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Seanad Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 19 Mar 1930

Vol. 13 No. 13

Military Service Pensions Bill, 1929—Second Stage.

Question proposed: "That this Bill be read a Second Time."

This Bill has been introduced arising out of various reports made by the Public Accounts Committee. The original Pensions Bill laid down that the consideration of these pension cases should be put into the hands of a Commission. It also laid down, very specifically, that one member of that Commission should be either a judge or a lawyer of ten years' standing, showing quite clearly that it was intended that the consideration of these cases should be in the hands of a body one of whose members, at least, might be expected to be an expert in judging the value of evidence. The sort of evidence that was going before this Commission was such that it was quite obviously against the national interest that it should be made public. I think if anybody takes the trouble of looking over the debates on the original Bill he will see that was really in the minds of the Oireachtas when it passed that Bill.

Many men who came forward to give evidence to prove their service in pre-Truce times had necessarily to give evidence which it would be against the public interest to make public. In very many cases it would, very definitely, be against the interests of the man who was giving evidence either on his own behalf or who was summoned as a witness, that such evidence should be made public. The Comptroller and Auditor-General, at a certain time, called for the files of evidence. The Act did not provide that any record of evidence should be kept. Nevertheless, in most cases, the Commission made written notes of the evidence which came before them for their own guidance, but that is not provided for in the Act. The Comptroller and Auditor-General asked to have this produced before him. He reported the matter to the Public Accounts Committee. The Public Accounts Committee, on the first occasion, I think—I am speaking away from the book—agreed that it was undesirable that this information should be brought before the Comptroller and Auditor-General, necessitating, as it would, that the evidence would be made public to the Public Accounts Committee and, consequently, be made public to the Dáil. Of course, prior to that it would have to be made public in my Department. May I say that this evidence is not available to me. The Act made the Commission the deciders on that evidence. All that came before me was their report as to the rank of the proposed recipient of the pension and of his period of service. All that is available to me is available to the Comptroller and Auditor-General.

The Public Accounts Committee— I cannot say whether it was on the first, second or third occasion— seemed to have a doubt in their minds as to whether the information should be withheld or not. As far as I can read their evidence they intended that it should not be put before the Comptroller and Auditor-General, but expressed a desire that we should regularise the matter. The purpose of this Bill is to regularise that position. The opinion of the legal adviser of the Government was made available to the Public Accounts Committee. That advice was to the effect that we should not submit that evidence to the Comptroller and Auditor-General, and consequently to the Public Accounts Committee. To my mind this Bill does not affect the existing condition at all. The Commission which sat dealing with matters arising out of the Military Service Pensions Act of 1924 received applications and dealt with witnesses and evidence up to about two years ago. I think it is rather more than two years ago since we definitely wound up the Commission, and all further dealing with these pensions. This Bill does not deal with anything that is current or with anything in the future. It only deals with various matters that were dealt with during the period of more than two years ago. That is the main purpose of the Bill, and I do not think I need say any more about it now.

The Bill gives the Seanad an opportunity of justifying its existence to the satisfaction of its friends and enemies by showing that it is here to protect the people and the Oireachtas from sharp practices, or immoral dealings in money, for example. The Bill was an acid test —an acid that will dissolve the people's money. If the Seanad was true to itself it would act as a litmus and show red in the presence of this acid and throw out the Bill—this aqua regia. The position is that the Comptroller and Auditor-General in going through the accounts of the nation makes certain tests. It would not be humanly possible for him to go into everything in detail. Having made his tests, he draws his conclusions accordingly. Occasionally he will take up one item and follow it right through. He happened to strike on the military service pensions, and he thought he would like to see that matter through. He asked for papers to prove to his satisfaction that the money voted by the Oireachtas for military service pensions was actually going to the people for whom it was voted, and to his surprise these papers were not handed over to him. I think the Seanad ought to see that he gets these papers if he wants them.

There is no reason for the Government objecting, unless our suspicions are well-founded, that the money is not going to the people for whom it was intended. It might possibly be going to the secret service or to help an organisation. It has not been made clear to me why the documents required by the Comptroller and Auditor-General should be hidden unless those are the reasons. I did not quite grasp the Minister's explanation. I dare say he did not want to go into our objection that the money is going the wrong way. I ask the Seanad to turn down this Bill. I call it a Bill to legalise what is morally wrong.

I am afraid Senator Robinson in his last sentence stated exactly what this Bill is. It is a Bill of indemnity. It is a Bill to prevent proceedings at any future time against people for the misapplication of public moneys. That is what the Bill really is. The Minister for Defence made a very long speech lasting two hours in defence of this Bill in the Dáil, and he made a very short speech in the Seanad, and leaving out some trimmings he said the same thing in the Seanad which he took two hours to say in the Dáil. I think when a Bill like this, which has created so much discussion and aroused so much public interest, is brought before the Seanad it ought to be very fully and clearly explained. The Bill deals with an Act which had been passed in the year 1924—the Military Service Pensions Act. That Act applies only to a certain class of persons. These were persons who had served in the Volunteers and kindred organisations, pre-Truce, and who had served in the National Army after the Truce. No other person was qualified to receive a pension. I should say that persons who gave service in the intelligence branch of any of the Forces before the Truce, or under the authority of the First or Second Dáil, were to be deemed persons in military service and they also came in.

That being so, a number of provisions in the Act of 1924 were inserted, as I think, to guard the public purse and also to guard the purity of public life, especially in regard to funds. The scheme in the Act was this—a person of a particular class who considered himself entitled to monetary reward made application, and then the Minister for Defence was authorised to refer that application to a board of assessors. True enough, that board of assessors were to include one man who was to be a judge of some court of justice, or a barrister of ten years' standing. In point of fact I think the legal man on the board of assessors was a District Justice, and had the qualification of ten years' standing as a barrister. They were simply a board of assessors and they are so described in the Act. They were to make findings as to the length of service and character of service in the Volunteers and kindred organisations before the Truce and in the Free State Army afterwards. These were their findings.

