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Joint Committee on European Union Affairs debate -
Tuesday, 24 Feb 2015

Possible Exit of UK from European Union: Discussion (Resumed)

I remind people to turn off their mobile telephones. It is not sufficient to put them on silent mode. They need to be turned off because they could cause problems with the broadcasting equipment.

As people will know, the committee is carrying out a series of meetings in regard to what would happen to Ireland in the event of a British exit from the European Union. Prime Minister Cameron said that if elected in May, he will hold a referendum in the UK in 2017 or earlier. We are interested in finding out exactly what that might mean for Ireland. It is important to state that the committee took the decision to examine this issue at this time in view of the potential impact it might have not just on Ireland but on Irish citizens in the UK. We are having a series of meetings to discuss the impact and are talking to a range of academics, politicians and the like.

Today's discussion will focus on the economic interdependence of Ireland and the European Union. The UK is Ireland's most important economic partner with just over one third of Irish imports coming from, and one sixth of Irish exports going to, the UK market. We are delighted to be joined by Mr. Joe Durkan who is from the school of economics at UCD and who is very welcome.

Before we begin, I remind members of the long-standing parliamentary practice to the effect that they should not comment on, criticise or make charges against a person outside the Houses or an official, either by name or in such a way as to make him or her identifiable.

By virtue of section 17(2)(l) of the Defamation Act 2009, witnesses are protected by absolute privilege in respect of their evidence to the committee. However, if they are directed by it to cease giving evidence on a particular matter and they continue to so do, they are entitled thereafter only to qualified privilege in respect of their evidence. They are directed that only evidence connected with today's proceedings is to be given and are asked to respect the parliamentary practice to the effect that, where possible, they should not criticise or make charges against any person or an entity by name or in such a way as to make him, her or it identifiable.

I remind members that after Mr. Durkan's presentation, we have a number of items of private business to discuss and that the discussion today is not about whether the UK should have a referendum but about the implications of an exit on Ireland. I invite Mr. Durkan to speak.

Mr. Joe Durkan

I will talk a bit about the background to the UK leaving. I will then say what I think the likelihood is for the UK and for its relations with the European Union. I will also say something about the likely performance of the UK economy being out of the EU and what that means for us because it is really through trade that we will face an impact. The focus is on the UK.

The basis for the UK leaving, as presented, is almost entirely political and driven by the political needs of the present Government and how it perceives Eurosceptics within the Conservative Party, and the growth of the United Kingdom Independence Party, UKIP. That lies behind it and in order to justify it many arguments have been used, most of which do not stand up. There is a claim that the UK is not integrated within the EU economy and in particular the financial services sector, the services sector, has not been integrated. The data do not support that. The growth in the UK trade with Europe has been very rapid, much more so than in previous periods. Work that has been done in the United Kingdom that has tried to separate out the Single Market effect and the growth effect suggests that the UK’s penetration of Europe has increased, as has the penetration of other EU countries into the UK.

In respect of the services sector it is probably true that it has not integrated as well but that is true of all countries, not just financial services but accountancy, legal and all the rest of those services have not developed to the extent that one might have expected under the Single Market programme. It may be that it takes a bit longer than people had expected. That is important. There is also a problem with red tape and the claim that the UK economy is held back by red tape but exactly the same red tape applies to every other country and not all countries are held back. Some work has been done to try to quantify the effect of red tape and suggest that the UK has less regulation than most other EU countries, particularly in the labour market, with the exception I think of Holland, which is the most liberal. The degree of regulation in the United Kingdom is no different from that in the United States.

There is also a question that the UK contribution is excessive in spite of the rebate but in fact its net contribution amounts to 0.5% of UK GDP so this is not the huge burden that it makes out.

What is that in absolute numbers?

Mr. Joe Durkan

I can send it to the Chairman. It is not huge.

The other argument is that immigration has given rise to a huge flow of people into the United Kingdom, which has damaged the economy and resulted in pressure on the health and social services. That claim is also in dispute because most of the immigrants from the new accession states have contributed to output and output has been higher as a consequence. The number of welfare immigrants is very small. It is not in reality a big issue. The political process is different. It will make a lot of comment about these things even though they do not stand up.

