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JOINT COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS (Sub-Committee on Human Rights) debate -
Thursday, 11 Mar 2004

Traveller Community: Ministerial Presentation.

I thank the Minister for attending. Everybody appreciates there are a number of meetings this morning and I hope that some other committee members will be able to join us later. The first national report by Ireland under the UN International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination has been circulated to the committee. I was advised by Mr. Maurice Manning, president of the Human Rights Commission, that the commission recently met in plenary and supported the view that the Traveller community has ethnic rights. The commission will send us formal notification on this matter in coming days.

I welcome the Minister. As he knows, we have discussed the question of recognition of Travellers as an ethnic group. The sub-committee met early last December with representatives from Pavee Point, the Irish Centre for Human Rights and the Irish Traveller movement to discuss the matter. It was the view of the meeting that we should invite the Minister to comment on the situation. We thank him for making himself available and I invite him to present his views.

I am grateful to the Chairman and the committee for inviting me here today to address this important issue. I read with interest the views expressed at the meeting on 4 December when this issue was also discussed at this committee. The question of Traveller ethnicity has come to a head because of Ireland's first report to the United Nations under the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination.

As the committee is no doubt aware, Ireland ratified the convention in December 2000. The scope of racial discrimination in the convention is defined in Article 1 as "any distinction, exclusion, restriction or preference based on race, colour, descent, or national or ethnic origin which impacts on an individual's human rights and fundamental freedoms in the political, economic, social, cultural or any other field of public life". Policy areas included in the convention range from equal treatment before the law to equality in education, employment or housing. Culture and media are also covered.

The convention requires that states report to the UN on the legislative, judicial, administrative or other measures put in place to tackle racial discrimination as defined by the convention. Ireland's first report has now been completed and copies are available in the Oireachtas Library. It will be submitted shortly to the UN by the Department of Foreign Affairs. Copies of the report have also been made

available to members of this committee.

The report demonstrates Ireland's commitment to tackling racism at local, national and international level. It is clear that while racism continues to represent a challenge for all countries, Ireland has in place an effective and wide-ranging equality and anti-discrimination framework.

In the course of drafting the report, the question of whether to include Travellers arose. Travellers do not appear to fall within the definition of racial discrimination adopted by the convention in that they do not appear to constitute a distinct group from the population as a whole in terms of race, colour, descent or national or ethnic origin. The Government recognises that Travellers have a distinct cultural identity and that Travellers suffer discrimination and exclusion. It was decided, therefore, that a report on the position of Travellers would be included as an appendix to the convention report. This means that the relevant UN committee can consider the situation of Travellers and question the Government on its treatment of Travellers.

The position of the Government on the question of Traveller ethnicity is set out at page 90 of the convention report. Given that our position has, perhaps, been misunderstood, I should like to quote from the relevant section. It states:

Some of the bodies representing Travellers claim that members of the community constitute a distinct ethnic group. The exact basis for this claim is unclear. However, the Government of Ireland accepts the right of Travellers to their cultural identity, regardless of whether it may be properly described as an ethnic group, and is committed to applying all the protections afforded to ethnic minorities by the CERD equally to Travellers.

As outlined in Ireland's report under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, Travellers in Ireland have the same civil and political rights as other citizens under the Constitution and there is no restriction on any such group to enjoy their own culture, to profess and practise their own religion or to use their own language. The Government's view is that Travellers do not constitute a distinct group from the population as a whole in terms of race, colour, descent or national or ethnic origin.

The Government is committed to challenging discrimination against Travellers and has defined membership of the Traveller community as a separate ground on which it is unlawful to discriminate under equality legislation. This was not meant to provide a lesser level of protection to Travellers compared to that afforded to members of ethnic minorities. On the contrary, the separate identification of Travellers in equality legislation guarantees that they are explicitly protected. The Government notes that the Durban Declaration and action plan recognised the need to develop effective policies and implementation mechanisms for the full achievement of equality for Roma-Gypsies-Sinti-Travellers.