They were in no sense to award pensions. They were in no sense judicial decisions, and they were in no sense binding on the Minister, although it has been said in the Dáil that they were tantamount to decisions of courts of justice. When these decisions came to the Minister he "may" give a certificate of military service. Whatever advantage that certificate of military service is, apart from the monetary awards which follow from it, I do not know. The certificate in itself might be of advantage to the man. There were cases in which the Minister could absolutely refuse a certificate of military service, even though the findings as to character and length of service would in other cases have justified him. It is laid down in the Act that:

"The Minister may in his absolute discretion refuse to issue a certificate of military service to any applicant who shall have, prior to the making of the report by the board of assessors, been sentenced by a court of competent jurisdiction in Saorstát Eireann to suffer imprisonment with or without hard labour for any term of penal servitude."

I mention that as a test to show that findings of the board of assessors were in no sense decisions of a court of justice. Then after the Minister had given his certificate of military service it was still open to him to refuse, for we have a permissive clause that the Minister may refuse to grant a pension. The board of assessors are described as a court of justice, and their proceedings are sacred from the eye of the one man in all this State who has been selected by the State to guard the expenditure of public revenue. The board may report to the Minister, but they could not find the amount of the pension. That had to be calculated afterwards. The Minister then could by a purely permissive clause grant the pension, provided he got the consent of the Minister for Finance. I do not think I have misstated in any particular the principal sections of this Act of Parliament. Upon that set of facts applications were made. The board of assessors were appointed, findings were made and pensions were awarded and paid, and this public officer—the Comptroller and Auditor-General—all through this discussion has been referred to as something like a first-class auditor. He is Comptroller-General of the public revenue, a man without whose sanction not one penny of public money can be paid if he wishes to challenge it. The Comptroller and Auditor-General thought that in the examination of these accounts it was his duty to inquire first as to the terms of the application and the granting of the pension. The Minister may make a grant of a pension. He thought it was his duty to inquire into the evidence upon which these reports were made to the Minister, or rather to inquire into the materials upon which the Minister granted public money.

It is said the board of assessors were a court of justice. They were just the same as the advisory bodies set up here before the Truce and called courtsmartial, and which in a famous case were held in the House of Lords not to be courts at all. I hope the discussion will not proceed on the assumption that the findings of this board had any of the attributes of a court of justice. The Minister has said that these materials are not even available to himself. If the Comptroller and Auditor-General had done what it was in his power to do they would be available in a court of justice. They are available to the Minister. He is the man primarily liable for their custody. The President said in the Dáil that the papers are available. They are available. The Comptroller and Auditor-General is a very important officer. He is not the servant of the Dáil or of the Seanad. He is the servant of the people of the Free State. He has been appointed by the Dáil, and he can only be dismissed by the Dáil and Seanad concurring in his dismissal. We have as important duties to discharge in relation to that public officer as the other House. His appointment depends on the Constitution. It is laid down:

"That Dáil Eireann shall appoint a Comptroller and Auditor-General to act on behalf of Saorstát Eireann, and that such Comptroller and Auditor-General shall control all disbursements and shall audit all accounts of moneys administered by or under the authority of the Oireachtas and shall report to Dáil Eireann at stated periods to be determined by law."

It is also provided:

"That the Comptroller and Auditor-General shall not be removed except for stated misbehaviour or incapacity on resolutions passed by Dáil Eireann and Seanad Eireann, and that subject to that provision the terms and conditions of the tenure of office of the Comptroller and Auditor-General shall be fixed by law and that he shall not be a member of the Oireachtas and shall not hold any other office or position of emolument."

Now to the officer whom they would not allow to see the documents for fear he would disclose mysterious secrets that must have been known to a number of clerks in the Ministry of Defence they say: "You can see all public accounts. You can see the accounts of the Minister for Finance and the accounts of the Minister for Defence, but there is one room you cannot enter—the bluebeard's room." The Minister in the course of the debate said that he himself was entitled to a pension and that he did not demand a pension. I quite accept that. I am not dealing with this matter from any personal point of view. I am dealing with it from the public point of view, and having regard to the great danger which this infringement of the central rights of the public will lead to. I should say that it would be quite competent to exclude any person other than the Comptroller and the Auditor-General himself from seeing the documents, but to exclude the Comptroller and Auditor-General, the one man that is above party, who cannot be a member of the Dáil or Seanad, who cannot hold any other office, and who cannot be removed from his high office except under the conditions I have stated, the man selected to watch on behalf of the people the money of the people, that man is to be excluded from seeing documents relating to pensions to volunteers and intelligence officers on the grounds that he would disclose that information.

If he made inquiry into these documents and if the awards were proper, of course the Comptroller and Auditor-General would not report them to the Committee of the Dáil or to any other person. But suppose they were wrong. Suppose there was a fraudulent claim made and allowed, what protection should the man guilty of the fraud have from the Comptroller and Auditor-General or a Committee of the Dáil? It is said: How will the Comptroller and Auditor-General know? That same argument could be used in relation to any other item of public expenditure. It is his business to inquire and know. It would be his business to apply his intelligence to the documents before him and see if they were right. The Comptroller and Auditor-General, I think, has acted very reasonably in this matter. He might have taken a much stronger course when the documents were refused. He might have vetoed every payment. That is his power, and it has been exercised in countries which are governed by parliaments before now. It is a power which has been acceded to and accepted by the greatest lawyers, that unless he is satisfied he can veto the payment, and if he vetoes the payment the Minister instead of telling us he has taken legal opinion would have done what the Constitution decided he should do—that is, to have a constitutional question decided by the Supreme Court. He would have been forced to bring a mandamus against the Comptroller and Auditor-General, and as far as I can see he would have failed in that mandamus.