If the UK does leave it is not just a question of leaving, it will want access to those markets. It cannot just leave and say that is the end. It will want to have a relationship with the EU. We have examples of only a few countries, Norway and Switzerland being the prime ones, that are outside the EU but have agreements with it. In effect both of these countries must meet EU rules if trade is to take place. The UK will find itself in exactly the same position. It will not be allowed to trade advantageously because it has managed to get rid of rules. Leaving will not confer a competitive advantage in the short term.

In terms of the financial services sector, the City of London will find it is just as influenced by the rules that will be developed within the EU with the one proviso, that it will have no input into those rules. If it leaves and new rules for the financial sector are determined the UK will be obliged to abide by those but will find that it has no say in their operation. At the moment it does have a say. This is very important and not clearly understood in Britain. I think people there believe they can leave and behave as they want but that is not the case.

It is true that the UK contribution will go down. Interestingly enough, both Norway and Switzerland are obliged to make a contribution towards the economic development of the new accession states that need funds. The United Kingdom will almost certainly be required to do so. In the case of Switzerland, it amounts to about 55% of the contribution it would make if it was a member of the European Union. That is kind of interesting and suggests that Britain's going will not save that much money in terms of payments.

There is also the question of CAP which I might say a bit more about later. Britain must think about the reduction of CAP payments because the burden of adjustment will fall on the British Government. Therefore, it would save money directly but indirectly it would have to support agriculture unless it decides to do something else.

It is almost certain there would be less immigration. I have read some material which suggests that if Britain does leave there will have to be a repatriation of people. That seems highly unlikely because I think the people who are in Britain will remain.

The third issue I want to talk about is how the UK economy will perform. If the referendum is held in 2017 then we are faced with two years of uncertainty about the outcome and uncertainty is detrimental to investment. The last referendum held in Britain led to a reduction in investment and a capital flight because of the fear that Britain would not be a member of the European Union.

There is no doubt that the UK economy's performance would deteriorate in the short to medium term. That is almost inevitable because of the uncertainty. Britain would also have to negotiate a trade deal with the European Union which may not be favourable. It will also find, when world trade is being discussed, that it will be by the European Union, the US, China, India and Japan. The UK will be peripheral to that discussion because it is so small relative to everybody else and Britain will find itself excluded from negotiations. I also suspect that the city of London will lose its relative position. It is not in the eurozone at the moment. Due to the UK not being in the eurozone it is peripheral and it will become more peripheral if it is out, I believe. The UK economy is likely to suffer a lower growth path in the long run.

The idea that it can abolish red tape is fanciful. A lot of the red tape, while it might be burdensome for companies, is necessary and would be introduced anyway and it is not just imposed by Europe.

What are the implications for Ireland? The UK economy is very important for Ireland and one cannot just get that by looking at trade. One third of food exports from Ireland go to the United Kingdom which, to my mind, is the key to it all. A lot of the rest of the exports would be chemicals and pharmaceuticals which are produced by multinational companies and they will go anyway. The food sector could be affected.

Why is the UK so important? We have two episodes that show us how important the UK is to us and one was the mid-1980s. We began to recover from the recession in the mid-1980s due to the growth in the UK economy following the loss and boom. I wrote a paper on this issue a long time ago which showed that the timing of our growth in exports was directly related to the growth of the UK economy and led our recovery. It took a good few years before it was evident that a recovery was in place. In the same way, the slow recovery that we are experiencing now began last year and is related to the growth in the UK and US economies. They are the two factors that have driven our recovery, as well as some domestic foreign direct investment. For us, the performance of the UK economy is critical. If the UK weakens then it will lead to a weakening of the growth of this economy and I do not see how such an outcome could be avoided.

For us, the important things will be trade, foreign direct investment and tourism. In terms of trade, the effect will be weaker.

