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JOINT COMMITTEE ON EUROPEAN AFFAIRS (Sub-Committee on European Scrutiny) debate -
Thursday, 29 May 2003

Vol. 1 No. 29

Scrutiny of EU Proposals.

I welcome the Minister of State, Deputy Kitt, and his colleagues from the Department, Mr. David Donoghue and Mr. JohnMorahan. The two items on the agenda are documents COM (2003)167 and COM (2003) 168, which were discussed at last week's meeting. These proposals for regulations were considered at the Council of EU Development Co-operation Ministers on 20 May, when political agreement was reached on them. They had passed their first reading in the European Parliament beforehand.

Both COM (2003) 167 and COM (2003) 168 provide for the establishment of funds to which natural and legal persons can make applications for financial support for projects relating to the combat against the three communicative diseases and for policies and actions on reproductive and sexual rights in developing countries. I note that both proposals related to building on earlier regulations that have now expired. It is also noticeable that the latest regulations are more ambitious than the earlier ones and that there have been some changes in the language used. For example, the explanatory memorandum to COM (2003) 168 notes that the new regulation aims to reinforce the Cairo plan of action "by giving all couples and individuals the basic right and opportunity to fully protect their reproductive and sexual health, in particular against unsafe abortion and other existing harmful practices". This is new language.

Perhaps the Minister of State will outline the developments that have led to the formulation of the two regulations and to the adoption of both as "A" points by the Council, after which members may pose questions. In particular, perhaps he will indicate the implications of the following sections of COM (2003) 168: the introduction states that the regulation would not sanction "incentives to encourage sterilisation or abortion as a means of family planning nor to the improper testing of contraception methods in developing countries"; Article 1 implies that the regulation would allow for the awarding of "financial assistance and appropriate expertise with a view to promoting the recognition of reproductive and sexual rights, safe motherhood and universal access to a comprehensive range of safe and reliable reproductive and sexual health services."

I have been reading about this subject since last week and noted the following statistics in respect of the UN millennium development goals concerning maternal health:

In 1995, more than 500,000 women died from complications of pregnancy and childbirth, most of them in developing countries, where these complications are the leading cause of death among women of reproductive age.

More than half of all maternal deaths occur in Africa. In many poor African countries, one mother dies for every 100 live births. In Rwanda, there were more than 2,000 deaths for every 100,000 live births. Compare that with Greece, which reported only two maternal deaths per 100,000 live births.

It is clear that there is a very serious problem.

I noted that EU Regulation No. 550/97 described HIV and AIDS as pandemic. Will the Minister of State outline why there is evidence that the policy has failed six years later? The Department's note states that Ireland's position in the Council negotiations on both the previous and draft regulations has been that they must be in strict conformity with the Cairo agreement, which provides that abortion is not to be promoted as a method of family planning and that regulations regarding abortion are solely for individual countries to decide. Will the Minister explain the policy?

Why did the committee not receive notification regarding the proposal before it was sent to the Council? We are legally entitled to this. I do not know if there are legal or constitutional implications. We recently had a draft regulation from the Greek Presidency, and the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform informed us that because it referred to body parts, bodily fluids etc. there were such implications, on which it was receiving advice. I do not know where the greater good lies.

I would welcome questions or comments. We are here to deal with two legislative measures. The first is COM (2003)167, which is an amended proposal for a regulation of the European Parliament and Council on aid for poverty diseases - HIV-AIDS, malaria and tuberculosis - in developing countries. The other is COM (2003)168, an amended proposal for a regulation of the European Parliament and Council on aid for policies and actions on reproductive and sexual health and rights in developing countries. Procedures for the review of draft EU legislative proposals were introduced in July 2002, with the agreement of the Oireachtas, and were placed on a statutory footing in the European Union (Scrutiny) Act 2002. Since the introduction of the new arrangements, Ministers have submitted more than 200 proposals to the Oireachtas for review.