These are very serious considerations. A very serious question has been raised and it has been hanging over for the last three or four years. I regret to see that the Ministry have made such tremendous infringements on the fundamental rights of the people as is admitted here. Instead of allowing the Comptroller and Auditor-General to see any documents he wanted to see, instead of having the question as to his right determined in a constitutional way in a court of justice, they come forward here with this Bill of indemnity. Sub-section (6) of Section 3 of the Principal Act enacts that "The findings of the board of assessors set out in their report shall in all cases be final and conclusive and binding upon the applicant." That was in the original Bill. They had the audacity to suggest that that section as it stood was sufficient to close the files from the Comptroller and Auditor-General. It was stated in the Dáil that that section in itself was sufficient to exclude the Comptroller and Auditor-General, but they find now that it is not sufficient and they go on to say that the declaration that "The findings of the board of assessors set out in their report shall in all cases be final and conclusive and binding upon the applicant" is hereby repealed. What they said is scrapped and in lieu thereof "it is hereby enacted that such findings as so set out shall be, and in the case of findings set out in a report made before the passing of this Act, be deemed always to have been final and conclusive and binding on all persons and tribunals whatsoever."

Well, they think they have done the job now, but it is doubtful whether they have done it. It is doubtful whether in their ingenuity they have yet succeeded in excluding the Comptroller and Auditor-General, because it is very hard to break through the fundamental principles of democracy and the fundamental rights of the people. It is a matter for construction. I do not wish to alarm the Minister at the prospect of having to appear in a court of justice to defend this section but it is quite possible that even as improved and amended that section will fail in its object if the object is to exclude the Comptroller and Auditor-General. I do not know whether any pensions were wrongly given. How could I, and why should I inquire? What I say is that there is the possibility that pensions were wrongly given. Some Ministers have said in the debates that have taken place on this subject that their sheet is white and clean, and that there can be no financial corruption imputed to them. That is not the point which I wish to emphasise here. I am dealing with a constitutional question of great importance. What I say is that the ablest Ministers in the past have been corrupt, that the wisest and ablest of them have been the most corrupt, and that these Ministers now are doing a thing which will bring disgrace and discredit on other Ministers in years to come if they break through the safeguards which have been established for the purpose of securing the incorruptibility of Ministers. You all know that from your reading of famous men who have been disgraced by defalcations having been found out. You all know the reason why the Comptroller and Auditor-General is appointed. You all know the reason why he was placed above Party, and you all know the reason why he was placed outside the Parliament.

When Senator Comyn was referring to able Ministers who had become corrupt, did he mean to say that we have corrupt Ministers in our Government?

I was speaking of the past. Senators know the reasons why it is found necessary to isolate one particular man whose function it should be to control payments by Ministers, and having controlled them in the first instance to audit them afterwards.

These things have happened in the past. There was a reason for the appointment of this official. The framers of the Constitution when they drew it in that way had before them the reasons why he should be so protected and why he should have all these powers. That is what I said when I was interrupted by my friend——

I am very sorry.

Perhaps I was not able to explain myself.

Cathaoirleach

The Senator has explained now.

The reason why I object to this Bill is that it breaks down these defences that have been set up for the protection of the money of the people. The Ministers themselves are leaving open the way; they are by this measure making the first encroachment on the powers of the Comptroller and Auditor-General; they are doing a thing which in my judgement and in the judgement of other members of the Seanad, is, I am sure, an unconstitutional thing. This Bill is really an amendment of the Constitution. It is not introduced as an amendment of the Constitution; the thing is done surreptitiously. It is a dangerous thing, and it is dangerous in the very point in which men are most likely to fall, the question of public funds. I think the Ministry was wrong in introducing this Bill. I believe they know that they had no power to exclude the Comptroller and Auditor-General from his inquiries. I believe, looking at the frame of the Bill itself and with no other knowledge or information, it is intended to be an Act of indemnity. I am quite satisfied that it is not of virtue to do what it purports to do, or what it is supposed to do—namely, to exclude the Comptroller and Auditor-General from inquiring into these accounts, and even after it is passed, it will be perfectly competent for the Comptroller and Auditor-General, if he is not satisfied that these are legitimate payments, to refuse his voucher, to exercise his control, and refuse payment until the papers are shown to him as they ought to have been.

The Senator who has just spoken usually makes rather extreme statements and with, in my view, over-emphasis. I think in this case he has not over-emphasised his denunciation of this Bill. I think it is quite true that the Bill has raised more issues of vital import, of a financial character, at any rate, than perhaps any Bill brought before the Oireachtas since 1922. The Senator spoke of it as a Bill of indemnity; I think it is rather a renunciation Bill, a Bill in which the Dáil particularly is asked to renounce its authority, its check over the expenditure of public moneys.

It has been pointed out that the Comptroller and Auditor-General is a Contitution-appointed officer whose tenure of office is similar to that of the Chief Justice, whose position is entirely above politics, entirely above the administration, and that his responsibility is solely to the people through the Dáil and Seanad. I think it has been rather unfair to refer to him as he has been referred to in the other House, and to create the impression that he is an officer of comparatively minor importance, that Ministers, for instance, whose activities of a financial character he is specially appointed to check, are of equal importance in financial matters. That is an entirely wrong view, and I would say, with a knowledge of the origins of this dispute, that he has been perfectly correct in every step he has taken. Having been appointed to control disbursements and to audit accounts, his position, if he finds any fault, is to report the fact to the Dáil, and that is all he has done in the very mildest but in a very incisive manner.

For the purpose of reassuring certain Senators I wish to say that the case I intend to put here to-day is the case that was submitted in 1927 by men of such antecedents and character as Deputy Hewat, Deputy Bryan Cooper and Deputy Conor Hogan, men who were not political associates of my own. I think it is important, in view of what the Minister stated here to-day, to point out that the request which the Comptroller and Auditor-General submitted to the Accounting Officer of the Minister for Defence was as follows:—"January 7, 1926. It is requested that the original applications for service pensions paid during the financial year ended 31st March, 1925, may be forwarded to this Department." That was from the Audit Office. The reply received from the Army Finance Officer stated: "In accordance with the request, I duly applied to the secretary of the Board of Assessors for the original applications and received the following reply... ‘The Board cannot agree to forward the documents mentioned.'"

