One recommendation my colleague mentioned was the 20% social and affordable target. I heard the Minister say he would consider it. I would like him to give this a bit more than consideration. I would like a commitment to that because increasing the provision of cost-rental and affordable housing is going to be key. As the report states, State support of housing must be thought of in a broader context than just providing housing the most vulnerable. It has the capacity to reshape the market. We need to think about it in that context. It can be a counterbalance to the private market. We need to look abroad at what they are doing in other countries. We could look at Vienna where 50% of people live in not-for-profit and affordable housing. We do not have to reinvent the wheel. Housing systems in other countries work; we could have one too if the political will was there.

Like others stated earlier, there are real issues with the current management of social and affordable housing. In my own city in Cork, there are currently 350 vacant council houses and thousands of people waiting for housing. It is a cause of real frustration. The retrofits have also been mismanaged. At the current rate, it will take Cork City Council 200 years to retrofit all its houses. It is utter madness and it needs to change. It needs greater investment.

A land price register is another recommendation. The Social Democrats put forward a Bill in 2021 to provide for a land price register and the Government voted it down. Will the Government reconsider this and follow the recommendations of the commission to introduce legislation in this area? There are also calls in the report for measures relating to child homelessness, which has increased by 300%, according to the Simon Communities, over the past ten years. There are also real commitments in the report surrounding Traveller accommodation. There are appalling conditions on many Traveller sites around the country. In Spring Lane in Cork city, the Ombudsman published a damning report of abuses of the rights of the child with regard to the accommodation for Travellers, which need to be addressed.

Finally, there are good recommendations regarding climate. We need climate-informed housing policy and homes that are fit for the future. I hope the Ministers will implement many of these recommendations.

I welcome the opportunity to examine the report prepared by the Housing Commission. I also welcome Deputy Browne's appointment as Minister for housing. I have no doubt he will carry on the transformative agenda started by his predecessor, Deputy O'Brien.

The Housing Commission report is based over two years of deliberation by the commission and includes 83 recommendations, together with hundreds of suggested actions. Clearly, this is a significant piece of work and I thank the members of the commission for their efforts. As noted by colleagues from across the House, the report is very much a benchmark that provides a series of policy options for improving the State housing plan, Housing for All. Many of the suggestions in the report are welcome, and as the Minister noted, the Department is already implementing many of them.

As in 2016 and 2020, increasing the supply of housing remains the critical issue. The Housing for All scheme was transformative in creating multiple pathways to housing for people across Ireland. It involved a radical structural adjustment in the housing market, with the State becoming the key player in housing delivery. Many of the legislative changes introduced that are now facilitating housing delivery, were opposed by members of the Opposition. While members of the Opposition are entitled to oppose Government policy, they must be honest too about their own vision for the housing market and the impact it will have on home ownership rates.

Providing a route to home ownership has always been a core policy of Fianna Fáil. We believe home ownership creates a positive social benefit beyond the underlying financial costs of accommodation and as such, should be prioritised and supported by the State. Other parties favour models where families rent indefinitely from AHBs. That may suit some but most Irish people, when asked, aspire to home ownership. Fianna Fáil supports the aspiration and our policies will be guided by this core principle. Housing for All has significantly ramped up social housing with more than 42,000 social houses being delivered since 2020. This is particularly the case where local authorities are engaged with Housing for All schemes, such as in Dún Laoghaire-Rathdown, where we are seeing lists moving for the first time in a generation. This delivery needs to be continued and increased.

The priority, however, must be on the delivery of affordable housing for the squeezed middle; affordable housing to rent and affordable housing to buy for working people on middle incomes. These households are burdened with the highest rents and significant taxes. They need to be supported by the State. The current situation is not acceptable and it is delaying people settling down and starting families, which has its own social and personal cost.

Turning to my constituency of Dún Laoghaire, we have had significant progress on housing delivery, particularly with the 597-unit Shanganagh development in Shankill. We need to see more affordable housing, however, particularly for key workers. Sites are available and I will work with the Minister to see these projects are delivered.

I disagree with the Housing Commission recommendation to stop some home ownership routes, such as the ending of the tenant purchase scheme for local authority tenants. As I have previously said in this House, home ownership has social benefits beyond underlying cost and it should be supported by the State. I also disagree with the proposals, including those from the Opposition today, to end first-time buyers supports, such as the help-to-buy scheme. These supports are essential. We also need to see an extension to the vacant and derelict home scheme. A new category for extremely derelict buildings is necessary to encourage people to take on these types of properties in our towns and villages.

Finally, while not directly connected with the commission's report, I urge the Minister to consider increasing the thresholds for social housing support and the first-time buyer's schemes to bring them in line with recent changes to inflation. I wish both Ministers well in their work.

I recognise the value of the report of the Housing Commission from last May. Of the 83 recommendations, approximately 65 are in train or at an advanced stage, which I welcome.

Coming from the constituency of Dún Laoghaire where we have amongst the highest average property prices in the country, there is a real problem for people acquiring property that goes beyond what most people face around Ireland. It might well be said that they could live somewhere else or somewhere cheaper but that is not a reasonable thing to say to somebody who grew up in Dalkey, Blackrock or Dún Laoghaire, to say they must move away from their family and support system if they have children. It would mean moving away from the areas they know, where they went to school and where their friends and networks are. That is really important. Dún Laoghaire-Rathdown County Council, has advanced many initiatives to help with housing, certainly in terms of social housing. They have made a lot of inroads into the housing list.

The council has, with the Land Development Agency, made an awful lot of progress. The very first of those LDA developments to come to fruition was Shanganagh in Shankill, with nearly 600 units becoming available there through a range of schemes. All of that is welcome. It couples with many private developments throughout the Dún Laoghaire constituency that are providing housing for people and bringing housing on stream. Of course, to the largest extent possible, that housing is made up of apartments. I do not have a problem with apartment living. I lived in an apartment for many years. That is not an issue. However, when building apartments, we need to look to having liveable spaces that are family-sized. They must not comprise two bedrooms and a living room, which is not a space in which people can raise a family. There must be multiple bedrooms and multiple living areas. As every parent knows, there comes a time, no matter how lovable and wonderful their children are, that they want to exist in a separate space. We need to apply a system that allows families to do that.

Recommendation No. 41 states: "Review and recalibrate regularly measures to assist with access to home ownership for first-time buyers, taking account of detailed evidence on income distribution, affordability, supply dynamics and regional differences." We need to focus on the regional differences aspect. Before discussing that, there are other factors we should consider. I have said on a number of occasions that banks do not help the current situation. They very much offer an umbrella on a sunny day and ask for it back when it is raining. We should be looking at encouraging them to be a little more reasonable in regard to mortgage applications. The fact somebody could be paying €2,000 in rent per month but that is not counted as proof of mortgage repayment affordability is absolutely ridiculous. It should be changed. It might not be something that can be done by the Department of housing but it is an issue the Government can deal with at Central Bank level. Allowing people to have rent payments taken into account would be very important.