There is no likelihood that FDI that goes to the UK will come to Ireland. Most of the companies go to the UK because the market is big but they also see access to Europe as important. Car manufacturers such as Toyota, Nissan and Honda are located there. If they lost that big market and European springboard, this investment would cease and there would be capital flight. The companies will not necessarily come here. I could not imagine companies such as these coming here because our market is small and, therefore, I do not see us gaining much from that.

With regard to tourism, it is inevitable that a weaker UK economy will lead to weaker tourism. We experienced this during the current recession.

Agriculture matters very much to us but it is not clear what would happen in the UK. It would lose the transfers under the CAP and the UK Government would have to make a decision on whether it would support agriculture. The amounts are huge. I saw data that suggest that over the next five years, almost Stg£20 billion will go into agriculture through the CAP. That money would not be available and, therefore, the UK Government would have to make a decision on supporting agriculture. The worst scenario from our point of view would be if the Government resorted to the same policies it had prior to entry into the EU when the UK had a deficiency payment system under which lower prices were guaranteed to farmers but incomes were maintained through additional payments. The effect of that was to reduce the price of meat and dairy products, in particular. Some members may recall that prior to joining the EU, Ireland subsidised the export of butter to the UK because of that deficiency payment system. We would not want to go back to that but that is a big risk for us, as we would find it hard to sell in the UK.

The milk quota system was a big barrier to the growth of the agriculture industry. It conferred income gains to people in the short run but it meant that output was constrained for the past 35 years. That constraint on milk output meant that the agriculture industry found it hard to develop. With the lifting of the quota, output will increase by between 40% and 50%. The producers and processors have geared up for that but our main market is still the UK and we could easily find that market distorted, which is a major risk.

The risks are high if the UK leaves. There could also be issues with the Common Fisheries Policy, CFP. The policy would cease because from the Uk's point of view, it would re-establish control over its fisheries.

Cod wars.

Mr. Joe Durkan

I do not foresee any wars but it would re-establish its own fisheries and that would make a difference to the operation of the CFP. From our point of view, if the UK left, there could be border restrictions and that would not be good. The best outcome is the UK remaining in the EU and that is what Ireland should aim for.

I welcome Mr. Durkan. I commend the Chairman on holding these hearings in advance of any possibility of Britain leaving the EU. It is better to be there before the horse bolts. There is no great economic benefit for Britain in leaving the EU. It is doing well and it would not be wise to leave. The general consensus is that no political party in Ireland would even contemplate leaving the EU if Britain left because there would be no benefit whatsoever.

The announcement of the referendum, which is premature with the election in May and when people do not know who will be in power, has undermined the economy before people know who will be in government. It may be a combination of the Labour Party and the Scottish National Party but the Scottish nationalists do not want to leave. The Labour Party might be convinced that it is now politically advantageous to hold a referendum.

Yesterday, 850 jobs were announced by Apple for Athenry. It is coming to Ireland because we are guaranteed to stay in the European Union and the company can supply the European Union from a location in Ireland. It is a massive investment and a great endorsement of the country but it did not go to England. We are giving mobile companies stability and we are the only English speaking country in the region. There is a massive implication for Britain and all we can do is put across our point of view, which we are doing in a balanced and reasonable manner. We can first say that we do not want the UK to go and we will do anything we can to persuade it to stay.

It is good we have a strong Commissioner in the European Commission. He will be fighting Ireland's corner in the event of Britain deciding to renegotiate the terms of its agreement with the European Union.

Commissioners are there to fight Europe's corner, not the corner of any particular country.

Any Commissioner worth his salt will certainly watch the interests of his or her country and Europe, and it is in the interests of Europe that Ireland is involved in the negotiation of any agreement with Britain.

I welcome Mr. Durkan. He is one of a number of contributors to the debate and the problem is that it is like playing devil's advocate. We are considering the ifs and buts that permeate the debate. The committee started by trying to speculate about the effects on Ireland if Britain pulled out but we have not yet come to terms with the Tories and their suggestion that they will have a "Yes" or "No" referendum if they get an overall majority in the next election. The first hurdle must be overcome, which is whether the Tories get an overall majority. Most speakers have outlined the lunacy of the current thinking of the Tories and the negative effect of a pull-out, although it is not like unplugging from a socket, for Britain and Ireland.