The Government has demonstrated its commitment to promoting dialogue with Oireachtas committees on European affairs by submitting explanatory information notes on draft legislative proposals to the Oireachtas and by briefing committees prior to Council meetings when invited to do so. Pursuing this policy of dialogue, I will brief members of this committee on proposals 167 and 168, which were adopted at the General Affairs and External Relations Council on 20 May 2003. Due to the nature of the EU legislative process, it may not always prove possible to conclude the scrutiny of measures prior to adoption - this is reflected in sections 2(3) and (4) of the European Union (Scrutiny) Act. I will return to that in a few moments.

I understand that the Department of Foreign Affairs has provided the members of the sub-committee with background notes on both of these regulations and I do not think it is necessary for me to go over that ground again. I recall that the Irish members of the European Parliament were briefed by my Department when this legislation was being debated in the plenary session of the Parliament earlier this year. These two regulations have as their objective the pursuit of two of the eight millennium development goals, that is, to improve maternal health and to combat HIV and AIDS, malaria and other diseases.

The targets are to reduce by three quarters between 1990 and 2015 the maternal mortality rates and to have halted and begun to reverse by 2015 the spread of HIV and AIDS and the instance of malaria and other major diseases, with the following indicators: HIV prevalence among 15 to 24 year old pregnant women; contraception prevalence rates; numbers of children orphaned by AIDS; death rates associated with malaria; risks; areas using effective malaria prevention and treatment measures; prevalence and death rates associated with tuberculosis; and proportions of TB cases detected and cured.

The three communicable diseases covered by the regulation on poverty disease are HIV-AIDS, malaria and tuberculosis, which account for more than 5.5 million deaths per year in developing countries. The regulation, whose purpose is to implement measures to combat the three communicable diseases mentioned, replaces a 1997 regulation on HIV-AIDS-related operations, which forms the present framework for the EU's activities in this field. The new regulation provides for a comprehensive package which targets simultaneously measures related to development co-operation, trade relations and research on new pharmaceutical products for the three major communicable diseases. The aim is to optimise the impact of existing interventions, services and commodities targeted at the three communicable diseases affecting the poorest populations, to increase the affordability of key pharmaceuticals and to enhance the research and development of vaccines and innovative treatment for these diseases.

A further regulation deals with the issue of the provision of cheaper drugs for the communicable diseases I have mentioned. This further regulation will deal with the concerns of pharmaceutical companies, which fear that products sold at heavily discounted prices to developing countries will be sold back to developed countries, thereby undermining their most lucrative markets. In brief, this further regulation will address these concerns by prohibiting the re-importation of drugs from 76 countries, mainly the least developed countries in Africa. The total amount available under the new regulation is €351 million for the period from 2003 to 2006 and the amount requested by the European Parliament and the budgetary authority will determine the amount to be spent annually.

Moving on to the regulation on reproductive and sexual health and rights in developing countries, I recall that the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Cowen, answered a parliamentary question on this matter tabled by the Chairman of this committee on 5 March 2003. In March 2002, the European Commission submitted a proposal to the Council and the European Parliament for a new regulation on reproductive and sexual health and rights in developing countries. The previous regulation expired on 21 December 2002, having been in force since July 1997. The purpose of both the previous regulation and its replacement is to allow the Commission to continue to support programmes in developing countries in the area of reproductive and sexual health and rights. The Commission's role in relation to development co-operation is laid down in Articles 177 to 181 of the treaty establishing the European Community. The previous regulation and its proposed replacement form an important part of the EC's development policy. In particular, the legislation addresses the specific UN millennium development goal relating to maternal health, which calls for the reduction of maternal mortality by three quarters over the period from 1990 to 2015.