Regional differences are really important because of the cost of any type of housing, whether an apartment or house, in places like Dún Laoghaire. The help-to-buy scheme is welcome. It makes it easier for people to acquire a home. However, the €500,000 threshold is arbitrary and is very disappointing for anybody who lives in an area where the average house price is €600,000, as it currently is in Dún Laoghaire. It means that people paying €499,000 for a home can get a €30,000 grant, while those paying €500,000 get nothing. I do not know whether the Minister has been involved in bidding for houses any time recently. Bidders go up in increments of €5,000. It would be better to have the threshold set at €501,000 rather than €500,000. As a general rule, we should be looking seriously at recalibrating that amount and applying it differently in different areas relative to average house prices. If the system is not working, let us fix it and make sure it works. The cost limit must be reconsidered.

For so many young people, not being realistically able to afford a house in the place where they grew up is desperately unfair. That situation needs to be fixed. It is something we can do. We need to support people, especially first-time buyers. We must continue with the measures that have been put in place to help people in every respect to buy every type of home. At the moment, as we know, there is a real blockage. It is not for the want of trying on behalf of individuals that they cannot buy a home. People go to the pin of their collar to acquire a property. We have a situation at this time that is untenable. I know people in my area who say they will not buy a house now and will wait for the crash they anticipate is coming. I am afraid it is not coming. We do not have the circumstances that led to the crash in the 2000s. It is not going to happen again. There may be a plateau or something like that if the economic downturn that is so much talked about ever comes. The reality is that we have a generation of people who do not see a path to home ownership. In and of itself, home ownership is really important because it gives people a stake in society. It means they have a share, they count and they have something in which to invest. Everybody should be entitled to that. I encourage any measures we can put in place to allow people to do it.

I wish to echo, without repeating, some of the points made by Deputy Hearne about homelessness. The parliamentary reporters could nearly copy and paste his words into my speech. I am not being trite in saying that. The biggest housing issue that is raised in the emails that come into my inbox every week relate to threatened evictions and homelessness. I congratulate the Minister and his team on their appointment. I welcome the election of Deputy Hearne, whose words I have read and listened to with interest. He has a very valuable and worthwhile contribution to make to this debate, to which he brings particular expertise.

It must be put on the record that we need small-scale landlords. Situations where landlords have defaulting tenants who trash their properties are happening with increasing regularity. It is an issue that is very significant and is growing. I suspect it puts people off renting out a property. In previous times, people would invest in a property and set out to be a good landlord. Many did not increase the rent they charged over the years. They are the kind of people we need. However, I have had constituents come to me whose tenants have not paid the rent for a year or 18 months and have trashed the house. There must be penalties for tenants who do that.

As I said, homelessness is the biggest issue. I will focus now on chapter 7 of the Housing Commission report and on making a special case for Dublin. The lack of affordability in Dublin, and it is pretty well all of Dublin, is not appreciated fully. I know the Minister appreciates it. I do not refer to the social housing aspect, on which we are making great strides. I refer to the affordable housing side, particularly for first-time buyers. The commission report has a lot to say about that. In my area, large numbers of apartments are being constructed but there are none to buy. If developers and councils were obligated, as a condition of development, to offer a percentage of apartments for sale, I am certain from my experience that it would release existing homes from people who want to downsize. People will not downsize to rent but they will downsize to buy.

The back garden or rear development issue is something I really encourage. One angle that was missed in that debate is that we have a growing population of adults with special needs who are very dependent on their parents. Many such parents have come to me over the years and said they will be caring for their adult child for the rest of their lives and would like an independent living space on their home site for that child. This proposal is an avenue for that.

One of the big challenges in this country is that, as a nation, we have developed a love affair with property as an investment as opposed to a means of providing a roof over our head in which we can live in comfort and security throughout our lives. I do not know how we can stop that. In Scotland, when houses go up for sale, sellers give considerable time to coming to a valuation they think is credible. If I make a bid for a house for the price at which it is put up for sale, it must be withdrawn from the market. The bid has been received and the seller has received the value he or she put on the house. This is something towards which we should consider moving. I look up daft.ie and myhome.ie regularly to see what is for sale across my constituency and all across Dublin. I will see a house for sale for €495,000 and think it is a fine purchase. Then I go back and check how much it actually sold for. This leads to inflation. We have a love affair with property as an investment as opposed to a home. There is a strong case to be made, particularly on State-owned land, for affordable properties to be passed on as affordable properties in perpetuity. We really need to look at that.

If I was starting off in life and buying a house now and if I could have a Vienna model-style apartment that I knew I would have for life, the rental cost of which would reflect the ups and downs of life in terms of illness, unemployment and retirement and taper accordingly, I would go into it willingly. Why would people hang a mortgage of hundreds of thousands of euro around their neck when they could have much more disposable income available to them if they had security of tenure over a long period?

We introduced legislation regarding dormant accounts. I know property rights are strong in this State but would it be possible to do something with dormant properties? Could we decide that the State will take properties that are dormant for a particular length of time? I refer to properties that are dormant, derelict and that nobody appears to own. Having gone through the proper legal procedures, etc., the State would take over such properties.

I agree there should be an increase in the threshold for social housing qualification. I have talked previously about the housing needs of key workers, particularly in the context of State land.

If we are taking land from State agencies, then a percentage of the residential development on those sites should be given to key workers with those organisations.

Tá an díospóireacht seo an-tábhachtach agus is trua nach bhfuil níos mó ama againn chun díriú isteach uirthi mar tá sí chomh tábhachtach sin gur gá dúinn a rá go bhfuil éigeandáil ann.

There is a housing crisis. There has been a housing crisis. There is an emergency, and that emergency did not begin today or yesterday. We on this side of the House have been calling on the Government to declare a national emergency. A national emergency is usually declared when the economy is under threat, when family life is under threat or when the fabric of society is under threat. Anybody who has looked at the housing crisis in Ireland in recent years as it as got worse and worse will attest to the fact that there is an emergency. It is so extreme now that it is starting to affect our ability to attract companies to locate in Ireland. It is affecting our ability to get gardaí into this city and elsewhere, and teachers and nurses likewise. It is affecting our children in school because they are coming from homeless accommodation. Often, they are not able to focus properly on the work in front of them or they have slept in cars and the like. There is a housing emergency. I could say more. That is why, obviously, we are focusing on this matter.

A housing emergency, similar to any other emergency, means that it is all hands on deck. When there was an emergency with Covid, there were regular meetings, as in almost daily, of the emergency team. This Government so far has talked the talk but we have not seen any action because it is a continuation of previous Governments. This shows that there has been a failure.

In my area, you need only think of the huge sites that have been levelled over the years and that have been fully regenerated, including St. Teresa's Gardens and St. Michael's Estate. Not a sod has been turned on St. Michael's Estate. Everybody remembers the new dawn that was promised to the people there. Dolphin House would be another one where there is only a phase 1. There is no phase 2 planned, no phase 3 and no master plan for the rest of the site. They are still talking about it. There is no funding. That is because Dublin City Council has been starved of money by successive Governments robbing the money that was there. Dublin City Council has ended up competing with those who want to buy apartments and that adds to the problems in the market as a whole.

There is an emergency in the area of housing, and we should see it as such and act as such.

After two years of deliberations, the Housing Commission released its comprehensive report in 2024. The report contains 83 recommendations and hundreds of additional recommended actions that would be necessary to transform the housing landscape in Ireland. It is a significant report from a commission whose membership comprised academic experts, economists and business professionals, all of whom are experts on the housing sector in Ireland in their own right.