We have a divided nation, with Six Counties still occupied by the British establishment. We have the Border and we are in Europe and in the euro, while Britain is in the sterling zone. The ramifications for Ireland vis-à-vis the Border are tremendously complicated.

With UKIP basically a racist and anti-immigration force at play in Britain, the hysteria was illustrated by the media presenting themselves at airports to see the immigrants who were going to rob the welfare system dry in England. The media discovered only one man was coming in but he had a job. Romanians and Bulgarians did not flood in and most people agree the benefit to any nation of inward immigration is because of the motivation of immigrants, who want to work and are productive in the workforce.

What will happen in Northern Ireland politics? First of all, there is a substantial Unionist representation that takes its seats. It would be interesting to hear the analysis of how the brothers in the Unionist fraternity would relate to the Conservative Party in Great Britain. The irony of it is the position of Scotland and, by implication, Wales. Is there an argument that UKIP, if successful, would eventually end up wrecking the United Kingdom? Sinn Féin, being eurosceptic, will not take part in the debate in Westminster.

How will the political dice in this regard roll vis-à-vis Scotland, Northern Ireland and Wales?

Some people seek an out in the context of Norway and Switzerland. Does Mr. Joe Durkan agree that the actions of the Swiss in the context of their recent referendum and attempts to control immigrant labour were farcical? As everyone is aware, Switzerland shares borders with France, Italy and Germany and I understand that the result of the referendum to which I refer cannot be implemented because it is not possible to create quotas in respect of European workers entering and leaving particular jurisdictions.

Is it fair to state that we should anticipate that negotiations on the part of Westminster in respect of unravelling whatever treaties the British feel need to be unravelled will probably last two years? As is the case with Greece, does our guest believe that Britain would find itself very short of friends if it were to leave the current community of 28 member states? Are there any implications for England in the context of the TTIP negotiations?

Deputy Eric Byrne has posed a number of questions. I remind members that we are operating under time constraints. If they could, therefore, limit their contributions to three minutes, it would be appreciated.

I welcome Mr. Joe Durkan, with whose analysis I agree. A number of questions arose at our previous meetings which I will now put to our guest. We can tell what would likely be the impact on Britain and Ireland if the former were to exit the EU. To what extent has the impact on the Union itself of a possible exit been examined? If Britain leaves, then the Union will be smaller. In addition, if this course of action were followed, it would be the first occasion on which a member state would leave the Union since its inception as the European Coal and Steel Community. In a sense, it would also be the first reversal of the European project.

What has motivated the British establishment to contemplate taking this route? As Deputy Eric Byrne indicated, if the Tories win the forthcoming general election, it is their intention to hold a referendum on this matter. One is conditional on the other, of course, and an exit might never happen. In such circumstances, one must query the wisdom of putting forward the proposal relating to a possible exit in the first instance. What are the issues which motivate members of the British public? Is it a case of their having an us-and-them view of Europe? Has Britain ever taken ownership of the European project? Has it resiled from that project and, if so, to what extent? How much impact has this had on the entire European integration project?

Mr. Joe Durkan referred to Norway and Switzerland. The latter is situated in the middle of the European Union and is, therefore, in a very advantageous position geographically. While not so centrally positioned, Norway has the compensation of its natural resources. The case of Britain is somewhat different, particularly in the context of its relationship with the island - namely, this one - located off its western shores. There are some pundits in this country who have suggested that Ireland should also consider leaving the EU. Such a course of action would be disastrous. It would give rise to a double whammy by causing major damage to the EU and - by virtue of their isolation from the Continent - the economies of both Ireland and the UK.

Mr. Joe Durkan referred to the City of London and how remarkably and effectively it is integrating with the European area in general. There would be a serious effect on the level of trade between the City of London and other global financial services centres if the UK were to leave the EU. The knock-on effect of this would be felt in the UK's economy. There are suggestions to the effect that if the City of London is doing well in terms of trade, then the remainder of the British economy follows suit. In the event of Britain removing itself from the EU arena, what will happen to the trade carried out in the City of London?