Throughout the developing world and especially in the poorest countries, hundreds of thousands of women continue to die in childbirth, as the Chairman pointed out, because health systems cannot afford proper medical care and appropriate services. The new regulation, like the previous 1997-2002 instrument, is based on the programme of action agreed at the Cairo international conference on population and development of 1994 and the Cairo Plus Five follow-up conference in 1999. Ireland's position in the Council negotiations on both the draft regulation and its predecessor has been that they must be in strict conformity with the Cairo programme of action, which provides that abortion is not to be promoted as a family planning method and that regulations regarding abortion are solely for individual countries to decide. I am satisfied that the new regulations meet this requirement and that it represents a substantial contribution by the EU towards implementation of the millennium development goals to which the international community is committed. Ireland's negotiating achievement in relation to this regulation was to ensure its strict conformity with the principles of the Cairo programme of action in relation to abortion. It seems that this was a far superior outcome than to have allowed ourselves to become isolated and to have been defeated in a possible vote.

I would like to say a brief word on funding, given that the amount proposed by the European Parliament exceeded what the Commission initially proposed. The Commission was invited to inform the legislative authority, in this case the Council and European Parliament, in co-decision, whether the amount proposed by the European Parliament would be compatible with the revised programme for heading 4 of the community budget and within the ceiling set out in the financial perspective for that heading. In line with the review of the priorities for further expenditure identified under the annual policy strategy decision of 5 March 2003, the Commission has been able to provide the legislative authority with the necessary assurance. Funding is provided from the community budget. As the committee knows, Ireland makes a global contribution of about 1.3% of the total community budget funding. There is no provision to alter funding for individual legislative measures or to withhold funding from any individual legislative measure. No cherry-picking is possible.

The Chairman raised a number of issues, including the emphasis on the HIV pandemic, as he rightly describes it. As the Chairman will be aware, I was Minister with responsibility for development in a previous Government in the early 1990s and I made the point time and again that the most dramatic change in the landscape since then has been the development of the HIV-AIDS pandemic. Recently, the American administration committed a substantial figure to try to deal with this issue. The former American President, Bill Clinton, is another person who is actively involved in trying to encourage other countries, including this one, to get involved in tackling the issue - as the Chairman pointed out, this pandemic has not been dealt with adequately or properly. I know he supports our Government's approach to this. We have committed substantial funding towards alleviating the problem and the Taoiseach is very committed to ensuring that it is tackled. He and I launched our own strategy in Johannesburg at the summit on sustainable development. The reality is that this is the latest war on people in the developing world. I have seen for myself that some of our programme countries such as Zambia are suffering hugely. The international community has not dealt with the situation adequately and it is important that the EU plays its part.

I accept that there was a problem with procedure. This proposal should have come before the committee before it went to the Council. I regret this did not happen in the proper fashion. I made the point in my contribution that the legislation allows for this to happen, but I do not think it is satisfactory that it happens in this way. The chronological order of events was that in March 2002 the Commission tabled a proposal and the European Union (Scrutiny) Act was passed in the Oireachtas last October. I could argue that technically this process started before this legislation came into being, but it would not work. Ideally, I would like to see these matters discussed in the same fashion as other issues prior to Council meetings.

The proposal then went from the European Parliament to the Council. The Council secretariat circulated the proposal on 4 April. Normally that takes four weeks, but in our case the proposals went to other Departments, such as the Department of Health and Children. It was forwarded to this committee on 14 May. The one development we had not predicted was that the Greek Presidency tabled this as an A point for the GAC meeting of 19 and 20 May, for agreement, with no discussion. I accept the Chairman's point on procedure; we should ideally be discussing these issues as we discussed the other issues prior to the last GAC meeting, but we have that opportunity now.

I mentioned the legal and constitutional position.

The regulation seeks to implement the Cairo programme of action against the background of the Cairo Plus Five conference and the millennium development goals, both of which had not taken place when the 1997 regulation was adopted. There is not a huge difference, if any, between the 1997 regulation and this one. I was present at the Cairo population conference and am aware of what happened there. The reason the regulation has been updated since then relates to the Cairo Plus Five conference and the whole co-decision process involving the Parliament and ourselves.