What is of great significance is that the commission did not only look at the housing policies and strategies of the previous Government; it looked at those of successive Governments over decades. The report is scathing in its criticism of successive Governments and outlines their ineffective decision-making and failure in the areas of housing policy and strategy. The latter all resulted in what the commission estimates, on the basis of the information in the 2022 census, as a deficit of between 212,500 and 256,000 homes in this country.

Sinn Féin has been saying much of this for years. We did not need the Housing Commission's report to tell us how badly the housing issue has been managed by Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael over the years. In the run-up to the election in November, the Government misinformed the public by claiming that housing completions would reach 40,000. In fact, only just over 30,000 houses were completed. A construction consultancy group predicted that this year only in the region of 32,000 will be completed. If this level of stagnation is sustained, the Government's target of 300,000 houses completed by 2030 will be no more than a pipe dream. This can only change, as the Commission stated in its report, on foot of "a radical strategic reset of housing policy". This Government is devoid of innovative and radical ideas and relies too much on previous failed policies to make any substantial difference to increasing the housing stock in any meaningful way.

The report recommends a substantial increase in the proportion of social, affordable and cost-rental housing to meet the current needs. We need an aggressive approach to renovating and reintroducing into the housing stock the tens of thousands of vacant and derelict properties that can be brought back into use as viable accommodation. In my constituency of Dublin North-West, there are many vacant properties over shops and closed-up businesses that can be converted to increase the chronic housing shortage in my constituency and others.

Local authorities are waiting on approval to continue with the tenant in situ scheme.

Could the Minister look at this as a matter of urgency? I have many people who are waiting for approval and who are really worried.

Deputy Catherine Connolly is sharing time with Deputy Boyd Barrett.

I welcome the opportunity to speak on the Housing Commission's report. The commission commenced its work in January 2023 and published its report in May 2024. It has taken this long for the Government, under pressure, to put it on the clár oibre agus díospóireacht a bheith againn faoin tuarascáil thábhachtach sin. The commission had 14 members, five sub-committees and six working groups. It held 200 meetings and made 83 recommendations. I do not think I could disagree with any of its recommendations. It held a public consultation that attracted 897 responses which told those of us in opposition what we already new, namely that there is a serious housing crisis. The commission did not put a tooth in it.

Many issues jump out at me. I have read the whole report. Ireland has one of the highest levels of public expenditure and some of the poorest outcomes. The other interesting thing the Commission did, besides making its 83 recommendations, was refer to: "the negative impacts of the housing crisis on overall quality of life in Ireland; 74% of respondents indicated that their housing situation had negatively affected their quality of life." We all know that, but it is there in black and white in the report for the Government to read. The report also states: "Account must be taken in housing policy of the full economic and social costs associated with not meeting Ireland's housing requirements."

The report refers to the need for data. It talks about the need for a range of housing types and about the need to address the deficit. It recognises the complete failure of the policies of successive Governments up to now. The commission stated that we need a radical reset and a policy change, and the Government has waited until today to put it on in an afternoon's discussion. I have not heard if the Government will have a policy change and recognise that he housing crisis is a direct consequence of policy, not the other way around.

The task force in Galway, which has been sitting since 2018, has a new chairperson. He has recorded his frustration. The Minister of State, Deputy O'Donnell, will remember the task force, and now we have them here. The chairperson has outlined his utter frustration at the failure, notwithstanding people's best efforts, to deal with resourcing and many other issues, including an inability to meet targets. This task force was set up in 2018 because of the crisis, and yet it is trundling on. All that has changed is that there is a new chairperson and new personnel. There is no end report to tell us the analysis, although the task force is beginning its work in that regard now.

What has happened in Galway in the context of housing and why is the emergency accommodation there is always at full capacity? There is no place for homeless people to go. This report tells us that the figures relating to homelessness are not the actual figures. The Simon Communities wrote to us all today and outlined the figures. As of the end of December, 14,864 persons, including 4,500 children, were living in emergency accommodation. That is an increase of almost 300% in ten years and it is a direct consequence of the Government parties' policies, and they refuse to change those policies. I have repeatedly stated that what the Government has done amounts to a jigsaw of pieces, with no overall vision and no recognition that a house is a home. In a report they compiled, the Simon Communities state that we need to enshrine the right to housing in the Constitution. The Minister has conveniently ignored that.

I hope that today people will start to recognise that the policies the Government parties have pursued were directly responsible for creating the housing crisis, turning homes into commodities and leaving people with no security of tenure and obliged to ask every day what is going to happen tomorrow. I am facing tomorrow. When I go to my office, I am faced with more and more notices to quit and people appealing to all TDs in relation to those notices.

I have ten seconds left. I ask that this go down for further debate. I know it is continuing into next week but we need a debate. Will the recommendations be implemented?

We have been asking for this debate for eight or nine months and I have got four minutes. I will try to make a few points about the generality of the housing crisis and the failure of the Government to address it, yet I have no choice in the little time available to me but to raise a specific issue with the Minister which I hope he will take on board, namely, the St. Germaine apartments in Ballybrack village. They are social housing managed by the Co-operative Housing AHB. It is a community of approximately 20 or 30 households. Like most people who are allocated a social house, they had been waiting many years to get their social homes. They were delighted after all that long wait to get them only to discover that these newly completed apartments were in a dire state. I have raised this matter with Co-operative Housing. There has been some engagement between the tenants and Co-operative Housing over the deplorable state of these apartments, which were built by a builder called Kavco, but the situation continues to be unbearable for the tenants. I am asking the Minister to step in. The point is that, even though it is an AHB, the tenants asked me to point out that they were allocated from the Dún Laoghaire-Rathdown council list. Therefore, the Government, the Department of housing and the council should take responsibility for what is going on. It is deplorable. They described the situation to me today and I went down and saw some of it myself. In new apartments, there is black mould in most if not all of the apartments. There is damp and maggots eating off the wet plaster in the apartments, fizzing sockets and wires, and a lack of proper fire safety in the development. There has been no proper independent survey of what is wrong, but it is really bad across the entire development. There has been no independent survey or resnagging of the building to find out what the hell went on. We now hear that some residents are being moved out while others are not being told what is going to happen. The place has turned into a building site again. It is appalling. Will the Minister look into this and talk to Dún Laoghaire-Rathdown County Council and get to the bottom of it? Families, children and so on have waited all these years only to be in an appalling situation. This should not happen in social housing that is funded and allocated by the State.

The Minister may have seen a wider problem I have raised recently as regards much older council properties in Sallynoggin, where residents are living with mould and horrendous conditions, and their children’s health being affected by this, yet they are being forced to still live in these properties.

I will say this on the generality. The Government deceived the public during the election about the number of houses that had been built. Even as far as what it said it was building but did not really build, the commission says we need twice that. If we need twice what the Government is delivering, then we need twice as much social and affordable housing. That is not what is in the programme for Government, which only proposes a marginal increase in the amount of social and affordable housing, with actually no mention of affordable housing at all. There is a major problem with people going over the thresholds for social housing and then being ineligible for any support. These things need to be addressed.

The Government has to stop the flow of people into homelessness through no-fault evictions. It is an absolute scandal.