I understand that some of the pressure to recognise Travellers as an ethnic minority in Ireland arises from a desire for Travellers to be protected by international human rights instruments such as the International Convention for the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, CERD. The Government is committed to applying all the protections afforded to ethnic minorities by the CERD equally to Travellers. To recognise Travellers as an ethnic minority would not convey any additional legal protection on Travellers. All the protections afforded to ethnic minorities in EU directives and international conventions apply to Travellers because the Irish legislation giving effect to those international instruments, such as the Equality Acts, the Unfair Dismissals Acts and the Prohibition of Incitement to Hatred Act, explicitly protect Travellers.

However, the Government was not prepared to include in the report a statement it does not believe to be true, namely, that Travellers are ethnically different from the majority of Irish people. The point also needs to be made that the Government is not alone in making this assessment. It is clear from the meeting of this committee in December that a number of Senators and Deputies agree with the Government's position.

The 1995 task force report on the Traveller community, which consisted of Government Departments, civil society, political parties and Traveller representatives, did not recommend that Travellers should be identified as an ethnic minority. Contrary to the impression given by some Traveller organisations, academic opinion is also split on this issue. For example, in A Sociology of Ireland published in 2002, two leading sociologists, Hilary Tovey and Perry Share pointed out that the claim that Travellers constitute a distinct ethnic group is controversial within academic research. Even Pavee Point stated in its presentation to the committee that the ethnicity of Travellers has only been argued for since the mid-1980s.

My view, and one also argued in A Sociology of Ireland is that the claim that Travellers are an ethnic minority is part of a larger social and political agenda. I do not use the term “agenda” in a pejorative way; it is simply that it is part of a wider argument. Certain Traveller organisations have embraced the concept of ethnicity, based not on objective criteria, but because they see political advantage in such a course.

Turning to some of the other points raised by Traveller and human rights organisations in December, I fundamentally disagree with the suggestion that the Government is not the appropriate body to make this classification. It is a matter for states to draft reports to the UN. The Government had to make a call on the inclusion or exclusion of Travellers in the report. It would be strange if, having provided separately for protection for Travellers as a group in a number of legislative measures, we were then to say that was, in fact, unnecessary and surplus and was, effectively, a redundant excess of caution rather than a distinction based on a real difference.

Even if academics did agree on this issue, it is still the role of a democratically elected Government to make such decisions, not unelected academics. The Government may draw on academic research and obviously would do so when making policy, but that is not the same thing as academics making the decisions. It was further suggested that Travellers have a right to self-identification. The Government is not interfering with the right of Travellers to identify themselves as Travellers, but if it were open to any grouping within Irish society to identify itself as an ethnic minority and insist on this identification being accepted by the State, then the term "ethnic minority" would cease to have any objective meaning and would take on a subjective meaning, which is clearly not the case if it has an international law status.

Secondly, it is claimed that Ireland is out of step with England and Northern Ireland. The position in these countries is different. Irish Travellers are defined as "a racial group" within the meaning of the Race Relations Act in England, as a result of a discrimination case taken against pubs which had refused them service. In Ireland, Travellers are protected by name under the Equal Status Act against discrimination in the provision of goods, facilities or services. It was necessary for the English judge to define Irish Travellers as a "racial group" in order for legal redress to be available to the complainants before him. No such requirement exists in Irish law.

In Northern Ireland, Travellers are defined as an ethnic minority as part of the Race Relations Order to give them protection equivalent to the protection afforded to them here by equality legislation. The committee may be interested to note that English, Scottish and Welsh Travellers are not recognised as ethnic minorities in the UK.

It is also argued that Ireland has implicitly recognised Travellers as an ethnic minority by involving Traveller representatives in the European Year Against Racism and the National Consultative Committee on Racism and Interculturalism and by reporting on Travellers under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. Inclusion of Travellers in these fora or reports reflects the Government's willingness to take a wide-ranging view of discrimination issues. It also shows the Government recognises that Traveller organisations have a major contribution to make to combating discrimination. This does not, however, amount to accepting that Travellers are an ethnic minority. It just means that their position is analogous to that of an ethnic minority for some purposes, particularly in the area of discrimination.