I will take the members through the constitutional position. The Department of Foreign Affairs has been in close contact with the Department of Health and Children and the Department of Health and Children has had contact with the Office of the Attorney General concerning the consensus reached at the Cairo international conference on population development and the programme of action. It was indicated that the consensus achieved did not raise a constitutional difficulty for Ireland. In light of this, Ireland's negotiating position throughout consideration of the new regulation was that it should remain in strict conformity with the Cairo programme of action. That aim has been achieved.

I welcome the Minister of State to the committee. He obviously has a good grasp of the area and his experience in it is very valuable to the Government. The Minister referred to the money given by the United States towards alleviating the problems of disease in the developing world. It puts into stark relief the small amount of money given towards this in the EU budget. I know it is higher than what the Commission initially suggested, but €351 million over four years is quite a small amount of money compared to the $15 billion the USA is giving. Can this have an impact? I can see where it is aimed, but I feel it is a tiny amount. Perhaps the Minister of State will respond to the criticisms that have been directed towards the EU over the past 24 hours or so on this issue.

I am not too concerned about procedures in Europe, I am more concerned about delivery on the ground in the places affected. The Minister of State knows how chaotic things can be in these countries. We are sub-contracting delivery through NGOs, most of which are European. There is a lack of coherence in the manner of delivery and the policies generally of some of these NGOs. Some of them are religious and some are not - this causes difficulties. The Chairman mentioned that natural and legal persons could apply for these funds. Is that restricted simply to NGOs or can Governments on the ground make an application? If so, are there restrictions on the types of Governments? Are we concerned about the way many not-so-sophisticated Governments tend to spirit away money for ends for which it was not intended? Does the Minister of State have controls in mind in that regard?

The Government may be on thin ice in relation to the issue of abortion. The Minister of State should explain this in more detail. He will get full support from the committee for an approach which involves helping to improve maternal health in developing countries. The figures for maternal mortality are appalling and of course we should do everything we can to help. The regulation has to be in strict conformity with the Cairo agreement, which provides that abortion is not to be promoted as a method of family planning. On the other hand, this proposal supports giving all couples the opportunity to protect their reproductive and sexual health, in particular against unsafe abortion. Without being legalistic about it, that would seem to imply support for safe abortion. That seems to be the natural implication of the Minister's presentation.

It is better to be clear and upfront on this issue. It is the one issue which could be a cause for concern and it needs to be dealt with fully and adequately by the Minister on behalf of the Government. Nobody is objecting to the Government supporting a programme which is opposed to unsafe abortion, but it is implied that we are supporting a programme that supports safe abortion. That needs to be discussed so that we know exactly where we stand.

My point is related to Deputy O'Keeffe's. I do not disagree with what he had to say about our sensitivities. My point, however, relates to the sensitivities of the recipient countries and the fact that religions, ethos and cultures vary from place to place. The Minister made the point that it was up to individual countries to decide those regulations, but to what extent can we be confident that the particular sensitivities of those countries are taken into account? There could be a tendency, although the motives may be good, to impose a solution on people rather than allowing them to choose their own. The Minister also mentioned the money donated by the USA. Is this in conformity with the Cairo programme for action? To what extent is there co-ordination between US support and EU support?

I reiterate the point made by my colleague Deputy Andrews. The figure of €351 million over four years falls scandalously short of what is required to address this problem seriously. It works out at approximately €87 million per year, which one could probably spend in one African state alone. It completely underestimates the scale of the problem. From what I have heard, it does not seem to be the same order of magnitude, as the funds seem to be forwarded now by the United States. The actual figure is scandalously short of what is required. Can the Minister of State tell us if the money is taken out of existing European funds or is it an extra financial commitment from the Government? If it is from the Government, what is the proportion donated by the Government?

This is out of existing funds and the Government's proportion is 1.3%. I agree we need to do more on the issue of HIV-AIDS I welcome President Bush's announcement with regard to the US commitment and it has seen this as a priority issue for its administration.