I will use my time to focus on a few of the recommendations of the Housing Commission’s report. I note there have been some important policy changes in recent years - the introduction of cost rental housing, the vacant property refurbishment grant and the new land hoarding tax – but we still have a dysfunctional housing market. People are still struggling significantly to access home ownership and rents are far too high. While the fundamental aim has always been to have supply, that is the job of the State and the market in tandem. The task of delivering the right houses in the right location with the right density and social services and for the right time in people’s lives requires far more interconnected planning by the Government. That is the task in the present environment. There are some policy options that align well with our wider aim of creating a thriving, coherent community. These are chiefly in the area of vacancy and dereliction in urban and rural areas alike.

The town centres first model was implemented as part of the previous Government’s housing policy. I am glad it survives on in the current programme for Government. However, it has not been implemented to its full potential. Although much of the work has been done on the pilot and the initial towns in the first phase, town centres first should be a norm in every local authority. There has been much focus in recent years on how difficult it has been to build up social housing construction capacity within local authorities. While that is correct, it has not been acknowledged that tackling vacancy and dereliction at local authority level is something that should be viewed on the same scale. The commission’s report focuses on that issue. In particular, recommendation No. 61 substantially covers proposals on rural vacancy and dereliction.

Recommendation No. 1, mandating Tailte Éireann to introduce and establish a land price register under terms that are similar to those for the property price register, is a small change but one worth pursuing. It would provide much greater transparency to potential developers of sites, particularly about potential capacity issues, wastewater, electricity, etc. Too often, zoning fails to take account of hidden problems at a site and as a development progresses, snags emerge and construction ultimately stalls. Getting that process right initially would speed up timelines and create a better return for the process.

If that supply pipeline is not coming through in sufficient numbers either from the State or private capital, we have to ask if we have exhausted every source of investment for new builds. That is why recommendation No. 20 in the commission’s report is of interest to me. It is one that reflects the Green Party’s proposal for a citizen’s housing fund. The recommendation calls for the examination of a specific private savings fund that can be used to assist in the funding of housing. Given the right impetus by the Government, this could unlock significant new investment into housing delivery while demand is so high and returns are potentially strong. France operates a similar model, the livret A, which acts as a saving scheme for French citizens where the capital is used to reinvest in the national social and housing scheme. I would be grateful if the Minister gave consideration to this proposal in his deliberations.

This debate is welcome. As a former member of the housing committee, we have debated the issues in the Housing Commission report and have had lengthy debates on proposals to amend the Constitution. It was clear to me at the committee that, while an amendment to the Constitution would strengthen the State’s ability to regulate and provide more public housing, the idea that it would be simple to pass a housing amendment, particularly given the experience of the referendums last year, is something we would have to give great consideration to. If we put a referendum on the right to housing before the Irish people and it was rejected, we would find ourselves in a very difficult place in terms of housing policy. It is something to flag. There was significant discussion at the previous housing committee and I look forward to discussing it again should I be a member of the new one.

The Housing Commission report is welcome. A significant part of it talks about a policy shift. Let us be clear, in that, five years ago, there was no affordable housing scheme and no cost rental scheme. The only option a local authority had if it had a piece of land was to build an estate that was 100% low-income housing. We know from the past that, when one builds concentrated low-income housing, it can present significant challenges. Alternatively, the local authority sold the site off to a developer, who then built for-profit housing. Under a new Government five years ago, though, there was a fundamental shift in policy in terms of the cost rental scheme, the affordable purchase scheme and the State’s ability to use the Land Development Agency to deliver housing. Local authorities have had the power in the past four years, or perhaps a little less, given that the legislation needed to be passed, to develop mixed-income and mixed-tenure estates on sites they own.

Where that is complex, the Land Development Agency is able to assist them with that.

One area of frustration relates to the speed of delivery by both AHBs and local authorities on some of those sites. I am a great proponent and supporter of the public housing model and believe public housing should be a big player in the market, but that will become more and more difficult to sell if the people responsible for delivering it are not doing so. I am proud to have many public housing sites in my constituency, which I have listed on the floor of this House many times and will do so again. Oscar Traynor Road is a very significant site and there are also ones in Kildonan, Balcurris and Balbutcher. Many of these sites are being developed by the council but it is taking too long. I would focus on those recommendations in the housing report to support local authorities to deliver, but I would go further. We should ensure local authorities deliver, and I would use both the carrot and the stick in that regard. In some cases, they are too slow. In the case of the Ballymun shopping centre site in my constituency, there is currently no proposal to build housing on the site, which is right in the middle of Ballymun, yet it is an ideal site on which a body such as the Land Development Agency could provide the mixed commercial and residential accommodation that is needed for the people of Ballymun.

The reason public housing is so important in my area is that there is almost no private development in Dublin North-West. It is starting to happen but there is almost none, certainly in comparison with other parts of the country, where my colleagues are talking about development happening all over the place. Inside the M50 core, the challenges of delivering and the viability issues are very significant, so we end up with almost no private development. The Taoiseach is right to ask what we are going to do about the element of supply that will not be public. The answer cannot be that there will be no private delivery, because the private sector has to have some role. At a meeting of the public accounts committee, representatives of the Department and various agencies said in response to me that we will not be able to build homes inside the M50 without a significant subsidy for sale.

That is a shift in the reality of where we are. The cost of building now means a subsidy will be needed to deliver a for-purchase property, so that will involve the State giving subsidies. As for how the State can do that, we can make direct transfers to the local authority, prepare the services and the site, provide it by way of tax changes or make changes to levies and charges we impose. Nothing should be off the table to encourage both public and private supply. We need both the carrot and stick. We need to keep doing what we have done for the past five years and building homes, and we have done that despite what the Opposition has said. I encourage the Government to double down its policies, that is, not so-called policies for developers, which they are not, but on the policies in Housing for All that are delivering and will deliver numbers in both public and private.

I congratulate the Minister of State and wish him well in his new role. As colleagues have said, the real challenge relates to delivery and ensuring we have homes for all those who live here, which is the biggest challenge facing the Government. Following on from what my party colleague Deputy McAuliffe talked about, I will talk about delivery, especially in the context of the infrastructure that is needed to support that. This applies in particular to water infrastructure. We have had problems with Uisce Éireann, which needs to see itself as part of the solution in doing this. I have talked to representatives of the agency, however, and they talk about the necessary water infrastructure. Building 50,000 homes is going to cost €1.7 billion. As a State, we are going to have to invest that kind of money in our water infrastructure to ensure we can construct 50,000 homes, and we need to front-load that.

Another critical point, as the Minister of State will be aware in the context of rural communities, is that one our current challenges, if we are to move away from one-off rural housing, which there are solid planning reasons for doing save where it is a family living on the land, we should incentivise people to live in the villages where they grew up, work and have connections. The problem, however, as the Minister of State knows, is that there is not sufficient water capacity in most of our villages. In my constituency, Camolin and Ferns, in north County Wexford, and Aughrim, in south County Wicklow, have been waiting for 20-plus years. It would take pressure off some of the communities that are under pressure for housing if housing could be built in those communities but because there is not adequate water and wastewater infrastructure, it is not possible to do so.

A further critical point concerns road infrastructure. It is important that the Department considers again announcing a local infrastructure housing activation fund, LIHAF. The LIHAF is essential for unlocking lands. The Minister of State will be very familiar with it in Limerick. For us in Gorey, it is absolutely vital that a road and a bridge be built at the St. Waleran’s site to unlock 73 acres of land in order that social, affordable and private housing can be built.