There has been a great deal said about the evidence, about documents, about the assessors' notes of evidence and so on, about this court and the authority over the documents belonging to the court, but I want to emphasise that the Comptroller and Auditor-General sought, for the purpose of his audit, the original applications and they were refused. What are the original applications? The original applications are statutory forms which are filled up. The Act which is the basis of this discussion—the Military Service Pensions Act—provides that the Minister may make regulations. The Minister made regulations and supplied forms as an appendix to the regulations. The first form is entitled: "Application to the Minister for Defence for a certificate of military service." There can be no question that a document issued under regulations of a statutory kind, paid for out of public funds, sent to the Minister in accordance with the statutory regulations, is a public document inasmuch as it has reference to a financial transaction, the expenditure of public moneys, and obviously and necessarily comes within the purview of the audit. When the Comptroller and Auditor-General sought for the purposes of his audit the production of the original applications for pensions the Board of Assessors declared that they could not agree to forward the documents mentioned. A discussion took place following that refusal, and the matter was reported to the Dáil by the Comptroller and Auditor-General and finally to the Committee of Public Accounts. It appeared that a consultation had taken place between the Board of Assessors and the Minister and it was then proposed that the Comptroller and Auditor-General should be informed that they would allow him to see the forms of application conditionally.

The conditions are these. I am quoting from the Report of the Proceedings of the Public Accounts Committee, 16th February, 1927, page 253, from the evidence of the Accounting Officer:

The forms of application will be made available for the personal inspection of the Comptroller and Auditor-General upon the distinct understanding that any information disclosed upon these forms, which relates to activities undertaken, or persons resident outside Saorstát Eireann, or which deals specifically with activities in respect of which service is claimed, are under no circumstances to be divulged to any person whatever.

In regard to certain of the applications, and more particularly in regard to the evidence tendered, the most solemn undertakings have been given by the Board to applicants and witnesses that their statements and sworn evidence were being received, and would be treated as being in the strictest confidence.

I want to ask the House to remember that the Comptroller and Auditor-General is an officer appointed by the Dáil to audit all financial transactions made on behalf of the State, transactions conducted under the authority of Ministers, and in effect it is the Ministers' financial operations that are being checked on behalf of the people. As everyone realises it is a most desirable thing for the sake of Ministers that there should be such a careful and authoritative independent audit. In the course of the audit Ministers sought to impose conditions upon the Comptroller and Auditor-General, and it seems to me that no one in his position could rightly accept such conditions. The Minister referred to the Board of Assessors as a Commission. I suppose it was not a thoughtfully constructed term; he did not want to imply anything beyond the fact, but there is quite a different construction likely to be placed upon the term "a Commission" as compared with the actual term and function of this Board. It is a Board of Assessors which reports on the period of service of persons who have applied for pensions. They have to report to the Ministry which is the executive authority for granting or refusing pensions. While I do not want to over-emphasise it from the constitutional side, I want to emphasise it from the point of view of financial propriety, that this Board of Assessors consisted of three persons, one of whom must have had legal experience, any two of whom could sign a report which then would be the report of the Board. But two of these three were members of the Ministry whose accounts were being audited. One was, I think, Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Finance at the time, and the other was the Minister for Fisheries. No doubt by virtue of their previous knowledge and experience the most competent men to examine and advise upon the facts. I am not questioning that at all. But they were in a position of executive authority, yet they constituted the majority of this Board of Assessors which had to make these reports involving the expenditure of public moneys. Their refusal to produce the applications meant that the accounts were not to be audited in the way that the Comptroller and Auditor-General thought necessary, acting on the authority of the Constitution Act and the special Act known as the Comptroller and Auditor-General Act. I say as a matter of financial and political propriety that is a very important fact, and one would have hoped, from the point of view purely of the removal of any possible shadow of doubt, that the audit would have been open and that no obstacle whatever would have been placed in the way of the Comptroller and Auditor-General. It was pointed out too that the Comptroller and Auditor-General's powers, as the Adaptation of Enactments Act and the Comptroller and Auditor-General Act signify in so many words, except in so far as they may be enlarged by the Constitution Act, follow upon and are identical with the powers of the Comptroller and Auditor-General in the late United Kingdom, which is the phrase in the Act.

Under those powers, notwithstanding the various enactments stating that the decision of the Board and the Minister should be final, it was, and is to-day, the constant practice that all documents relating to an award which was alleged to be final and conclusive are revealed as required to the Comptroller and Auditor-General. As is related in the draft report which was drawn up by myself and refused by a majority in the Committee—a matter to which I will refer later—the Superannuation and Pensions Act of 1923, Section 9 says: "The decision of the Ministry of Finance on any question which may arise as to the application of any section of this Act as to any person or as to the amount of any allowance or gratuity under this Act or as to the reckoning of any services for such allowances or gratuities shall be final."

Notwithstanding that, all the papers respecting the service, the amount of gratuity, the amount of pension or award are produced and are available for the Comptroller and Auditor-General, and naturally, inevitably as it seems to me, that having been the practice he sought to support his audit by reference to the documents. The document he sought, as I have shown, was the original application of the pensioner. Let us examine that for a moment. In the original application the person was required to state his service in the various units for various periods. For instance, "Did you render active service in the week commencing 23rd April, 1926? Unit, particulars of any military operation or engagements or services rendered, ...absence from duty." Similar space is left for service in the succeeding period, including the period in the National Army. That is presented to the Minister and referred by him to the Board for their examination and report. They report, and the form of their report sets out what the result of their examination is as to the service rendered by the applicant.

Let us say that the man is granted a pension of £200 and that that could only be made up by a certain period of service in a certain rank. I ask the House to consider whether, if the applicant in sending forward an application declares that his service in this year was so and so and the succeeding year was something else, if that disagreed with the report of the Board, would not that be a reasonable ground for query by the Comptroller and Auditor-General? Let us bear in mind that £6,000,000 are involved in this matter, or £150,000 a year for 40 years, that is to say the average expectation of life as will be seen from the census returns. Allowing 40 years for the average man in receipt of a pension, round about £6,000,000 is involved. The Minister himself has said that it is practically impossible for such a considerable number of transactions to have taken place without some flaw or some illegality having arisen. We are asked by this Bill to say in effect that no matter what illegalities may have arisen, no matter what flaw may have arisen, no matter what awards which were unearned have been made, nothing henceforth shall be done to rectify the wrong awards. The Minister has said that if anyone brings evidence showing that a man is receiving money that he should not receive he will take action. I wonder has he considered that he is in effect stopped from taking action? Not only is the Comptroller and Auditor-General stopped by this Bill, but the Dáil is stopped, the Courts of Justice are stopped, the Minister himself is stopped. But the Minister will point to the proviso that is still left in the Act:

.... provided however that the Board may at any time re-open any or all of their findings at the request of the Minister on the ground that evidence not available prior to the making of their report had since become available, and upon hearing such additional evidence the Board of Assessors may amend their report and alter or discharge any findings therein as may seem to them just, having regard to such further evidence.