Two thirds of the contribution to the global fund actually comes from the European Union. There is an issue of some of the pledges from individual countries that have yet to be realised. As members are aware, the Government made a substantial pledge and has honoured it. We continue to lobby for that internationally across the board. The global fund on HIV-AIDS is the major one dealing with this matter and the EU is a strong contributor in that department.

Deputy Andrews asked where the fund goes. It mainly goes to Governments and priority countries such as Mozambique and Zambia, where we have a close working relationship with other donors through various Departments, in this case the Department of Health and Children, while a certain portion goes to NGOs. This is an issue that we will prioritise when Ireland takes over the European Presidency. The Chairman, Deputy Gay Mitchell, has some ideas on this issue too and will agree with me that we must ensure it remains a priority during the Irish Presidency of the EU.

Deputy Jim O'Keeffe and Senator Dardis both asked about the issue of policies. At the Cairo conference, I recall the one priority of the Departments of Foreign Affairs and Health and Children was to ensure that our policy conformed with the Cairo principles. As members are aware, there was a long domestic debate on this issue. The Government of the time was satisfied that the results from the Cairo conference conformed with the domestic situation. The two bottom line agreements, as Deputy Jim O'Keeffe identified, were that abortion should not be promoted as a family planning method and regulations regarding abortion are solely for individual countries to decide.

The Deputy also referred to the issue of unsafe abortions, which is an important area in which the EU should be involved. Take the classic example of a woman who has been the victim of a brutal rape in a conflict and was forced to have a self-induced abortion, in such circumstances that woman is entitled to medical care and attention, and in many cases this will save her life. That is an example where this European approach would be important in that there would be an intervention or assistance would be provided.

The Chairman referred to the figures from the Cairo conference where it has been estimated that 500,000 women die each year of pregnancy-related causes, 99% of them in developing countries. In 1998 it ranged from more than 700 per 1,000 live births in the least developed countries to about 26 per 1,000 live births in the developed regions. There is a huge disparity between medical care and attention for women in the developing world and the developed world. In this European Commission initiative, the attention is focused on medical care for women. With regard to self-induced abortions, it is an area in which the European Union wishes to become involved.

I am merely trying to get at the facts. I understand what the Minister of State says about unsafe abortions, and no one could be possibly be in favour of back street abortions. It is important that we are transparent and up front on this issue. However, the real question is will some of this funding be available to have safe abortions? The public is entitled to know where its money is going, and if this is the case, the public should know.

There are two issues here, one is that there is no question of promoting abortion. Regulations for abortion are solely for individual countries to decide. There are the conclusions from the Cairo conference. When negotiating the final policy, we see it as a public health issue, as care for victims of unsafe or self-induced abortions, not as a means of opening the way to so-called "better" abortions. Deputy Jim O'Keeffe is right to identify where this legislation will lead. We know what contributed to the final outcome. We see it as care for victims of unsafe abortions. Whereas we have control over our jurisdiction, it is clearly a matter for individual countries to apply their regulations on this issue.

Does that mean we leave it to the countries concerned to make their decisions while we express a view we are against unsafe abortions? If these countries have as part of their policy that they permit abortions, we say that is a matter for themselves. Is that the approach?

That is true with the strong addendum that no support is offered. The regulation expressly states, at Ireland's insistence, in paragraph 16 of the preamble: "No support is to be given under this regulation to incentives to encourage sterilisation or abortion." In trying to analyse the outcome of this policy, Ireland in its contribution to the formulation of the policy endeavoured to make it as clear as possible on the question of incentives or promotion of abortion. That is the outcome of the wording from the preamble.

I take a different view from that of Deputy Andrews on the procedure. I was elected to the Dáil with a mandate. The whole role of Parliament is to supervise the Executive. Subsection (3) states that subsections (1) and (2) shall not apply if in the opinion of the Minister there is insufficient time for the carrying out of the procedures aforesaid and the performance of the functions of the Houses of the Oireachtas in relation to the text aforesaid. There is no indication that there is a time problem here. I am an elected Member of the Dáil. No official in the Department stood for election and got a mandate. I do not run the Department but I am a Member of the Dáil and I expect regulations of this kind to come here for my comment in my capacity as a legislator.