The first home scheme is very successful but there are a lot of anomalies in the scheme. I understand why it is based on local authority areas but I would prefer if, rather than using county council areas, local electoral areas might be considered. I appreciate it is more difficult to do that but the price ceiling in Wicklow is €475,000, whereas in Wexford it is €350,000 and that figure was not increased in December, which we all hoped would be the case. Gorey, with which the Minister of State will be very familiar, is one of the fastest growing communities in the country and it is very difficult to get a three-bedroom house there for €350,000, yet just up the road in Carnew, the ceiling is €475,000. Having such a big split on county boundaries is a difficulty, and I ask that measures be considered in respect of the first home scheme and the price ceilings.

I listened to the discussion on the issue of log cabins. They cannot be seen as a solution for everything but there are certain circumstances where it can allow an elderly parent to right-size and live independently. Similarly, and my party colleague Deputy Lahart correctly identified this as a common concern, it may allow the elderly parents of an adult child with special needs to live independently but still close to their child. I have spoken to some of the financial institutions about this, however, and there is going to be a reluctance on their part to lend for construction in this regard in case there are issues relating to title and questions as to who will end up owning the log cabin or separate home, especially if it is registered on the same folio. While it will not be a solution in every circumstance, I hope that if this policy is teased out, all these matters will be given consideration.

We need more planners and we need to fast-track providing them, whether through additional places in universities or visas for planners from abroad. All our local authorities are crying out for them and they are critical. The Planning and Development Act is very important legislation but if we do not have enough planners, we are going to be in trouble. It is important also that when we debate housing, we are not just building homes for people but also building communities. It is critical that there be co-ordination between the Departments of Health, Education and Transport to ensure the necessary facilities are put in place to meet the housing demand. I represent Gorey, which has had a 14% growth in the inter-census period, and Arklow, which, thanks to the investment by the previous Minister, Deputy O'Brien, in wastewater facilities, is on the cusp of growing rapidly. It is critical for our communities that we ensure we have enough doctors, dentists, school places and so on, and sometimes there is a bit of a lag with other Departments.

Deputy O'Gorman said the town centre first policy is especially important. In that regard, it is essential that there be a review of the fire regulations, which was due to happen. The Minister of State might be able to indicate what is happening in that regard with modern sprinkler systems and escape routes. That should help with above-the-shop living if it is possible.

As for new construction methods, I was heartened to see the development of the 3D-printed homes in County Louth.

I tabled a parliamentary question to the Minister's Department and was heartened by the openness on the part of the Department, but as a new way of home construction it does need to be actively explored.

I welcome the debate and wish both Ministers all the best in their new portfolios. However, one of the things that is very difficult to listen to from both Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael is that they are the parties for homeownership. It is striking because since Fine Gael came into government almost 14 years ago, and was supported by Fianna Fáil over the past number of years, in every subsequent census homeownership in Ireland has declined. It has gone down and down and homelessness has increased and continues to increase.

We have three sectors in Ireland. One is the private market where homeownership is what we want to see with people being able to buy their homes and progress - but very few are. We also have social housing, which we do not have enough of anywhere in the country. We need to see thousands and thousands more houses built to have any hope of being able to break the back on this. The other sector we talk about, which was mentioned by several of the TDs opposite, was affordable rent, affordable purchase and affordable housing. The problem is that affordable housing is not available practically anywhere in the country outside of the capital city. Where it is available it is not affordable. It is as simple as that. We are talking about almost half a million euro for a house that is being called affordable. People need to wake up and recognise the policies the Government has had up to now have been a total and absolutely dismal failure.

I want to raise a number of specific issues because I think they are very important. First, is the renting of houses. There are many people on HAP and who are renting houses from local authorities and have had notices to quit and have to leave. The previous Government had a scheme where the local authority could buy these houses but they cannot do that now. When will this scheme be put back in place because there are loads of people in my constituency, including a nurse who has four small children, living in a house with a notice to quit? The local authority wants to buy the house but there is nothing there with which to do so.

The other issue I will mention is rural housing, which has been has been mentioned several times. I come from a part of the country where there is massive decline in the rural population. The population is going down and down and down every year and we need to be able to build rural housing. The guidelines in place are far too strict for people to be able to build houses in their own communities to sustain those communities and keep them going.

Finally, I will speak about Irish Water or Uisce Éireann. Uisce Éireann charges people for putting in water connections. If it is more than 10 m, that charge per metre is absolutely massive and is a deterrent for people to be able to build their own homes. There needs to be a review of that so people can get connections, particularly in rural areas where water connections may be for further distances than 10 m.

The Government needs to be honest about the number of housing units being built each year. It was very clear during the general election campaign that both Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael clearly told untruths about the number of housing units that would be build in 2024 by many thousands. It is clear the information was at hand and directly contradicted the figure of 40,000.

Section two talks about the economic and social impacts of housing and we can see the damage caused by Government’s continued failure to address the housing crisis. We are losing highly qualified and professional people to the rest of the world. We need them to stay at home, and those who have left home to be able to come back to Ireland. I will give an example. There is a new development called Luttrellstown Gate – a lovely name - in Clonsilla. A three-bedroom, mid-terrace house starts at half a million euro. A four-bedroom, semi-detached home costs close to €800,000. How can our young people afford to stay at home, or to come home?

Another recommendation was promoting earlier and more effective participation by the public in the planning system. The planning system is constantly under attack and it is not under attack to make it fairer and more effective in terms of public consultation, it is under attack to make it easier for developers to get planning through. I will give an example of how the current planning system works. There is a development in Blanchardstown Shopping Centre in Dublin 15 that is a 16-storey building proposed by Goldman Sachs - not a small developer or one short of funds in any shape or form. When the planning application was put forward we discovered the council had been engaging in pre-planning with the developer for two years while the community was treated like mushrooms and kept in the dark. The community then had the statutory few weeks to assess the planning application and put in submissions with absolutely no help or funding, no meetings with planners, and because it was a live application councillors and TDs are not allowed, by law, to even talk about it. Can the Minister see how unfair this is on local communities? I will bring that recommendation further and request that funding is provided to local communities to allow them to realistically put comprehensive submissions in for such massive developments.

There are a huge number of recommendations and unfortunately we only have a couple of minutes each. It is such a disgrace we do not have more time - we have just a couple of hours - for such a document. We cannot leave the housing sector to the private market because we know where that has left us.

I welcome that the Minister is in the Chamber for this discussion. I welcome the comments made by the Minister of State about the modular developments. It is a positive, practical solution and something that should have happened a very long time ago. I ask the Minister to expedite that. At the moment, according to the Minister's comments 40 sq. m is the maximum size but I think sizes of 60 sq. m, 70 sq. m or 80 sq. m should be considered, where it is suitable to do so and where sites allow. There are great companies across the country such as BRB Homes - Donal Byrne's company in Mayo - for example, delivering fantastic quality homes. This will have a very practical and positive impact for many families so I ask the Minister to hurry on with that and ensure it happens swiftly.

I also raise the issues of construction costs and the viability of building in this country. Last year in a response to a parliamentary question submitted by Aontú we found out that in 2024 alone this Government took in €3 billion from VAT on construction products, the highest ever in the history of this State. On average, it is well over €50,000 per unit. Will the Minister consider reducing the cost of VAT on construction materials? We have a lot of schemes in this country but, unfortunately, many of those schemes are not happening on the ground. This would be a very tangible, practical way of reducing the cost of construction in this country.