I have this note of query as to whether, if the Board is no longer existent, if the Board has been dissolved, how can it be considered that the Board could re-open a question? It may be said that legally the Board is a continuing body, or that a new board may be constituted which may be considered to be the board under the Act. That is a legal matter on which I cannot express any strong or valuable opinion. But assuming that a board may be reconstituted any time within the next ten, fifteen, twenty or thirty years, it would be a new board in fact, though the old board according to the law. The Minister may ask the Board to re-open, provided that he has evidence which was not available prior to the making of their report. But who is to know whether the evidence was available or not prior to the making of that report? How is the Minister to know? He has not access to the documents, and he does not know what evidence was before the Board. If the Board says, as they may well say, "This matter was before us; we have decided on this finally," I submit to the Minister that he is not in a position to ask the Board to re-open until he can be assured that the evidence which he says is new was not then available.

But if, perchance, the Board had made a report which was wrong in fact, notwithstanding the evidence, the Minister's case and the case of the Bill is that, notwithstanding any error they made, their word is like that of the Privy Council: it is the law; and nothing else can come between their report and the issue of the final pension. So that I say the proviso is of no value whatever in ensuring that a wrongfully awarded pension will be brought to an end. It is even impossible, according to this Bill, supposing there were a suggestion of the possibility of prosecution for perjury, to have it, because the documents are not available; the decision is final and the Board is the possessor; it cannot and will not release them; they are their documents and in their possession; and the evidence which is supposed to be contained in those documents and files is of so secret a character that no person outside the Board dare have access to it. I am not going to overstress that side of it at all; I realised from the beginning the case that the Minister has made, that there may be good reason for avoiding even the possibility of publicity in respect of certain pensions for fear of the freedom, if not the lives, of the persons concerned. The Board itself, in defence of its refusal to disclose, say they made a promise of secrecy. But it was entirely beyond their power to make such a promise; they had no authority under the Act to do so. That the Oireachtas, particularly the Comptroller and Auditor-General, is to be estopped from carrying out its duty because the Board, acting beyond their authority, made certain promises of secrecy, is a preposterous proposal, and this House should not be a party to it.

I am not sure whether I have misread a statement made by the Minister, but I would like to have his correction if I am wrong. It appears in column 246 of the Official Report of the Dáil: "I do not have any files. We only get the applications and the certificates when they come back from the Board." I am not sure whether that means that the applications and the certificates come back from the Board.

The certificates only.

I gather from the Minister that only the certificates come back from the Board, and that when he said: "We only get the applications and the certificates," he meant that they only got the applications when originally received, that they forwarded them to the Board, and that in return they only received the certificates. The Minister has said to-day, and he said it in the Dáil, that the Comptroller and Auditor-General asked for certain notes made. He said: "The C. and A.-G., having no legal knowledge, misunderstood and thought he should have access to certain notes made, not under the Act, but for their own guidance, by the members of the Board." Again: "This question arose owing to his asking for certain notes of evidence kept for their own guidance by members of the Board." I will show him that that is entirely misleading, that the document that was refused in the first instance was a request for the original application, and it was that document that was specifically and in due form, after consideration, refused to the Comptroller and Auditor-General.

Was it not agreed to send it under certain conditions?

After a time. It was agreed not to send them to him but that he should personally read them under conditions. But I want to emphasise the point that this difference as to the reading of the Comptroller and Auditor-General Act arose originally on the application of the Comptroller and Auditor-General for the applications which were refused, and only after a considerable amount of discussion was there any modification, which was to the extent that he would be allowed personal observation of the applications, under conditions.

I would like to put this specific question to the Minister. When he said: "I am quite prepared to hear from anybody who has any information to give me of cases in which it is thought pensions should not be allowed. I am prepared to take up any case where it is considered a man is drawing a pension illegally," what would be the procedure, if this Bill becomes law, which would allow him to take up a question, which would ensure that the question should be taken up and the allegations of illegality determined; or, shall I say, when he is out of office and a new Government is in office, how will it be done? He is only empowered to do it if he has evidence which was not available to the Board before it made its report. How will he know that the new evidence which, let us say, Deputy So-and-so or Senator somebody else submits to him, is new evidence if he does not know what was before the Board? If the Board will not reopen the case there can be no new inquiry. The Bill itself will effectively prevent the re-examination of any case, except the Minister and the Minister following him can persuade the Board which he reconstitutes that the evidence he is now about to submit is new evidence which was not previously before the Board.

In view of the circumstances in which this dispute has arisen can the Seanad not see the evil results on political stability that will follow the enactment of this Bill? Very strong expressions of opinion, very definite charges—perhaps I should not say very definite; rather indefinite but very emphatic charges—have been made respecting the administration of the Act. A new Government comes along with a new Minister and with the provisions of this Bill in force. They determine that there shall be an inquiry into these awards and they constitute a board of assessors ad hoc for the purpose. Then, of course, all these things will be free and open, and then, of course, all the doubts as to the permanence of any of these pensions will be raised. I say that the enactment of this Bill will cause more trouble and more difficulty in actual practice than one can readily conceive, and in addition to that it will be a very serious departure from the practice which governed the financial checks on the administration of the past and the system which has been taken over by this State.