We will take questions from one other member before asking Mr. Joe Durkan to reply. I call Deputy Keating.

I join colleagues in welcoming Mr. Durkan. The United Kingdom is apparently embarking on a process whose conclusion is uncertain, but this exercise is helpful in assisting the committee to a greater understanding of the issues. Together with the other briefings we have been given, Mr. Durkan's contribution is invaluable.

The first question I intended to ask has already been answered and I have only one other question for the witness. Mr. Durkan referred to the risks of an EU exit being quite high for the United Kingdom economy in the short to medium term. I am not an economist and must defer to his vast experience and expertise in these matters. Will he elaborate on how, in the normal run of things and given the bigger picture, the UK economy would suffer? I will refrain from asking about the impact on the Irish economy, because we will just have to wait and see how the dice falls in that respect.

I thank Mr. Durkan for his presentation. My question follows on from that of Deputy Keating. I take a completely different view from the latter, namely, that the purpose of our having these types of discussions is to consider how we might place ourselves in a state of readiness in the event that the UK does decide to exit the European Union. Mr. Durkan has set out very clearly the implications of such an outcome and I accept his analysis. The questions that follow for us relate to the type of contingency planning we should be doing, what types of precautionary measures we should be taking and whether we should include certain measures in our budgetary process that would leave us in a state of readiness in the eventuality of a UK exit.

I welcome Mr. Durkan. In his view, can Ireland or any other EU member state exert an influence on the UK's decision? Going back as far as 1975, despite all media and most parties supporting British membership, the referendum on whether the UK should remain part of the then EEC was only carried by a 2:1 majority. In 1993, John Major's Government almost fell on the issue of the Maastricht treaty. Current polls show that the majority of people in Britain want out of the EU for various reasons.

An interesting development in the debate in recent months has been the references to Norway, Sweden and Switzerland - countries which are outside or on the periphery of the EU and have managed to achieve greater growth than any of the best performing countries of the EU or its economy overall. All three of these countries have direct trade with Europe and their economies are performing exceptionally well. Will Mr. Durkan comment on that?

It is important to note that it is not just the Conservative Party driving this issue. Some members of the British Labour Party are very wishy-washy about the EU and cannot give a guarantee on how they will vote.

However, the leader, Ed Miliband, MP, has said his party in government will not hold a referendum. That is the official policy. Of course, every party includes members who are sceptical.

From speaking to people in the British Labour Party, my impression is that there will be a referendum no matter who is in government after the election. I would go so far as to say there will undoubtedly be a referendum. Although the majority wanting to leave the EU has reduced and now stands at some 53%, 82% of British people want a referendum on the question. None of the parties will be able to ignore that.

IBEC has argued that in the event of a UK exit from the EU, a margin of businesses in Ireland could cede to a more attractive credits-based tax regime in Britain, as set out under Conservative Party proposals. That party seems determined on having a referendum and on a UK exit.

It is already beginning to offer tax incentives to businesses to establish operations in Britain. I imagine Ireland is probably Britain's biggest competitor in this area.

With respect, I do not believe the influence of the Irish Government will make a bit of difference in this matter. I base my view on the results of opinion polls, what is stated in the UK press and the actions of those in the Conservative Party and some in the British Labour Party who seem to be hell-bent on having a referendum held and who will probably support an exit from the European Union.

I welcome Mr. Joe Durkan. The United Kingdom has a long history of immigration. Obviously, many Irish people have gone there to live and work. Has it tended to differentiate between immigration from the countries of the British Commonwealth and that from other European Union member states? Have studies been carried out of the economics of migration? In that context, I recall a recent newspaper headline which read, "Is there no one left in Britain who can make a sandwich?" We all know the point that was being made about the skills, etc., people possess. Have studies such as those to which I refer been carried out?

Agriculture is extremely important to Ireland, particularly in the context of direct transfers. In view of the fact that the United Kingdom is a net contributor to the European Union, what impact would a possible exit have on the direct supports we receive? There are many small holdings in Scotland and Wales and, as a result, both are much more dependent on direct transfers. What impact would a possible exit have on those involved in farming in these countries, particularly in terms of their ability to remain in operation?