It is wrong and unethical for a country like Greece, that uses abortion as its main form of contraception, to designate this as an "A" item without discussion at the Council of Ministers. I realise this is a difficult area and while it is one that cannot be easily dealt with, it does not mean that we should not shine light on it. The question of safety has been raised. We are supposed to exchange and feed off one another's ideas in Parliament. No one should be compelled to have the same view as everyone else or be put down if one has a different view.

Let us look at the Irish experience. We passed legislation and put condoms in every pub and pharmacy. What has happened since? The incidence of sexually transmitted disease has increased. The number of abortions has increased. One third of all births now occurs outside marriage. Framing legislation and making the money available does not work. I share the views of others. I hope the Minister is aware that I asked David Begg and others to sit on a committee so that we might make a priority of the issue of HIV-AIDS during our Presidency. I welcome the $15 billion announced by President Bush to help deal with this issue over the next four years. European expenditure on this is pathetic. I do not want to see anyone's life put at risk, particularly that of a woman. I have taken some time to look into this and have read the figures.

I do not think we should accept simple solutions put forward by a regime like that of Greece. This is an area on which both Parliament and the Executive need to shine a light. This regulation has now been made. I note there is a provision for evaluation by the Commission.

I do not mean to diminish the importance and value of the procedures the Chairman has mentioned. Some of the discussion about this issue is too Euro-centred and concerned about our niceties and is not focused enough on delivery on the ground and the experience that exists in Africa. I do not agree with what the Chairman has said about Greece using abortion as its main form of contraception. That is a wild exaggeration. It implies that Greece has too liberal an attitude. It is insulting to the Presidency of the EU and I am surprised the Chairman has thrown such a wild allegation.

This is Parliament and people are entitled to put forward ideas. The Deputy does not have to share my view.

I do not share the Chairman's view.

High-ranking officials who have sourced information in the Department of Foreign Affairs have reliably informed me that it is the main form of contraception in Greece, and I am entitled to put this on the record.

The Chairman should show the evidence for this as it is insulting to many people of Greek origin in this country.

I am quoting an official source from within the Department of Foreign Affairs.

I would like the Chairman to bring this information to the committee.

No. I will protect my source unless the person concerned gives me permission to name him or her.

It is surely a matter of public record.

The Deputy can research the issue. I have read the documents and I do not know if the Deputy has done this.

Why does the Chairman not make this available to the committee?

The Deputy is paid to do his own research. He should not come here and attack the Chair for the views it holds.

The Chairman is paid to chair the meeting. I am not attacking the Chair, I am debating the issue.

I am entitled to my views as the Deputy is entitled to his. The Deputy should not try to intimidate the Chair or any member of the committee.

I am not trying to intimidate the Chair.

This is a Parliament and Members are entitled to air their views. This is not some club where we all have the same views.

I am entitled to put my views too.

I feel like a spectator at this debate. This is certainly a lively, healthy and vibrant democracy and I thank God for that. Evaluation will take place one year before the regulation expires and I understand that will happen in 2005.

On the question of procedures, I am here because I feel this issue needs to be debated. While I regret that it did not happen prior to the Council meeting, it was outside my control. An evaluation is taking place. Our Presidency is coming up and I would appreciate the support of this committee in ensuring that we highlight the issue of HIV-AIDS. We are here to try to make some difference to the needs of the developing world.

What is the level of continuity between the American and European approach? What level of co-ordination takes place?

The global fund is the main area where we come together. This fund has been set up to deal with this issue. I presume the Americans will channel much of their money through this and USAID. The announcement by the US is most welcome. During our Presidency we plan to ensure the relationship between the US and the EU becomes more organised and cohesive.