There is a somewhat personal matter that I want to touch on by way of personal explanation. It is to correct a quite inadvertently misleading statement made by Deputy Bryan Cooper in the Dáil. In the course of a personal explanation he referred to the Report of the Committee of Public Accounts of 1927 and he said: "The Report in question was drawn up by the then chairman who was then the leader of the Labour Party in the Dáil. Before it was issued he was taken ill, and I was appointed by the Committee as acting-chairman to sign that Report." I think the impression that was created was that the Report of the Committee which had been signed by Deputy Bryan Cooper as acting-chairman was the Report which was drawn up by myself. That is not the case. The case in fact was that I drew up the Report and when we came to the paragraph dealing with Army pensions the question was put that all subparagraphs after sub-paragraph 2 be deleted, that is to say, that all the parts of the Report dealing with this question be deleted. That was carried, four Deputies voting for and three against, the three against being Deputies Hewat, Conor Hogan and Cooper. I went away immediately after, and a new draft was submitted by Deputy Esmonde, and adopted, Deputy Bryan Cooper being in the chair. It was the Report as amended that was signed by him and that became the Report of the Committee. I think it is desirable that that correction should appear in the Official Report, because I look upon this matter as one of very great seriousness indeed, and I do not want to have any misapprehension of the facts. I hope that the House will not agree to the Second Reading of this Bill.

I did not read the debate on this Bill in the Dáil; I read certain reports which may or may not have been accurate, and my opinion on the issue is very largely based on the statement made by Senator Johnson, together with the reading of the Bill and a certain amount read in the Press. Possibly the exact wording of the Bill which Senator Johnson criticised may in Committee turn out to require amendment. It seems on the face of it that the wording goes too far. But on the main issue as to whether the Comptroller and Auditor-General is entitled to demand any general documents of this kind I do not agree at all with Senator Johnson.

While I do not wish for a moment to make little of the position of the Comptroller and Auditor-General, I think it is quite possible to exaggerate his functions, not only in this matter but in other matters. I was astounded to find Senator Johnson saying that nothing which Senator Comyn had said in regard to this Bill was exaggerated. Senator Johnson's statement with regard to the functions of the Comptroller and Auditor-General was very different indeed from that of Senator Comyn. Senator Comyn conceives the Comptroller and Auditor-General as a kind of superman who is over the Oireachtas, who has power to hold up a payment. I think that that is quite erroneous. Senator Comyn has read into the word "control" something which is not meant and which does not in fact exist, and I suggest that it would be extremely awkward indeed for other parties who may come into power if it were to be held that the Comptroller and Auditor-General could control the Dáil in the matter of expenditure. His function is to examine expenditure made and to see, as far as he can, that the expenditure is in accordance with the Acts of the Oireachtas. If he is not satisfied, or if he considers there is doubt, his function is to report that, and that is dealt with by a Committee of the Dáil. To my mind, it is not his function to express any opinion as to the wisdom or otherwise of an Act of the Oireachtas. The Act may be foolish, but that is not his job, and he is only entitled, to my mind, to such documents as may enable him to ascertain the accuracy of the decision of the Dáil—it is generally the Dáil— or of the Oireachtas. Is he to receive and be entitled to make public documents dealing with the record of persons who have applied to a tribunal— call it what you like—which had to decide whether these were or were not proper persons to receive pensions?

I am not now dealing, and do not propose to deal with or take into consideration at all the various charges which have been made, and I do not think that that is the issue which we are now discussing. It was made plain in Senator Johnson's statement that there was no objection to the documents being made available for the perusal of the Comptroller and Auditor-General himself, if they were not to be made public. It seems to me conceivable that if he could prove that a miscalculation in the number of years, or something of that kind, had been made, it might come within his functions; but it does not seem to me that it is part of his functions to decide whether this tribunal which reported to the Minister was or was not right as to whether the service of a particular individual was or was not military service. I do not think that came within his functions, and I do not think he was entitled to documents dealing with that, or, if he got any documents, to make public any facts in them. I am trying to look at this as the case which has been put before us now. As to whether this Bill, on other points which I am not going into at this moment, goes too far; as to whether this Bill closes for ever and prevents any adjustment, Senator Johnson has made a certain case. I would like to have that dealt with by the Minister, and in Committee we can go into it, and see whether in fact it does. On the main issue as to whether the Comptroller and Auditor-General is to be entitled to all documents and evidence which is put before the Committee of Inquiry that has to go into matters of this kind, I do not think he is. But I think that, while it is the duty of the Oireachtas to see that he is put in a position fairly and squarely to audit payments, and to see that they are consistent with the Votes made in the Dáil, the Parliament has to protect itself against conceivably a Comptroller and Auditor-General wishing to go into matters which are matters of opinion, matters of party politics, matters of the wisdom or otherwise of the acts of the House, which I do not think are his functions at all. For that reason I propose to vote for the Second Reading of the Bill, at any rate.

The Comptroller and Auditor-General has never for one moment claimed such a function.

The main point was the making public of any matters which were referred to in the statement which it was objected to.

First of all it might be as well for me to read certain parts of the original Bill. For instance it says:

The Minister shall refer every such application for a certificate of military service to a board of assessors appointed under this Act to hear all such applications and shall before granting any such certificates take into consideration the report made by the board of assessors and, subject to the provisions of this Act, shall grant or refuse a certificate of military service in accordance with such report.

I think Senator Comyn said that I was perfectly free to grant such a certificate or not. The Act says that I shall grant or refuse to grant a certificate in accordance with the report of the board of assessors. Senator Comyn completely misrepresented the case there. The original Act also said:

Every report as to military service of any applicant for a certificate of military service shall contain findings upon the following matters, that is to say:—

(a) the military service of such applicant in Oglaigh na hEireann or in the Irish Volunteers or in the Irish Citizen Army or in Fianna Eireann or in the Hibernian Rifles; and

(b) the military service of such applicant in the National Forces or the Defence Forces of Saorstát Eireann; and

(c) the period of the service of such applicant in such force or body as aforesaid.

(4) Every report made by the board of assessors as to the military service of any applicant for a certificate of military service shall be in the prescribed form.

