As time is moving on I will be somewhat selective in what I cover. On page 15 of the report, the Competition Authority states that the price of food has stabilised since the arrival of Aldi and Lidl but only because of increased competition with regard to items not covered by the groceries order. Items covered by the order continue to increase in price, but prices are falling where competition is allowed. Aldi and Lidl are also competing with groceries order products and this competition is leading to lower levels of price increases for branded goods where there are off-invoice discounts.
The Competition Authority states that the price of food has stabilised. It has actually been falling over the past 18 months. With regard to Aldi and Lidl, the groceries order has facilitated their entry to the Irish market. Had the order not been in place, they could have been taken out of the market, as it were, by Tesco and Dunnes. A similar situation occurred in the UK where the presence of Aldi and Lidl is not as significant as it is in this country.
Off-invoice discounts do not apply to non-groceries order or own-brand goods. Marks and Spencer, Aldi and Lidl mainly sell own-brand goods, as do Dunnes and Tescos. The level of competition where the off-invoice discount does not apply is quite significant.
The Competition Authority makes the point that the Office of the Director of Consumer Affairs must divert resources from legitimate consumer protection action to enforce the groceries order. However, a proportion of the resources granted by the Oireachtas to the Office of Consumer Affairs is for the enforcement of the order and there is no question of diversion of resources. Businesses do not have to spend a lot of time complying with the groceries because it is largely self-enforcing.
The authority makes the point that the groceries order inhibits rather than fosters employment in Ireland. There is no evidence for that whatsoever. It makes the important point that the 1987 order is no longer necessary to protect consumers and businesses from anti-competitive behaviour. This assertion suggests that the Competition Act would prohibit predatory pricing but it would not do so in the Irish grocery trade because no court would consider any of the retailers to be in a dominant position.
Point 22 states that the groceries order was introduced as a protectionist measure following the demise of H. Williams and this point was also made in the Consumer Strategy Group. However, the sequence of events was different. The order was recommended by the Restrictive Practices Commission and made before H. Williams went out of business. It was undoubtedly passed by the Oireachtas, following the demise of H. Williams, but the order had already been tabled. The report then states that a clear intention of the law was that by keeping prices high, specific jobs would be protected. Nothing could be further from the truth. There was no question of either keeping prices high or protecting any jobs.
The report makes the point that it is not surprising to see that the enterprise strategy group highlights problems in the performance of the country's food sector. This ties in with the authority's view that the groceries trade is not competitive. It appears that the food sector is essentially an indigenous manufacturing sector and like other similar sectors, there are weaknesses to be addressed. To suggest that these weaknesses are caused by the ban on below-cost selling cannot be supported. If the performance of the food sector is compared with that of the clothing and footwear sectors, the food sector's performance has been excellent by any measure because almost all employment in the clothing and footwear sectors has left the country. There is no basis for the argument that it inhibits rather than fosters employment.
The report makes the point that research from the Consumer Strategy Group indicates that discounts as high as 18% can be received by retailers who are prohibited from passing these savings on to consumers. It appears that some suppliers may have been giving off-invoice discounts as high as 18%. This is an issue that perhaps should be investigated by the Director of Consumer Affairs. If the purpose of these off-invoice discounts is to maintain resale prices, they are illegal. This committee has recommended that off-invoice discounts be passed on to consumers.
The point is made at the end of page 20 that the Competition Act specifically prohibits anti-competitive pricing strategies such as predatory pricing but the Act does not do so. The report also asserts that the Competition Act prohibits abuse of buyer power such as demands for hello money. Again, there is nothing in the Act that prohibits demands for hello money.
The point is made on page 21 of the report that smaller convenience shops and larger multiple outlets are not in the same relevant market. It appears that this is an argument used by the Competition Authority against the ban on below-cost selling. The real situation is much more complex. We received a very detailed letter at our request from the chief executive of BWP — the Spar group — in which he showed there was a considerable overlap between multiple supermarkets, symbol stores and independent stores. The Competition Authority asserts that all the evidence is that consumer preference is shifting towards convenience retail rather than away from it, which is based on statements made by the Consumer Strategy Group. This assertion appears to be incorrect because the multiples' share of the groceries market is increasing rather than falling.
The Competition Authority argues that comparisons between Ireland and the UK by industry lobby groups are misleading but it does not state why these comparisons are misleading. It appears that many small villages throughout the UK have no grocery retail shops. The authority makes the further point that consumers flock across the Border to take advantage of lower prices. First, there is a difference in both VAT rates and excise duty rates, and prices in Northern Ireland are influenced because many British suppliers supply the Northern Ireland market at the same price as British urban areas. It has nothing to do with the Restrictive Practices (Groceries) Order.
It makes the point that, rather than relying on a ban on below-cost selling, one could achieve similar objectives by integrated planning, public transport provision and targeted intervention in specific areas. This would bring far greater interference in the market than a ban on below-cost selling.
The report concludes: "At a deeper level the groceries order also adversely affects national competitiveness and, ultimately, the best interests of the Irish economy". This argument does not stand up. I draw the committee's attention to the fact that since December 2001, food prices have increased by only 2% whereas the prices of housing, water and electricity have risen by 19%, health by 28%, transport by 16%, education by 26%, restaurants and hotels by 20% and miscellaneous goods and services by 7.4%. Why focus on the food and grocery trade where prices have only gone up by 2%?
On the matter of the saving of €577 million for all consumers, it might have been useful to get the CSO's view of Table 5. There is an error in the table in so far as it has assumed there will be a reduction of 9.2% in the average family's food costs. The highest figure I could find is that non-groceries order products fell by 4.6%. At most, the overall saving would be 4.4% if the same reduction in prices that applies to non-groceries order products also applied to groceries order products. Saying that Irish food prices would fall by 4.4% is just not credible. We already have the second lowest rate of inflation of the 25 EU countries. Food price inflation in Britain is running at 2.2%. To say that by removing the groceries order, the prices of groceries order products would fall by 4.4% does not make sense. It is a reality that the reductions in the prices of the known groceries order products are part of the general battle within the grocery trade. If discounts are received on groceries order products, they can be passed on through reducing the cost of non-groceries order products. One cannot simply divorce groceries order and non-groceries order products. If our inflation in food prices were the same as the UK's, Irish consumers would be paying €226 million more. There is a difference of 3.6% between the rates of inflation in Ireland and the UK.