In the context of business - be it small, city-based or whatever else - everyone wants to reduce the amount of red tape which must be dealt with. Are there specific policies which companies, both large and small, might identify and state that if they were removed, operating would be easier? Everyone is opposed to red tape, but I am just wondering if there is differentiation in this regard?

Cuirim fáilte roimh an tUasal Joe Durkan. Different people have come before the committee to discuss this matter and there is agreement that a possible UK exit from the European Union could have a huge impact on Ireland. As Deputy Bernard J. Durkan inquired, should we be focusing on the possible impact on the European Union in general and the United Kingdom? We are motivated in terms of the impact it would have on Ireland. A person who previously appeared before the committee suggested the IFSC was very much viewed as a satellite of the City of London and noted the potential impact an exit could have on Ireland in this context. Does Mr. Durkan share the concerns expressed by the individual to whom I refer?

If Britain were to decide to leave, how long would it take to negotiate new trade agreements? Deputy Timmy Dooley indicated that Ireland needed to put in place contingency plans. Does Mr. Durkan have suggestions to make in this regard? The strategy the Tories appear to be pursuing seems to be based on the premise that by announcing an intention to hold a referendum on a possible exit, they will strengthen Britain's hand in negotiations with the European Union. Does Mr. Durkan share my view in this regard?

Under the Tories, Britain is seen as one of the most pro-TTIP countries in the European Union. However, the British Labour Party has indicated that it has major difficulties with the investor-state dispute settlement, ISDS, mechanism. Some countries in Europe, including France and Germany, have also outlined their concerns about this mechanism. If Britain does pull out of the European Union, will it have an impact on investment?

Another speaker suggested that if Britain was to move under a Tory leadership, certainly it would be much more comfortable moving towards the US in terms of trade.

I thank Deputy Crowe. I wish to ask a question that has not yet been asked, namely, in relation to the financial transaction tax, the Robin Hood tax, the total tax. Mr. Durkan mentioned in his evidence that he expects the City of London to get more peripheral if the UK pulls out of the European Union. One of the reasons Ireland was not one of the original 12 or so countries that signed up for the intergovernmental agreement to establish the financial transaction tax in some European countries, was we thought that would drive people from our financial services centre across to the UK. If the UK withdraws from the European Union does Mr. Durkan expect Ireland to have to sign up for the financial transaction tax? Would that then become a done deal? Everyone who wished to contribute has had an opportunity to do so. Deputy Dooley sends his apologies. He has another meeting but will read the answer to his question in the transcript.

Mr. Joe Durkan

Senator Terry Leyden asked about Ireland leaving the European Union. I thought about it very peripherally and I did not think there was the remotest possibility that we would leave because the balance of advantage for us has to be to stay within the European Union.

Deputy Eric Byrne's questions were mostly political. I am not heavy into politics but try to think of the economics of things. When one looks at the UK one has to ask what is driving it. It seems to me that the referendum is being driven by a small group of people, the Eurosceptics within the Tory Party and the fear of UKIP. The trouble is that the more these people make noise, the more Mr. Cameron and so on responds to it an attempt to show that he is not being caught offside. He may be painting himself into a corner - that is what I suspect. I cannot see, given what everybody believes about the disadvantages to Britain, that it would do something that is not in its interests. I just do not believe that but the UK could be driven to it if the vote turns out to be the way it is. I would expect the members of the committee to know more about this than me because they are in the political process and I am not. I try to avoid it if I can.

In terms of the negotiations, Article 50 of the treaty allows for people to exit so the procedure is laid down. I think it would take a long time, it may be two years before it could get out and then it could spend another two years negotiating a trade agreement. Trade agreements take much longer than one would think. Switzerland still has not completed its part of EFTA but is not part of the European Economic Area so it still has not got a formal agreement on all the trade that is needed. I am not really into the politics.