I also wish to raise the point that manpower is one of the biggest pinch points in the construction of houses. There are thousands of Irish people working on construction sites in Australia, Canada and all over the world and we need to bring them home. We need to bring them home by incentivising them with tax breaks and financial incentives. It is really important we launch a financial campaign with a package to build those workers home to build houses in this country.

There has been a snobbery around apprenticeships in Ireland over many years and that attitude needs to change. For example, if a young person wants to become a teacher, garda, nurse, doctor, etc., there is a set number of years for that to happen. If you want to be a block layer, apprentice, electrician etc., you have no idea how long it will take. There are significant delays. At this time is it any wonder we have major difficulties around manpower to supply construction sites with people? It is really important we address those issues and end the delays in this area.

Planning is a major issue and it is really important we address the issues. We need more planners. An Bord Pleanála consistently has delays and is not obeying its own statutory timelines. If you, I or any citizen of this country failed around our motor tax or insurance we would have to pay a sanction but there seems to be no accountability around planning. We need more planners and it must be resourced. It is time now, in the midst of the housing crisis, that we get on and solve that issue.

Land zoning is another big concern. A number of years ago the Government pursued a policy of dezoning land. Minister, this point is really important. A number of years ago we pursued a policy of dezoning land, and there was a critical issue around zoning of land.

We need to give local authorities and local councillors more control over the zoning of land. There is not enough. We have zoned land where farmers have no interest in building so it was never going to become available to the building sector and we dezoned lands where farmers were willing to sell. It makes no sense. We need a little bit more common sense and local authorities should be equipped. There is no point in zoning land for farmers who do not want their land to be zoned. That needs to be looked at and addressed.

Also, infrastructure is critically important. There is no wastewater treatment plant in Newport, County Mayo. The wastewater is being pumped into Clew Bay. As a result, development is being stifled. This is happening in various different parts across the country and it must be addressed and we need to accelerate wastewater treatment in Newport.

On the delays with Uisce Éireann around new connections, a constituent of mine has been waiting several months for a connection although the house is actually finished. There are practical things we can do. It is time now that we hurry on and I wish the Minister the best of luck in his Ministry but I urge him to please consider those practical solutions.

I wish both the Minister and the Minister of State, Deputy Kevin Boxer Moran, the best of luck in their new portfolios.

The first thing is that I think everyone is in agreement with Croí Cónaithe. It is a good thing and is getting more houses done. I think the cabin at the back of the house is a good thing. I would like if it was 200 sq. ft bigger, the same size as the modular homes, but if anything is good let us say that it is good if it all helps in the housing sector.

Let us look at the facts, however, in social and affordable housing. Why do we have architects designing houses in 26 or 30 different councils when we should have a strategic type of house done? There should be two-, three- or four-bedroom houses for all different counties in order that it is standardised and no people are sending paper over and back, scratching their heads and wondering what they will do next with it.

We also should be able to let smaller builders in because at the moment, if you have not done a Government job within the past three years you cannot tender, even though you might have built 100 houses out in the private sector. That is absolutely crazy.

It is the same with Irish Water. A bidder could have laid 5,000 km of pipe for the councils down through the years on group water schemes but, unfortunately, you cannot lay a pipe for Irish Water or tender for it because you did not do jobs for it before. It is horrendous how we are blocking it.

On top of that, let us go to sewerage. In fairness to the former housing Minister, Deputy Darragh O'Brien, he sent out a package each year. It was not a big amount and it was not going to do the whole country but for towns which did not have Irish Water or sewerage schemes, this was to basically fund the putting in of a sewerage scheme. To this day not one penny of this has been spent. Why? This is because the councils are to sign it over to Irish Water and back and over again. If that bureaucracy is not cut out, you can give all of the money you want in the world to housing but it will not be done because we have people at desks who are not driving the agenda on by using a bit of cop on and common sense as regards how to do it.

Furthermore, on council or social housing, if someone dies and leaves a house, once for that house, it will get €11,000 from the Department to do it up. If someone came to my house this minute, the council would not take it because there would be the handle of a door or something not right. These houses have to be perfect and you will get €11,000 once. If you have to go to the full extremes of putting in electric heaters and all of that crack in a full retrofit, the housing Department will give them €25,000 to €30,000 and it could cost €80,000. The councils do not have the money. They will pick the best houses and after that, they leave the rest. People give out about the councils having 4,000 or 5,000 houses and not doing work on them. That is why; it is very simple. Someone within the Department needs to decide what they are doing about that.

Driving forward, we need Irish Water, as has been said by several Members, to be properly funded. It needs to be properly funded with conditions of efficiency because it has become top-heavy and is like the HSE now. A long time ago I remember when Jerry Grant was there and it was a fairly efficient outfit. Since then, whatever has gone wrong, it takes 22 weeks to get a decision even to get water or sewerage. That is absolutely crazy. You should have a decision within two to four weeks as to whether water would be provided. There is either water going along the side of the road with the appropriate pressure or there is not. On top of that, Irish Water must be funded. If you do not have roads, sewerage, and water, you will not be building any houses. Let no one go codding themselves about that.

We need to focus on labour because we all know what went on last year. If I was a builder, building 300 or 400 houses, I would put in a commencement notice because I would get the money back. That is it and it showed in two spikes in the year you look at the chart. People then decided that we are building this amount of houses. Anybody who knows anything about building knew that it was not going to happen. Those are the two spikes which happened last year. We need to move on from that. It is all right blaming everyone but we need to decide how we are going to drive it in on and plan it.

Another point is that every council in this country is different. There could be a situation where a person is trying to do up an old house in which a chimney may have been cracked a few years earlier and where the person decided that rather than letting water down, he or she would take down the chimney and put slates over it. Such a person could not then get a planning exemption from the council because he or she had interfered with the house. If that is the type of bureaucracy that is going on in planning departments, we are going nowhere.

Furthermore, as has been said earlier, the councils need to be better resourced for doing all of that type of work. Why do not we go into a system of giving smaller builders five or ten houses and getting a site done out? To be frank, as has been said earlier by Deputy Kenny, affordable housing does not exist in many counties. To be honest, some councils do not even know how to go about it. We need to promote and try to get as many houses done as efficiently as possible because with the figures I am seeing at the moment, God help anybody who is trying to buy a house in Dublin at present. It is like lotto figures, which you would have to win to afford a house in Dublin. These are people who deserve to have a home.

Going forward, we need to take a completely different look at rural housing at the moment. If a person's family comes from a farm, or whatever, they should be able to build on that farm. That is having houses built. This is about an emergency now. Thankfully, the electricity came to all parts of Ireland years ago, the water is around and thankfully we have a road. What is the big idea then that we should not build on it because people can work from home now with the broadband which will be a help?

I ask the Minister to concentrate on those few points I have mentioned. These are small tweaks within his Department, which is frustrating people at building and is blocking people from tendering, to get more efficiency. If he does that, he will free things up. It is not the big monstrous things which will solve everything but it might be the small tweaks which will help. I wish him the best of luck.

I thank the Ministers for being in the Chamber and for taking this debate. This is a good report and I encourage or ask the Government to give it good consideration.

Section 3 deals with recommendations on sustainable housing supply. I want to speak about recommendations 18 and 19, which are about money and finance, the State supplying finance, getting involved and providing essential finance, which is a key component for construction.