Traveller representatives also believe that referring to Travellers in Ireland's report under the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities constitutes acceptance that Travellers are an ethnic minority. Once again, this is inaccurate. That report clearly states that although Ireland does not recognise any national minorities, it recognises the special position of Travellers. This is consistent with the Government's position under this convention and elsewhere of recognising and tackling the particular challenges faced by Travellers, regardless of whether they fall within the strict definition of the target group. Moreover, the terms "national minority" and "ethnic minority" are not synonymous.

Finally, it was also suggested that Travellers were excluded from the main body of the report on the basis that including Travellers would have undermined Ireland's position on the right to vote. The Electoral Act 1992 recognises that a person may be ordinarily resident in more than one place and that while a person may only be registered once, the decision on where the person is to be registered is "subject to any expression of choice by such person". These provisions enable Travellers to be registered as electors, even where they have a nomadic lifestyle. Improving electoral registration for Travellers is also being looked at in the context of the recommendations of the task force on the Traveller community.

I remind the committee that looking to the Constitution, it is clear that representation by constituencies is required to be done on the basis of population. Equality of representation has to be done on that basis. Therefore, the question of where one lives is relevant to the electoral process as a constitutional principle in Ireland even though we have now extensively liberalised the law to recognise the concept which applies not only to Travellers but also to students. It is possible to have more than one ordinary place of residence in the State. Accommodation can also be made for late registration of people in an electoral process in order to enable them to participate based on where they are ordinarily resident at the time of their late registration.

Travellers were not included in the main body of the report for the reason that the Government is not convinced that they constitute an ethnic minority. They are clearly a minority but they are not deemed to be an ethnic minority. This view is backed up by a number of academics, by the 1995 task force report on the Traveller community, which did not define Travellers as an ethnic minority in Ireland, and by the Government's position over a number of years.

Although it is not the case in Ireland, it is possible for sub-communities to develop, for example among people who have fishing as a way of life. Their life, culture and community ethos can be different from that of other people in the wider community. For example, Newfoundland fishermen are distinctively different from the rest of the population in Newfoundland. While they are a distinct minority, they are not an ethnic minority and we cannot warp and bend language in order to do this.

The Government is committed to tackling discrimination against Travellers. This commitment is demonstrated by our approach on reporting on Traveller issues where possible and including Traveller representatives in various national and international fora dealing with racism issues. It would be regrettable if this positive and inclusive approach was hijacked and misrepresented in an attempt to discredit the Government's approach to this issue.

I thank the committee for its attention and am happy to deal with any questions that may be put to me.

I thank the Minister for his presentation. When we decided at the last meeting to bring the Minister here, we hoped that as a result of it we would at least have a clear understanding as to why it is the case that Travellers do not form an ethnic minority. The Minister said the Government is not convinced that they constitute an ethnic minority. Is the jury still out in that regard, or has a definitive decision been made? As far as he is concerned, is the door shut?

This is a matter of history and of attitude. I do not speak for subsequent Governments or generations. This Government does not believe it is intellectually honest to categorise Travellers as an ethnic minority as opposed to a distinct cultural minority. For example, if a family in the Traveller community decided to settle and change its lifestyle - people are free to make those decisions - people would not say that family was ethnically different from its neighbours one generation onwards.

We must be intellectually honest about this and not cod ourselves. It would not be right or fair to say that if somebody decided to separate himself or herself from the Traveller community and become part of the settled community, he or she could be referred to as being ethnically different one or two generations later. That would be a gross distortion of language.

I have already told the Chairman about the difficulties I have with the timing of this meeting, particularly in terms of the recovery of some of my notes from our meeting in December.