There was a very interesting article in last week's edition of The Economist which talked about the fragmentation of the political system in Britain. Instead of being just two parties there is now an awful lot more in it. One cannot ignore Scotland any more and one cannot ignore Northern Ireland. I am not sure about how Wales fits in but it has to take account of that. It will be the United Kingdom leaving the European Union - it is not one bit of it that will leave, the whole lot will leave. Scotland will not have the option of not leaving, nor will Northern Ireland. The whole of the United Kingdom will leave.

Deputy Durkan asked me about the really important question, namely, the impact on the European Union. The European Union will have an interest in concluding a trade deal with Britain. It is in its interests. It does not want Britain to be outside. Britain is still a big market and it sells a lot. It will want to do a trade deal. It will not want it to be too advantageous for Britain. Obviously it cannot let Britain decide it will get rid of a whole rake of regulations. It will still have to conform to the regulations in place. That is inevitable. It will not be able to get rid of the red tape.

As for the European project, Britain never bought into it and I am not sure we did either. Members should bear in mind that this grew out of the Second World War. I taught a course on European integration to my students and spent three or four lectures talking about what happened after the war because that is the motivation for the European project. People might forget it because it is 70 years ago but it is still there. Many people in Germany remember what it was like just after the war. There was an extraordinary level of displacement as people were forced to leave parts of Poland and what were then Czechoslovakia and the Soviet Union. The devastation wrought by that and by similar events throughout Europe is something they do not forget. We did not experience it so we may not have bought into it. We bought into it because it looked like it involved money or employment but the originators of the project probably had a different perception of what they were trying to achieve from the one we have.

I was asked about the performance of the UK economy. There is no doubt that in the run-up to the referendum investment in the UK will be weaker. It is inevitable and the consequence of that will be a reduced medium-term performance and a weaker supply side of that economy.

Is Mr. Durkan saying investment will fall?

Mr. Joe Durkan

Investment will fall because of the uncertainty - people will not know what to expect of the market. This is not just speculation as it happened in the 1970s at the time of the last referendum. Investment did actually fall and that inevitably reduces a country's long-run potential growth. There will be uncertainty if the UK does leave as to what the terms of any trade agreements will be. Everyone will call for them to remain more or less as they are because otherwise it is very disruptive. If UK income falls it will impact on Europe because it means Europe will sell less. It is important we do not see weakness in an economy as an advantage because it really is a disadvantage. The richer countries become the better it is for everybody because they are then more likely to be able to trade successfully.

When Mr. Durkan says investment will fall in the lead-up to leaving Europe, does he mean there will be an investment fall-off when they are in the process of leaving or when they have left?

Mr. Joe Durkan

The uncertainty over whether they will leave will cause firms to reduce their investment.

Are there indications that is happening now?

Mr. Joe Durkan

It is early days so it cannot be said as of now.

Historically, in the three-month lead-up to a general election investment does drop off because of the uncertainty.

Mr. Joe Durkan

Yes, but this will be for years because the time period is very long. Firms will be asking what is going to happen after 2017 so they will be cautious. Foreign firms in the United Kingdom, of which there are many, may think twice about expanding their activity there and may consider locating elsewhere. The question was on how they performed and my answer is "very poorly". It is not just a question of investment. Having failed to get the investment, their capital stock does not increase as it should so their long-run performance will be lower.

Growth can be expected to slow down.

Mr. Joe Durkan

Yes. If they have a potential output growth of 2.5% this might fall to between 1.5% and 2%. The investment has to be made or growth will not happen. The same can be said in answer to Deputy Keating's question. The fundamental risks are risks to investment.

I was also asked about what we should do but I will leave that until the end if that is all right. Deputy Halligan asked how we could influence Britain. In reality, I think we cannot really do that.

We cannot do it. That is done through the diplomatic process. When people meet, they should encourage them to stay in and if the negative side of all this could be highlighted all the time, that would be good.