The State is already involved in that sector because the Housing Finance Agency - former councillors like Deputy Willie Aird who served on local authorities will know this - lends money to local authorities and to AHBs. As of the end of 2023, the agency had lent €7.4 billion out and it is lending new money now to those entities at rates of 1.75% to 2.75%. These are very good rates for money to be available to the AHBs and to the local authorities.

Home Building Finance Ireland, HBFI, which lends to the construction sector, had about €2.7 billion in loan approvals by the end of 2024 but is lending money at rates of 4.75% to 7.5% to the construction sector. That is at an average rate of 6.45%. That is not right or fair. Why is the Government lending money to State bodies locally and to AHBs at such great rates and then is lending money to the construction sector at much higher rates? That is not right. The construction sector will then have to put margin on top of that and everything gets really expensive. I ask the Government to give serious consideration to getting the HBFI rates aligned with the Housing Finance Agency.

There is no reason not to. We are either in a housing emergency or we are not. If the Government has to take the risk on those rates to make sure finance is flowing to builders, then it should do it. We are in an emergency. Those rates need to close. I ask that we look at that. The HBFI is a great idea and it has huge potential, but it needs to lend its money at reasonable rates for builders to work with.

I thank the Minister and Minister of State for being here and I wish them luck in their portfolios. I appreciate the opportunity to focus on the Housing Commission report and on housing today. I agree with the view of the commission that we cannot take a one-size-fits-all approach to housing delivery, and that we need a critical mass of social, affordable and cost-rental housing. I will put forward my view about how we go about that. If we want communities to stop pushing back on planning applications for apartments, we have to make them available to everyone in those communities. I understand why apartments have been bulk bought by private funds or bulk funded from State funding. Financing apartments is different from financing houses. Upfront funding is required and, in turn, that has led to larger swathes of build to rent apartments and opportunities for larger approved housing bodies. However, I still believe in the principle and benefits of mixed tenure for stronger and integrated communities. We have to get better at delivering that through apartments as well as housing developments in local communities.

There were 4,005 dwelling completions across three electoral areas in Dublin West in the past five years. In the Castleknock local electoral area, there have been 689 dwelling completions. Two build-to-rent complexes, Balroy Hall and U Clonsilla, stand 2.7 km apart. They comprise 403 apartments in total, with monthly rents ranging from €1,695 for a studio to €3,274 for a three-bedroom apartment. We do not need any more build-to-rent apartments in what is a compact area where there is huge demand for other types of housing.

We are also putting more money than ever into public housing and housing activation. While we focus on activating the 50,000 apartments that have planning permission and ensuring a future pipeline of supply, we must also talk about how we ensure those apartments are available to buy and rent, available for cost-rental and affordable purchase and available for all types of social housing and all kinds of people who need it, including smaller AHBs, housing for older people and those with disabilities. One size fits all does not work for sustainable community development, whether that is in Clonsilla, Ongar, Castleknock, Hollystown or Tyrellstown. As the report states, housing stock must be responsive to needs, the right type in the right location and the right volume. At the moment I am not sure if housing types and housing tenure are being measured or monitored enough at local level. Our planning authorities could get much more involved in ensuring tenure mix.

The commission's report refers to the timely integrated delivery of infrastructure as the basic foundation for housing. Again, I agree. The Government is setting up a new strategic housing initiative office, as recommended by the commission, and publishing the national planning framework to allow the zoning of more land. However, we have to move faster on land zoned for housing. Dunsink lands in Dublin west are designated as a long-term strategic reserve and require the preparation of a local statutory plan, but Fingal County Council has indicated slow timelines for progress. I understand this is a detailed and complex analysis and is work that requires costings, but we have to be able to prioritise strategically important landbanks suitable for housing within the M50 and in proximity to road and rail infrastructure that could provide up to 7,000 housing units. We have to ensure that as our housing targets grow, so too do transport infrastructure, childcare places, disability services and schools with functioning forward planning data based on our local area instead of national trends. While this may be for another day, a review of the childcare guidelines for local authorities is past urgent. The decision to move a new school in temporary accommodation in Barnwell, Dublin 15, outside of its catchment to an entirely new area of Dublin 15, even though that land is zoned for nearly 3,000 homes, seems illogical. Plans to close off level crossings across railway lines to traffic in residential areas without a comprehensive traffic management plan may need additional work.

As the report states, we need greater collaboration and co-ordination for infrastructure or places like Dublin West will continue to fall victim to piecemeal development and patchwork infrastructure.

I wish the Minister well in his new role. I will raise two issues with him. The first is the issue of rural housing and the second is the port access northern cross route, PANCR, project in Ballymakenny, Drogheda. I live in an area that is viewed in the Louth county development plan as an area of outstanding beauty and I certainly concur with that as Togher is, in my view, one of the most beautiful sites in County Louth. It has open countryside coupled with gorgeous coastline and a blue flag beach and port. There are numerous areas like this in the wee county. We have Monasterboice with its high crosses and tower, Clogherhead with its proud tradition of fishing and Carlingford with its castle, mint and medieval town walls.

The common thread is that all of these areas are lively rural communities. However, the number of young people who are being denied an opportunity to build a home in their community is increasing. These are the young people who contribute to our GAA clubs and whose children should be going to our local schools. Not a week goes by that I do not have numerous requests from these young people about the challenges they face in getting planning. Sometimes when I look at the reasons, I shake my head in disbelief as some of them seem nonsensical. Let us not forget the costs associated with putting a planning application together. These days they run into the thousands of euro. I acknowledge that the planning departments across the country are up to their eyes in work. They are having to juggle applications of all shapes and sizes, not to mention the number of freedom of information requests they must deal with, often to simply satisfy nosey neighbours. They take their guidelines not just from the EU, but from the Office of the Planning Regulator, which sometimes takes an obstinate view of rural housing.

I welcome the report. I see that it recognises that rural communities are confronted with unique challenges in housing, which causes "high rates of outward migration and ultimately [leads] to population decline." I also commend the recommendations and note that many of these are already in action. My ask on rural housing is quite simple. It is that when we come to reviewing the national planning framework, we give serious consideration to these recommendations and figure out how to allow rural housing to thrive while living within the parameters and allowing these areas of outstanding beauty not to be tainted. Rather than obstacles being put in their way, I want us to work together to ensure that young people get to build in their communities and beside their families. By no means do I want to see the countryside filled with housing estates or apartment blocks. Nor do I want to see Togher become the Hamptons of County Louth where only those of long standing or the rich can afford to live there. Let us remember that rural living is the fabric of our essence.

I turn my attention, and the Minister's, to the PANCR project in Ballymakenny, which, as he knows, is proposed in four phases. When completed it will deliver approximately 7,000 homes. Phase 1 has now been completed and phase 2 will shortly begin. The diggers are ready to go and the cranes are in the air. Both of these phases are unique, in that they have been funded by Louth County Council and HISCo in partnership. The critical phase is phase 3. While I understand there is open communication between his Department and the local authority, I urge the Minister to come to an understanding as quickly as possible to ensure we move seamlessly from phase 1 to phase 3 and continue to build the houses in and around Drogheda.

Funding streams must be agreed and planned well ahead. In short, I am asking the Minister not to stall the digger.

