I thank the three MEPs for their kind words about the work of the Irish Business Bureau. We enjoy working with them and it shows the reward one can get when one is briefing and helping Ireland Inc. generally.
On the issue of employment, I agree with Joe McCartin that national instruments will solve the problem. For example, the German economy is not using the national instruments as vigorously as we can and have. Market dynamic creates jobs, not schemes and inventions. In the past three to four years, Ireland has generated 240,000 new jobs, the long-term unemployment register has fallen sharply and the number of unemployed has dropped by about 65,000. In Belgium, if 15,000 jobs were created in one year, it would be a record. Here 40,000 to 50,000 jobs are created for an economy three times smaller than that of Belgium's. What Ireland has done on employment in the past three to four years is remarkable. At the beginning of the last national development plan the employment problem in Ireland was cited as being the country's major problem, which it was. Unemployment was 16.7 per cent; it is now down to 9.7 per cent which is below the European average. A considerable amount has been done but more needs to be done.
The Amsterdam Treaty is very important in that respect. Treaty language will not create jobs. However, the Treaty will give the power to the Council, the Commission and to member states at national level to push forward a number of long-term measures to get Europe's 18 million unemployed down to more manageable numbers. I agree with Mr. McCartin that the issues are primarily national ones and the European Commission, the Essen Conclusions and the Conclusions of the Amsterdam Summit recognised that as the way forward. What can be called self-help must be imposed at member state level to reduce unemployment.
Over time the issue of drugs and cross-border crime will become very important. Cross-border crime is an important issue for business. Being able to have judgments of a court in one country enforceable in a court in another is one of the practical ways in which the Treaty can help the proper functioning of business across the European market. The Amsterdam Treaty does not specifically say anything about the mutual reinforcement of judgments but it is all part of the drift towards facilitating the examination in an expansive manner of the issues of Justice and Home Affairs. We are in a single market and common area so Justice and Home Affairs must be considered in the same way as the economic dimension of the European Union.
I agree with Mr. Fitzsimons about European Movement meetings. I spoke at two such meetings last week in Galway and Clonmel. It is inevitable that, because of the coincidence of timing and the Agenda 2000 proposals, there will be considerable interest in what will happen to Structural Funds after 1999 and to CAP after enlargement. These issues are connected with the current debate. When we articulated similar views on the Single European Act, these were contained in it what looked like an innocuous provision called economic and social cohesion. The Structural Funds are a creature of that concept. The Treaty may set down theoretical or conceptual ideas, but a great deal occurs over time as the European Commission and Council put flesh on these conceptual ideas. The development of Structural Funds and the policy of economic and social cohesion are products of a treaty. There are similar provisions in the Amsterdam Treaty relating to sustainable development which, when implemented over time, will have a very positive benefit for an economy such as Ireland's where sustainable development is the only way forward.
I agree with Jim Fitzsimons about what constitutes people's general interests and it is important they are briefed on the wider agenda beyond Amsterdam. I congratulate him on his production of a brochure for his constituents explaining in very simple terms the language of the Treaty. I have read it and it is perfect for the purpose for which it is intended.
I do not intend to enter into a debate on the issues of neutrality and defence. They are not business issues and I do not intend to cross the line in that regard, at least not in a public meeting.
As regards the points raised by Bernie Malone, the social provisions in the Amsterdam Treaty make very few changes compared to the situation which pertains at present. The issues she raises go beyond those relating to the Amsterdam Treaty in the sense that there will be, and has always been, some conflict between the social partners, especially at European level, as regards some of these provisions. This happened recently concerning provisions relating to information and consultation where European employers refused to negotiate on the basis of a document brought forward by Commissioner Flynn because we believed it to be unnecessary and there was no need to harmonise legislation in an area where good management practice could do the business.
