I echo Ms Lynch's gratitude to the committee and her point on the reception we receive from officials at all levels. Our discussion this afternoon refers to political decisions with which we have major difficulties. The Bill is a major disappointment to the trade union movement. Unless it is substantially amended on Committee Stage, it will represent a major missed opportunity that will not be available again soon. I hope the members will read the ICTU submission in its entirety because it contains many recommendations that we do not have time to discuss now.
If the Bill is enacted, it will codify in law, rather than removing, the two-tier system. As a result, there will be a differentiation between two sets of workers from outside the European economic area, EEA. Based on so-called higher skills and, in the case of the Bill, specified wage rates, some workers will have different conditions of employment and security than others, including the right to bring family members to join them in this country. Workers are deemed to be in higher skills occupations for no reason other than that they are on higher rates of pay. As a trade union movement committed to egalitarianism, we find that objectionable and unnecessary. It should be possible to devise a system without such differentiation to respond to the universally recognised need for immigrant labour in the Irish economy in the coming years.
The differentiation occurs where the Bill specifies that certain people will be given work permits and others will be given a so-called green card. As an aside, the repeated use of the phrase "green card" in public statements by the Minister is a misnomer. I had occasion to speak with Mr. Bruce Morrison, the former US Congressman whose name is associated with the phrase "green card". Above anyone else, Mr. Morrison qualifies as the person entitled to ownership of that phrase. I asked him if he was annoyed with the description of the provisions as green card and he told me he was offended by it.
Nobody associated with emigrant law in the United States would recognise this as a green card. The phrase "green card" implies permanence and a right to plan one's position in the host country to which one has come. The most generous terms of this Bill, which are described as green card, do not give that security. That description is designed to hitch this proposal in the minds of the public with progressive elements of legislation for which Irish politicians lobbied in the United States, without delivering progressive benefits.
The second major difficulty we have with the Bill is with regard to ownership of the work permit. The Bill states that a work permit will be in the hands of the employee. In reality, the employee will have the documentation but the permit itself and all of the attendant entitlements, responsibilities and power will remain 100% vested in the employer. In essence, the employer will still hold the work permit. The immigrant worker will have possession of the documentation, which is not insignificant because it is a generous and much needed provision. It will help immigrant workers track the veracity of promises made by employers that their work permits are in order. We found that many workers fell into the black economy because their employers mislead them on non-renewal of work permits. Possessing a copy of the documentation is an advantage but should not be regarded as the same as having ownership of the work permit. The former President, Mary Robinson, described the system as bonded labour and many aspects of bonded labour will still attach to it. Renewal will still be in the hands of the employer and a person's security of employment will entirely rest on a job offer from the employer.
Ms Lynch referred to the insecurity workers suffer because of the continued denial of social welfare provisions. Although this matter is not provided for in the Bill, it must be seen in context. I do not know anybody who would defend a situation of continually seeking to undermine hard-won pay rates and conditions of employment in the name of competitiveness. If that is to be avoided, the employer must agree to pay not only the national minimum wage but the recognised going rate for that job as a condition of granting work permits. This country has well-established mechanisms, such as good dialogue between the social partners — employers, unions and Government — regardless of the current threat to national partnership. It would not be difficult to convene a tripartite body to advise the Minister on the going rate for any job category. That, and not the national minimum wage — which would only contribute to a race to lower rates, etc. — should be the rate on the work permit.
It is intended that the Bill we are discussing will be enacted into law. It must be stated that if the level of non-enforcement continues, all of the debate and time invested by parliamentarians working hard in the Dáil and by ourselves in the trade union movement will be for nothing because the new system will only exist on paper. We have seen the rights and benefits that workers are supposed to enjoy being ignored and trampled upon. Legislation is simply not enforced enough and we must reiterate that point.
Mr. David Begg, the general secretary of the Irish Congress of Trade Unions, referred to the light touch adopted by the Government with regard to implementation of employee safeguards. That was a euphemistic phrase because the Government's approach is almost hands-off in nature. I hope the committee, which possesses expertise that I do not, will see that the Bill contains a provision to correct that level of non-enforcement which discredits the best of legislation.
In a detailed and well-thought-out report earlier this year, the labour inspectorate, charged with policing and enforcing this legislation, specified it could not carry out its functions unless its numbers were increased to at least 40 or 50 inspectors. The most recent improvement announced by the Minister for Enterprise, Trade and Employment only increases its number to 33. The Minister has proposed an increase of approximately 50% of what is necessary according to the inspectorate, which does not have an axe to grind on this issue. It must be a cause for concern because it is pointless for the Oireachtas to spend time on legislation that will not be enforced.