I wish the Minister the best of luck with this.

This is an area where we can certainly find much common ground.

When will the evaluation of this regulation be available?

It will be made one year before the expiry of the regulation and this will happen in 2005.

Will there be an evaluation of the last regulation, the one this is replacing?

The regulations are similar. The only difference is Cairo Plus Five and the new co-decision between the Parliament and the Council. All the evaluations have been carried out on this. It is basically a roll-over of the existing regulation.

Can the evaluation be made available to the committee? Legislation requires this committee to report to the Oireachtas on these issues. If there are sensitive issues we should put them up front and discuss them. If they are not put up front and discussed I will make a point of drawing the attention of both the House and the committee to them. I want this message to go out to all co-ordinators. We are legislators and it is our job to scrutinise these issues.

I appreciate the Chairman's point and agree with him. This is a sensitive issue. It was a difficult issue at Cairo in that NGOs from both sides of the argument were present. There were those who wanted an outright ban on abortion throughout the world and others accepted that we needed to help women in difficult health circumstances. It was difficult to find common ground at times. We will endeavour to share any information we have with the committee.

Rather than try to square the circle, it is important that the public is fully advised and made aware of the problems and proposed solutions. The public should be shareholders of the solutions.

We have shone a light on this issue and I thank the Minister of State for coming here to deal with this issue. We now turn to the next items for consideration, documents 1.1 to 1.6. It is proposed that these do not warrant further scrutiny. These proposals relate to the importation of certain processed agricultural products originating in Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, Slovenia and the Czech Republic, and the exportation of certain processed products from the EU in return. Members will have noted from their briefing notes that the proposals are similar to one discussed at last week's meeting giving effect to a trade agreement between the EU and Slovenia in advance of the formal signing of the European agreement by that country.

It was noted at that meeting that a series of such measures was presented to us reflecting the various trade agreements that have been reached between the EU and the ten applicant countries. The six measures presented today are similar in nature to the Slovenian measure. In all instances, the level of trade in agricultural products between Ireland and the six new member states is low. These are enabling measures. Is it agreed that they are noted? Agreed.

The last item for scrutiny today is CFSP (2003) 365, which is one of the confidential measures on which I had been briefed by the Department of Foreign Affairs, namely, item 3.1. The committee will be aware that a protocol is in place between it and the Department of Foreign Affairs regarding confidential briefings, and now that it has passed we can bring it into the public domain. It is relatively straightforward, but a confidential formula is used for such issues.

Document CFSP (2003) 365 relates to restrictive measures against Liberia. This Council common position renews the EU embargo on the direct or indirect import into the EU of rough diamonds from Liberia. The common position also places a ban on entry into or transit through EU member states' territory for certain senior members of the Government of Liberia, including President Charles Taylor, its armed forces and their spouses, and individuals supporting rebel groups in the region. The common position also includes a prohibition on the importation into the EU of timber products from Liberia. The trade in the goods concerned is believed to be funding the conflict in the country and region.

I understand that the overall political climate in the country is tense and volatile, despite the lifting of the state of emergency in November 2002. Public demonstrations without prior approval are prohibited. The national peace and reconciliation conference, which began in August and went into recess in September 2002, appears to have lost momentum. The fact that the reconciliation process does not involve all stakeholders, including exiled politicians, appears to have cast doubt on its credibility. I also understand that the view is widely shared that the continuing armed insurgency hampers peaceful political discourse in Liberia and that local and regional efforts are focused on engaging the Government and armed groups in dialogue. It is also felt that, given the country's porous borders and allegations of external support for the various factions, some regional co-operation is vital for peace inside Liberia to take hold. It is therefore proposed that the committee note the common position. Is that agreed? Agreed.

We have dealt with the minutes, the draft report and the time of the next meeting, which has been brought forward because the Dáil is not sitting next week.

The joint committee adjourned at 10.35 a.m. until 9.30 a.m. on Thursday, 12 June 2003.
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