We have to be careful about the performance of economies outside the EU. Sweden is in the Union and its performance over the past few years has been pretty grim. Norway has an advantage, namely, it has oil, and it has managed to create successfully a fund similar to a venture capital fund-----

Like our old pension fund, only bigger

Mr. Joe Durkan

It is a multiple of that fund. This allows the Norwegian Government to behave sensibly and it seems to have figured out how to do things correctly. Switzerland is in an odd position in that it pegged its currency to the euro and it probably should have appreciated gradually over time. It had competitive advantages over the rest of the EU, which are gone because the currency appreciated phenomenally when the Swiss broke the link. One could even see a big shake-out there. Their position was maintained by low wage inflation and competitive advantages in the short run, which look like they are gone. Let us see what it will be like.

The UK always has been a competitor with Ireland for FDI. It is not just about the tax system and tax credits; it is also about the fact that it is a big market. Any firm that wants to locate abroad also thinks about the size of the market. The reason we are so lucky in attracting many of these companies such as Apple and Google is we speak English and we have reasonably good communications. It is also quite clear what can be done with the tax system here is favourable to these companies. I do not see them readily moving to the UK. We are easy in terms of immigration. When firms such as Google need foreign workers because they cannot get them in Ireland, we allow them in. The UK might be a little trickier in the context of immigration.

There was a question about immigration from the Commonwealth and the EU. Much of the immigration from the Commonwealth has more or less ceased and most of the immigration into the UK is from the rest of the Union. When the direct control the UK had over many of the African countries stopped, migration also stopped. That was part of the deal.

Agriculture is tricky. The UK may do something about its existing industry and there is also the possibility of changing policy. It has been suggested that the country might go the New Zealand route and abolish subsidies entirely. If that was done, the likelihood is British agriculture could expand rapidly. It is a little like us and the milk quotas. Once they are gone, there will be a huge expansion in production and processing capacity. I suspect if the British got rid of the constraints on them, farmers might start producing as farmers. In New Zealand it was unexpected but they knew that they could not continue giving subsidies to farmers. They stopped doing it and suddenly the sector blossomed. The problem for us and the UK is that we have missed the boat in some respects. It will be hard for us to get into the Asian markets but there is a risk the UK could free up its agriculture industry and let farmers do what is necessary. If it did not do so, it could go the deficiency payments route, which would be bad for us.

The only way to avoid that is through the negotiations that the UK will have with the Union. We have to ensure it cannot bring in a deficiency payments system. If it does, then we should not give the UK freedom of trade in other sectors. That would be my solution to that. Business looks after itself.

Deputy Seán Crowe asked about the IFSC being a City of London satellite outpost. I have never really seen it as such. The original motivation behind it was that the City of London and Wall Street were operating at capacity and Dublin was ideally placed between the two to pick up bits that were related. Also, the firms operating in the IFSC reflect a wide variety of interests. The IFSC was not just picking up bits related to activities in London, it also had other things to offer. We had German and Irish banks set up within the area and I do not necessarily see that aspect being affected. The City of London could easily be marginalised. Let us remember London is outside the eurozone and that if the United Kingdom was not in the European Union, there could be opportunities, rather than threats, for the IFSC. These guys are very good at their jobs. We know the financial sector is very good at coming up with new products - although not always great - and I imagine such endeavours would continue.

I was asked about a timeframe. The timeframe is long because it would take Britain a good few years to negotiate an exit and a few years to negotiate trade agreements and so on. Therefore, one is looking at the early years of the next decade.

The final question was about a financial transactions tax. The City of London and the United Kingdom are opposed to such a tax. If a financial transactions tax was to be brought in in the rest of Europe and Britain was outside the European Union, financial business would move to the City of London. There is no question about this and it would be bad news. Everyone would have to sign up to it, or nobody would.

I listed the questions asked and think I have answered all of them. The last question was from the Chairman.

Yes. Perhaps we might talk about it after the meeting.

Mr. Joe Durkan

Yes.

On behalf of the committee, I thank Mr. Durkan and express our gratitude to him for giving of his time. I propose that the committee continue in private session as it has a number of items on its agenda about which it needs to talk. Is that agreed? Agreed.

The joint committee went into private session at 3.05 p.m. and adjourned at 3.10 p.m. until 2 p.m. on Thursday, 26 February 2015.
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