I would like to begin where the Minister has left off - on the question of intellectual honesty. I hope that what I say will also be intellectually honest. I am a founding member of the Sociological Association of Ireland, along with Hilary Tovey and others, and I am seriously concerned about the reference in the Minister's speech to A Sociology of Ireland. It is important that it be corrected. The authors of this book will not be very offended if I say this is not the definitive work on Irish sociology, being quite dated. It is used in first year sociology courses in universities as an introductory text. The Minister stated: “For example, in A Sociology of Ireland, published in 2002, two leading sociologists, Hilary Tovey and Perry Share...” It is true that they are leading sociologists. I should point out, however, that I lectured in inter-group relations for 25 years, which is longer than the time for which they have lectured. They are fine scholars, however.

The Minister went on to say that Ms Tovey and Mr. Share pointed out that "the claim that Travellers constitute a distinct ethnic group is controversial within academic research". One cannot, in an intellectually honest way, construe that remark to mean they have concluded that Travellers are not an ethnic group. However, the Minister did not do that in this speech. I beat him to it.

It was not I who referred to these books. The Minister has a penchant this morning for referring to sociologists and their publications as well as his distaste for the opinions of unelected academics. Unelected academics and clerics had a particular influence in the early days of the State and we paid the price for it. I am a former academic with an academic interest who happens to have been elected, and I have a view on this.

I refer the Minister and the committee to the presentation made by Dr. Joshua Castellino, who is an academic in the area of human rights. He made a number of specific suggestions. I can tell the Minister what the sociological view was when I ceased lecturing permanently in 1992. It was that there was a problem about the definition. The definition - Dr. Castellino offered his help on this issue - was that there must be one common element. This is not to do with economic subgroups such as fishing communities in agricultural areas or agricultural practitioners in industrial areas. It is not even related to place. It is a matter of shared history and way of life. It is these two features that come out of the general study on the nature of ethnic group and culture. It is much more to do with shared memory and construction than with economy or space. I do not want to bore people by going into details, but I have drawn the attention of the committee to the part of it I remember. I accept that the Minister and I differ on this issue.

That was the academic opinion in 1992. Then there is the problem of who should decide about whether people constitute an ethnic group. The Minister is correct in saying that the Government makes the call when it comes to international institutions. However, he must take into account why it is making its decision at this time. On what basis is it doing so and on what form of consultation is this based? We must agree to disagree on the sociological contribution to the decision that has been made. I fundamentally disagree with this, but I also disagree in fact. That work cannot sustain——

As there is a vote in the Dáil, we will suspend the meeting for approximately ten minutes.

Sitting suspended at 10.35 a.m. and resumed at 10.50 a.m.

We will resume our deliberations. I ask members to appreciate that the Minister is working within a timescale. If possible, we should try to proceed to questions.

That is fair and I will try to assist the Chair as much as possible. The main point that arose from our previous meeting is that if there is a genuine difference in respect of the definition of ethnicity, a conclusion has not been made academically that it cannot be defined. I suggest that the majority of opinion concentrates on shared history and cultural tradition and I previously mentioned that it has something to do with memory. If it is something that has been defined differently in different settings - sometimes by anthropologists, sociologists or social policy makers - and if one wants to make an attempt at an objective definition to take account of an independent objective source, I would like to know which sources were used in arriving at the Government's conclusion. What is the point of taking this decision now?

My next point relates to whether this position is consistent or inconsistent with usage in both the European and international settings. What are the consequences of adopting this position now? The Minister may argue that one is able to deal more effectively with the domestic rights of citizens as they arise in the Constitution. What is the case for that? If he is stating that there is a better and more effective way of dealing with the rights of Travellers by dropping their inclusion in respect of a convention that eliminates all discrimination, what is the basis of the net additionality that is being asserted?

There is a problem in respect of ethnicity, identity, etc., which must be resolved. The inclusion of a minority by reference in any of the international regimes cannot be argued as reducing any of their rights that arise domestically. I do not see how people can set citizen rights within the jurisdiction of a country, while other rights are asserted in international instruments.