First of all, the applicant applies on a form. That form is set out under certain regulations. That form really aims at indicating the period of time for which he claims service. It is not necessary for the applicant to give such information as this:—"Information which relates to activities undertaken, or persons resident outside Saorstát Eireann, or which deals specifically with activities in respect of which service is claimed." When the Comptroller and Auditor-General applied for these application forms what was the fact? Many applicants in sending in their application forms had given more information than they were required to give on these forms. They had on these applications information which it was very definitely against the interests of this State to be made public and which was not essential to the application forms. The Comptroller and Auditor-General was told that for his personal inspection these forms could be made available, but that the form of application would be made available "upon the distinct understanding that any information disclosed upon these forms, which related to activities undertaken, or persons resident outside Saorstát Eireann, or which deal specifically with activities in respect of which service is claimed, are under no circumstances to be divulged to any person whatever." That was a perfectly fair condition to make. There was information there which in the interests of the State should not be made public. The forms were ready to be made available to the Comptroller and Auditor-General, relying upon his sense of duty and his feeling for the interests of the State, and it was requested that he would not make these forms available to other people because of that other information that they contained. That was a perfectly fair proposal, to my mind. When Senator Johnson says that I referred to certain notes taken, of course he will know that I was dealing with the whole case as it had been made in the Dáil, that I was dealing with things that were put up there. It certainly was made perfectly clear that it was considered necessary that all the evidence that had been given should be made available.

If this information were to be made available to the Comptroller and Auditor-General, the Comptroller and Auditor-General's work in that instance is to audit sums received in my Department, that is to say, to audit and report upon the moneys for which I am responsible, and obviously if I am submitting things to the Comptroller and Auditor-General, anything that is made available to him must first of all be made available to my Department, which is going to be blamed or otherwise on what is made available. Therefore anything that is made available to the Comptroller and Auditor-General in relation to my Department must certainly be made available to my Department and to my accounting officer.

Senator Comyn suggested that if there was no misapplication of public money there would be no need for the Comptroller and Auditor-General to make them public. Certain cases were mentioned in the Dáil. Deputy MacEntee cited certain cases for the purpose of suggesting that they were cases where men had received payments to which they were not entitled. As a matter of fact, they were cases in which the men were completely entitled to receive payments, but although everything had been done correctly, yet possibly through a misunderstanding on the part of the Comptroller and Auditor-General they were made public to the Public Accounts Committee, and consequently public to the whole country and to the world in general.

Things that are made public are not limited to cases of irregularity. There were three cases cited by Deputy MacEntee in the Dáil. One was that of a person who was wounded in 1916; the second was that of members of the Civic Guard in receipt of wounds pensions; and the third was that of a member of the volunteers injured in his ordinary occupation. These were three cases in which, quite rightly and properly, payments were made. Nevertheless, the details were made public through the action of the Comptroller and Auditor-General. If we put these details before the Comptroller and Auditor-General he can, in these cases as well as in other cases, make them public. That would be diametrically opposed to the interests of the State. Therefore, it was proposed not to put that information at his disposal. Senator Comyn suggested that the money which is alleged to be paid out in these pensions may be going to secret service or to help an organisation. That statement is perfectly ridiculous.

The payment of services rendered which were secret services.

The statement was that the money may be going to secret service or to help an organisation. I was wrong in saying that it was Senator Comyn who made that statement. I now find it was Senator Robinson who made it. It is perfectly clear, of course, that Senator Robinson, having made that statement, does not know the first thing about the matter. All the information as to where the money is going is available to the Comptroller and Auditor-General. If it were going to secret service or to help an organisation that would be perfectly clear to the Comptroller and Auditor-General, and it would be his business to report it to the Dáil. Senator Comyn said that the findings of the Board were in no way binding on the Minister. I have already pointed out that the Act lays it down that the Minister shall, subject to the provisions of the Act, grant or refuse a certificate for a military service pension on the report of the Board. The Minister has no option but to grant a certificate when the report of the Board is to that effect. I think it is perfectly apparent to most Senators that Senator Comyn's description of the functions of the Comptroller and Auditor-General is not in accordance with the facts. Senator Comyn spoke of the Comptroller and Auditor-General requiring to see the applications and the reports of evidence. The Comptroller and Auditor-General was offered all the information that should be put down on the application forms. He was asked merely not to make public anything that was on the application form which, strictly speaking, should not be upon it. As to the reports available to me and as to the evidence of notes made by members of the Board, these notes were made by the members of the Board for their own guidance and should not be made available to the Comptroller and Auditor-General on the grounds that were succinctly put by Senator Douglas as well as on the ground of public interest. Senator Comyn says I am the man responsible for the custody of that evidence. I am not the man responsible. He says they are available. They are not available to me. He said that the Comptroller and Auditor-General cannot see documents that must have been available to many clerks in the Department of Defence. These documents were never made available to clerks in my Department. They were not even made available to me. Senator Comyn ridiculed the suggestion that the Comptroller and Auditor-General would disclose what was in them. He said that the Comptroller and Auditor-General would only report cases in which fraud had been committed, that if cases were not fraudulent he would not report on them. He has reported on cases that were not fraudulent. He does not limit his report to cases that are fraudulent. Senator Comyn said that the Comptroller and Auditor-General can veto all payments. He cannot. It will be noted that the application for the original applications was made to the accounting officer in the Department of Defence, the obvious meaning of that being that anything made available should be made available to the accounting officer and consequently, to all the members of my Department.

Senator Johnson said that Ministers were seeking to impose conditions upon the Comptroller and Auditor-General. I think it will be admitted that they have not attempted to impose any unfair conditions. Senator Johnson quoted cases in England. He said that all documents are revealed to the Comptroller and Auditor-General in England. That may be so. So far as we are concerned here all documents will be made available to the Comptroller and Auditor-General provided that it is not against the interests of this State that they be made public. Can Senator Johnson, or anybody else, suggest a case in England that would be analogous to the case of men coming forward here to give an account of their services during the years 1916 to 1922? Anybody who lived in this country during that period will have some idea of the sort of things that will be in these reports. It is said blandly that because certain things are revealed to the Comptroller and Auditor-General in England that the same thing should happen here in regard to these service pensions. There is no analogy whatever between the two.

All pensions are audited in the same way here.