I was not here for all of this debate but I listened to most of it and I heard Deputy Barry Ward refer to home ownership as giving you a stake in society. My God, I do not know what that says about the thousands of young people the Government has locked out of home ownership. It does not give you a stake in society. It is absolutely classist to suggest that it does and that home ownership somehow makes you more equal than other members of society. That view is espoused by Government Members out of one side of their mouth while, out of the other, we hear a housing policy that means the average age at which a person first buys a house has now risen to 39 years of age. Every year that age goes up is on the Government and its policy. That is a simple fact. I was quite taken aback to hear that. I would be interested to know if that is the view of Government or if it is just an individual view.

The Housing Commission report called for a radical reset of housing policy. The commission did not do this because it wanted to make life harder for the Government. It did so because Government policy makes life harder for ordinary people. I will outline some numbers for the Minister. I am very concerned that the calculator used by the Minister, Deputy O'Brien, was broken and that the Minister, Deputy Browne, seems to have inherited it. The target for social homes to be built in Fingal in 2024 was 705 homes. The expected housing need was 765. For 2025, the target is 758 and the expected need is 765. Those numbers do not add up. In 2024, 858 homes were allocated to people on the social housing waiting list. At the same time, more than 2,000 applications for social housing were received. I am not a mathematician but it is fairly clear that the Minister's targets and figures will do nothing to reduce the social housing list in my constituency. Every year, housing need outstrips the targets, which are not even met.

In Balbriggan, children grow up in their granny's back bedroom while their childhood is spent waiting on secure affordable housing. During the last election campaign, I met people who had applied to the social housing waiting list when their children were born. Those same children are now teenagers. They have never known secure permanent accommodation in their entire lives. The Minister's policies in my constituency will make sure another generation of children grow up on waiting lists. The housing list cannot reduce with these policies. The numbers make that clear. If you look at them, you will see that housing policy is not worth the paper it is printed on.

The Minister keeps telling us about the people who are priced out of buying a home and what he will do for them. Fingal saw the highest housing price growth in Dublin in 2024. In Balbriggan, house prices increased by 21% from December 2019 to December 2024. That is an addition of €65,000 on top of what was already unaffordable. My constituents therefore turn to the Government's disastrous affordable housing policies. Fingal County Council estimates that 770 families will not qualify for a mortgage and need an affordable home in 2025. The Government told the council to build 237. Last year, the council's target was 266 affordable homes. It estimated that 770 people would need them. You do not need a degree in maths; a simple working calculator will show you that 770 does not go into 266 no matter how you try to do it. When the Government delivers these so-called affordable homes for my constituents, it charges them over €500,000. Perhaps it is not just a new calculator but a new dictionary that is needed by Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael because €500,000 is in no way affordable and that is the truth.

All of this is evidence that the Housing Commission was right when it called for a radical reset. In my constituency, people do not just want a radical reset in housing but desperately need it. They need it because they are trapped in back bedrooms, their children are growing up in hotels or they are renting as they approach retirement and are terrified for their future. More of the same will not bring the change we need.

In the few seconds remaining to me, I will mention Páirc na mBláthanna, one of the Government's so-called affordable housing schemes. The people buying those houses are already paying astronomical prices for them. Phase 1 has been delayed by 14 months. There are people waiting on phases 2 and 3. I have written to the Minister about this, I have tabled parliamentary questions and I have spoken to him. These people need assurance that he has learned from the many mistakes made in phase 1 and that they will not be repeated in phases 2 and 3.

I wish the Ministers well in their new portfolios. I am grateful for the opportunity to make the following points today. Just before I came down, I saw an announcement regarding cost-rental and affordable home funding. County Meath is included in that. That is a welcome development this afternoon.

On the priorities and recommendations outlined in the Housing Commission report, we have acknowledged that many are already under way. I have selected a number of areas that I feel are important for consideration and which did not receive as much emphasis in the report as they could have. They also have a bearing on community safety. One relates to the dereliction in many of our towns and villages in urban and rural areas. Proposals for living over shops and the possibility of introducing a business scheme have merit and should be prioritised. They would also contribute to passive surveillance in town centres.

Examples from abroad I raised with a previous Minister include andelsbolig in Copenhagen and the LILAC project. The latter is a co-operative project in Leeds. The other involves the repurposing of older buildings in town centres. The cost of the building and its refurbishment and a modest margin are divided equally among the number of units. It is another type of affordable housing measure. The details were given to Eoghan Murphy a few years ago. That model has been very successful in Denmark.

A second area relates to the recent long-anticipated planning Act. This issue may have been an omission but it is very prevalent in County Meath. When planning permission is granted, there is a five-year period to execute the project. In parts of east Meath, this has contributed to price inflation. There is a wait-and-see approach and a watchful eye is kept on the activities of other companies. It is definitely not healthy and does not support affordable housing. Perhaps legislation requiring commencement notices to be filed within 12 to 18 months of the grant of planning permission could be looked at. I have checked with financiers and, in the main, finance is generally in place before planning permission is even applied for. That is something that might accelerate matters and it should be considered.

The lack of infrastructure being in place first is a contributory factor to existing residents' objections to planning applications. Where people are already sitting in commuter hell and where the road network, public transport network, school places and all of the other things we have discussed through various channels in this Chamber are lacking, this contributes to discomfort and, in many cases, anger among existing residents. The infrastructure piece in the commission's report is therefore extremely important.

We are not short of data. We have data from the CSO and various other streams. We should use AI to put all of the different subjects we discuss here together for discussion within and outside of Government for collaboration and forward planning.

On homelessness, it is sad to say but there is a lack of hostel accommodation in the commuter counties, excluding County Louth. Meath County Council has an arrangement to share the accommodation of Louth County Council. However, vulnerable people may be on a methadone programme or similar.

The logistics of somebody in County Meath being temporarily accommodated in County Louth and then making their way to a community pharmacy on the far side of the county is a contributor to people losing their therapeutic regime and gives rise to an unsteadiness of tenure. Hostel accommodation is something that has not been given a high enough priority.

Again, if we look at reasons for homelessness from chief executives' reports around the country, the primary reason in most counties where I have looked at the data is marriage breakdown. This might seem entirely disconnected from the subject matter but it has a very high social significance, and that is linked to the cost of housing. Automatically, if we have a high cost of housing, we have both partners out at work. Then we have the logistics of who is responsible for what in terms of the domestic happiness piece. We know from requests for housing, emergency accommodation and local authority housing in the case of marital breakdown that there are two people seeking accommodation rather than one. There are a few threads that have been of lower priority.

I apologise, as I should have brought to the attention of An Cathaoirleach Gníomhach that Deputy Nolan has had to return to her constituency so I will take a little bit of her time.

It is of the highest priority to adhere to the national planning framework policies, in particular in terms of brownfield first. In my area of Meath East, in the Ratoath, Dunshaughlin and Ashbourne areas, there has been an omission of brownfield. I understand the complexity of the delivery of infrastructure, but in one situation we have an actual creep of the town centre. An OSI reference for the town centre of Ratoath seems to have moved in a south-east direction. That is something I have taken up with Tailte Éireann.

The Minister alluded previously to the land usage report. It must be prioritised, in particular for a county like Meath. We have a high volume of solar farm applications and a legacy demand from Celtic tiger times of social amenity, housing demand and, again, a legacy of infrastructure first. It would be most welcome for the land use report to be prioritised and linked in with the Housing Commission report. That is a necessity.

Debate adjourned.
Top
Share