My final point relates to the very first issue I raised. The Minister referred to the distinguished sociologist, Hilary Tovey, and her colleague. I was involved in sociology and social anthropology for 25 years and I am aware that self-definition is a crucial aspect. If one looks at the vast amount of literature on indigenous populations in New Zealand, Australia and similar countries, one will see that a crucial element in arriving at one's conclusion is what one calls oneself. People do not call themselves one thing to the exclusion of anything else. If one accepts the inclusion of an ethnic definition for Travellers, one will see that they are not taking themselves out of either the obligations or responsibilities of Irish citizenship. Dr. Castellino made reference to that point at his presentation in December.

I believe that I cited fairly the particular work to which I referred. I do not want to read it into the record but I can supply to members the text from which that quotation was taken. It says much of what Deputy Michael D. Higgins stated, namely, that there is a debate on the matter and that there are fundamental issues at stake. The first of these is whether ethnicity should be self-claimed or conferred by some objective outside body. To use the Chairman's phrase, the jury is still out on that matter.

The second matter is the question of whether we are in some sense making a judgment, adverse or not, on Travellers by including them in the ethnic category or leaving them outside it. The Government has set its face against all forms of discrimination and has consistently made clear in legislation that, outside of whether the intellectual and sociological argument is decided, one way or the other there will be protection for Travellers as a group, regardless of whether nine out of ten or six out of ten people viewing this issue would say that the differences between Travellers and the rest of the community are either ethnic or cultural and communal in nature. The Government has made it clear that there must be protection for Travellers. It has also consistently accorded to Travellers - not ex gratia but as a vindication of the Government’s overall position - a central position in discussions on these issues and included them in processes, without prejudice to the rights or wrongs of the ethnic distinction.

We put material on Traveller issues into reports and we include representatives of the Traveller community on bodies which discuss these issues. It should not come down simply to a sociological or theoretical academic argument on this issue. It is whether we are doing justice and substance that is important.

Deputy Higgins asked why this decision is being made now. If one peruses the Equality Act and the other legislation I cited earlier, one will discover that they make the distinction between discrimination on ethnic grounds and discrimination against the Traveller community.

It is not I who is making a new démarche, or departure, to continue that distinction in our international dealings. On the contrary, regardless of what view one takes on that academic issue, whether it is a subjective or objective ethnicity, and regardless of whether a majority of people would or would not, at any given time, say that the distinctive characteristics of the Traveller community in Ireland are ethnic, as opposed to sociological or cultural, substantive justice must be done. That is our position.

We are not doing something new here. We are continuing the existing position, which is a statement, without prejudice to that issue, that Travellers will be protected from discrimination on an analogous basis. Therefore, the question of arriving at a unified theory where anti-Traveller discrimination legislation is merged into and made indistinguishable from anti-ethnic discrimination measures is, largely speaking, beside the point.

I am not an academic and I do not pretend to be an intellectual. However, I have had a good deal of experience of dealing with the Traveller community, both growing up and working here in Dublin. I recognise what the Minister is saying. I understand that the Government's policies are intended to give recognition to the Traveller community and support it. What would it take to convince the Government that there are substantial numbers of the Traveller community whom I recognise as a distinct ethnic community? There are others who are on the periphery of the Traveller community who, I feel, are not. I see the Traveller community as a distinct ethnic group, although I recognise the Minister's argument. What would persuade the Minister from his view?

Does the Minister think there might be further discrimination against Travellers if they were treated as an ethnic community rather than as a separate cultural community? Would recognition of Travellers as an ethnic community set a precedent for similar recognition of New Age travellers?

I was going to use Deputy Davern's second point in answer to Deputy Carey's point. I do not think it is entirely positive and without negative possibilities for the Government to determine that Travellers are an ethnic minority. It might reinforce prejudicial attitudes if it were stated that they are ethnically different from the settled community. It is not an unalloyed advantage to have one's differences categorised as ethnic differences. I can see the possibility that such a categorisation would compound a mental attitude that there is an ethnic distinction between the settled and Traveller community. Once conceded as a fact, such a distinction could, in turn, feed into different attitudes at a later stage.