We believe the Treaty provision on competitiveness should be, and will be, used to benchmark all proposals of the European Commission and not just those concerning social policy. If the Treaty required the task of competitiveness to be taken into account in the formulation of all EU policies, many of the proposals in the area of social policy would not pass that test. The second test which must be examined in the area of social policy is that relating to employment. The Treaty now requires that all legislation brought forward must be positive in terms of employment creation. These two tests will have to be used in relation to social policy in future. If measures pass both tests, support will certainly be found for them. Too many legislative proposals are coming from Brussels in the area of social policy but I understand that few will come forward in future because 90 per cent of the legislation required in the area of social policy has already been adopted and is in the Statute Book. I will not deal with issues such as the minimum wage because it has nothing to do with the Amsterdam Treaty and its provisions do not cover wages and pensions.
The information society is not an Amsterdam Treaty issue. However, a great deal has happened at national and European level as regards information technology and innovation. The business investment in science and technology is probably around the European average but that is a dramatic improvement on what happened before. That is largely due to Measure One in the Structural Funds. There was a significant over-subscription by the private sector in respect of scarce European Union co-financing relating to information technology, and that is likely to continue. I know from a recent Government report on science and technology that the issue is significantly higher on the priority list at national level, and that is understandable given the state of our economy. Investment in science and technology in the public and private sectors is fundamental to the success of the economy.
UNICE, for example, has benchmarked Ireland's investment in science and technology in one respect: we have the highest number of science graduates per thousand of population than any other country in the European Union. While we may not be doing as well in areas of private investment in business research, we are top of the European league in respect of the science graduates we produce and are well ahead of many OECD countries. Only Japan had a higher number of science graduates per thousand of the number of qualifying from universities. This answers the questions about the skills and needs shortages.
Agenda 2000 is a very complex policy document and another meeting at a later date should probably be held to discuss it. Such a hearing on Agenda 2000 would be interesting. We have summarised the main provisions of Agenda 2000 in our July newsletter.
On the question raised about partnership, the proposals envisage that it will be extended to such a degree that at member state level, the social partners and local and regional authorities will be required to give their imprimatur to governments' national development plans. If this proposal is agreed at national level and by the Council of Ministers, it will mean that the Irish national development plan, which will go to Brussels probably round this time next year, must have the imprimatur of the partners. It will be important that the social partners and the local and regional authorities have a major and direct say in implementing the provisions of the national development plan when it is turned into the Community Support Framework.
Indirectly, this stems from the Amsterdam Treaty which deals with transparency. It also mentions a Citizens' Europe and better legislation. All these concepts in the Treaty are now finding their way into other expressions. I outlined the proposal in relation to partnership. The idea of consulting a wide variety of social and voluntary groups flows from the recognition of citizenship in the Amsterdam Treaty.
In relation to local incentives, there is a shift in policy at European level. It is related to the policy articulated in the Single European Act about economic and social cohesion. This is a European wide policy which states that the rich should help the poor in a number of ways, for example, policy bias, Structural Funds and economic development broadly. At present Ireland is the eighth richest country in the European Union. By the year 2004, when enlargement takes place, Ireland will probably be the fifth richest country in the EU from a total of 21 members. Therefore, our view on economic and social cohesion will have changed from a country which was probably the third or fourth poorest to a country which will be about the fifth richest. As a consequence of our wealth over five or ten years the European Commission will argue that State grants must be tapered down to reflect the fact that Ireland as a region is not poor as it was four to five years ago.
Last December the European Commission adopted regional aid guidelines; these were published in the Official Journal of the European Communities and have been summarised in our December newsletter. They will, over time, have implications for local, community and industrial incentives. Like everything from Brussels, the emphasis is nothing too dramatic and long transition periods are on offer. Everything that has happened has been fully negotiated with the government and civil servants concerned. There is nothing too dramatic that has not been well signposted.
The Deputy will forgive me if I skip over the issue of small farms. I rarely stray into the area dealt with by the IFA. I am delighted to learn that IBEC is almost as strong as the IFA. I will redouble my efforts and work a little harder in future.
I hope I have answered the questions comprehensively. I am also happy to take any supplementary questions Members may wish to put.