I am sure Deputy Higgins would disagree with that but it is not 100% great news to be defined as ethnically different. It says in a subtle way that there is an issue of race, which may or may not be a good thing.

Would the Minister move from an agnostic position to a conclusion?

This may be the distinction between a committed socialist like Deputy Higgins and a committed liberal such as I am. I am sometimes content to have an agnostic non-concluded position on issues and to leave the jury out on them.

Deputy Davern's second question referred to New Age travellers. After two more generations, do we say they are now an ethnic group because they have distinct customs or beliefs or are becoming interested in pre-Christian pagan religions? I do not know much about New Age travellers. Should we accord them ethnic status or do we forbear from doing so and just say they are a distinct minority within our society who should not be discriminated against? Do members know the old phrase, "A distinction without a difference"? There are obvious differences between the various strands of our community. This may be one which does not require a particular form of legal distinction as part of social or legal discourse.

Deputy Higgins asked the Minister about the sources which caused him to arrive at his decision. Could he summarise those?

I inherit the policy of the equality section of my Department, which was established in the time of the then Minister, Mervyn Taylor. This is not some new policy which I have brought into the Department and superimposed on it, nor is it a policy of the former Minister, Deputy John O'Donoghue. It is a view going back over a series of legislative measures. The State has, effectively, prescinded from the issue as to whether Travellers are a distinct ethnic group and has simply said that whatever the rights and wrongs of that argument and whatever the merits of deciding it one way or the other, Travellers must be protected on an analogous basis. If that is an appalling tradition - I do not believe it is - it is an honest intellectual position. I have not arrived in this situation and taken an egregious stance of my own on this issue. This has been the consistent policy of successive Governments, as reflected in legislation.

On that basis, one could take another construction out of the Equality Act. I remember Mervyn Taylor - we shared a building. The Equality Act recognised the distinction of the Traveller people in a way that, at least, supported leaving their inclusion or non-inclusion open. Mr. Taylor took a contrary view of their inclusion or non-inclusion in relation to the international instruments.

Another problem arises which we cannot solve this morning. The question of who will call themselves an ethnic group in the future has been raised. An equally big problem arises in the history of European decision making at a political level. Should governments decide who is an ethnic group or not? If this decision is in the realm of government, uninformed by scientific opinion, where does that leave self-definition? It is a complex area but being complex does not make it unreal. Without looking at the academic side of it, there is no disagreement on the making of these decisions from a scholar's perspective. It involves what is shared. The answer to the question here involves what memories and ways of life are shared and so forth.

There is one crucial element. While I appreciate the commitment to defending the rights of Travellers, it is important to note that it has nothing to do with numbers. There are people who make the case based on the numbers in a settled community, but that is not the issue. The important point is the way in which people define themselves.

If the people of the Gaeltacht felt it was in their interests according to some agenda or other, they could make a very strong argument for ethnic difference from the rest of Ireland. While, of course, the people of the Gaeltacht have cultural, linguistic and historical experiences and shared memories which are different from those of the people in my constituency, the real question I would have to ask would be whether we have to acknowledge all such cultural shared memories and distinctive groups in society along ethnic lines. Can we, by contra-distinction, conclude that it is possible to grant full protection to groups in society which it is not necessary to distinguish in law as ethnic?

The way to remain agnostic is to commit oneself to a tapestry of multi-cultural identities which will co-exist and form themselves into some kind of mosaic. One has to make new law to handle that.

I agree with the general——

That has the virtue of allowing one to remain agnostic about the matter rather than to come to a conclusion of non-inclusion which has consequences.

A conclusion of non-inclusion would be the opposite of a decision to exclude. We are back to words again.

The Minister must attend the Seanad.

I am sorry we did not have more time.

We will not reach unanimity. I thank the Minister for his attendance.

The sub-committee adjourned at 11.20 a.m. sine die.
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