Obviously all pensions. Why is it proposed that everything in relation to these pensions should not be made public? Because, as everybody knows, it is not in the public interest. First of all, it would be directly opposed to the interests of the State. Secondly, it would be directly opposed, in many cases, to the interest of the individual applicants, or of the people whom they called to give evidence on their behalf. I myself know the cases of men who, if the information contained in these files were made public, would be hounded out of their present employment or would have to leave the country in which they are at present. I know many cases of that kind. Blandly, we are told it is done in England, and why should it not be done here? It should not be done here because there are no analogous cases in England to the cases here. Anybody who knows anything about that particular period knows perfectly well that is so. They also know that the Government has had no option but to take the action it has taken on this. That action has been taken from a sense of responsibility on the part of the Government, while a sense of lack of responsibility is shown by those who say that this information should be published in the year 1930.

Senator Johnson said if it appeared from the application forms that the periods of service set down in them do not coincide with the periods of service certified by the Board, that that would obviously be a case where the Comptroller and Auditor-General should take action. That does not necessarily follow at all. Many men who serve their country are not always very good hands at filling up forms. I think it is quite possible that there are cases in which men have actually set down, on the original application forms, terms of service not equal to the full terms that they actually gave. I cannot say for sure, but I think that is very possible.

Senator Johnson also said that this Bill provides no means for getting after false claims. If you take the present Bill, clause 2 says:—

"So much of sub-section (6) of Section 3 of the Principal Act as enacts that the findings of the Board of Assessors set out in their report shall in all cases be final and conclusive and binding upon the applicant is hereby repealed and in lieu thereof it is hereby enacted that such findings as so set out shall be and, in the case of findings set out in a report made before the passing of this Act, be deemed always to have been final and conclusive and binding on all persons and tribunals whatsoever, but subject and without prejudice to the power of the Board of Assessors to re-open any such findings under the proviso to the said sub-section (6)."

The said sub-section referred to says:—

"Provided however that the Board may at any time re-open any or all of their findings at the request of the Minister on the ground that evidence not available prior to the making of their report had since become available, and upon hearing such additional evidence the Board of Assessors may amend their report and alter or discharge any findings therein as may seem to them just having regard to such further evidence."

If information came to me, say a year hence, which seemed to me to be such as to indicate that a pension is being paid to A.B. who is not entitled to it, what would happen without the Bill being passed, or what would happen with the Bill passed? The original Act adverted to the creation of a Board and it is presumed that Board would possess certain qualities. In the event of anybody giving me information and if I thought that evidence established a prima facie case for re-opening a particular case I would re-assemble the Board. If one or two members of the Board had died meanwhile others would be put in their places.

I would re-assemble the Board and put this evidence before them, and say: "This evidence makes a prima facie case for re-opening this particular case," and I would ask them to say was it evidence additional to what they had before. It must be presumed that even Ministers are honest, and one must presume that the Board will give a fair answer. The country puts the power of Government in our hands and the people must assume that we are honest until we are proved dishonest. The Board would report to me, and if they say the evidence is new then I would say: "Re-open the case in the light of the new evidence." If they reported that the original evidence on which the pension was granted was of a perjured or dishonest nature it would be open to me to request the Board to take proceedings in court against the man.

That will be the method, and that was the method that was foreseen in the original Act, and that condition remains. Senator Johnson said that apropos to the passing of this Bill, if the Board say all that matter was before us and we have decided, there is no difference in the decision before the passing of this Bill and after the passing so far as the situation in regard to that is concerned. I do not know why Senator Johnson suggested that the proviso in this Bill coupled with clause 6 of the original Act is of no value. If it is of no value now all I can say is it was of no value before this Bill was drafted. The documents are, I understand, lodged in the State strong room. The people who have the right to ask for the release of these documents would be the people whose property they originally were, that is the Board. If the Board, on the light of new evidence put up by me before them, decided a prosecution should be made I presume they would take steps to release the original notes of evidence for the purpose of proving perjury against the guilty party. Senator Johnson said the Board could not promise secrecy and that they had no power to make such a promise.

Men came before the Board to give information and which, they knew, if it were made public would injure them. Their future livelihood and safety depended on secrecy. Here is a case where obviously the Board were within their rights in promising secrecy in the interests of the State and of the individual. Under the circumstances the Board were right in promising such secrecy and were right in ensuring that promise was carried out.

That would not relate to a case where the Board promised such secrecy without some sound reason such as I have indicated. As far as I can judge the passing of this Bill will not make a tittle of extra difficulty in getting after any case of a pension having been got on false evidence. The original Act quite clearly to my mind intended that the full details of these applications for pensions should not be made public. The appropriate information upon the original application was offered to the Comptroller and Auditor-General and he was asked merely not to let others see it because of extraneous matters written on the notes in good faith but misguidedly by the applicants. The Attorney-General advised us that such information should not be given to the Comptroller and Auditor-General or made available to the Comptroller and Auditor-General irrespective of whether the case was a bona fide case or not, thus making it practically inevitable that such information will not become generally public. It is, therefore, in my opinion in the interests of the State and in fairness to the individuals concerned that this Bill should be passed. I accordingly hope the Seanad will give it a Second Reading.

I would like to say that while we oppose the Bill in the interests of the control of the State over the payment of pensions that we are in no way regretting that we voted for the original Act. We do not object to military pensions, and do not desire to strangle the original Act for which we voted. Our opposition in this case is in the interest of purity of public administration and the preservation of the control of the Oireachtas through the Comptroller and Auditor-General of the finances of the State. It is in that interest only that we are opposed to this Bill and will vote against the Second Reading.

Question put.
The Seanad divided: Tá, 25; Níl, 15.

  • William Barrington.
  • Sir Edward Bellingham.
  • Miss Kathleen Browne.
  • R.A. Butler.
  • Alfred Byrne.
  • Mrs. Costello.
  • John C. Counihan.
  • The Countess of Desart.
  • James G. Douglas.
  • Michael Fanning.
  • Henry S. Guinness.
  • P.J. Hooper.
  • Cornelius Kennedy.
  • Patrick W. Kenny.
  • The McGillycuddy of the Reeks.
  • James MacKean.
  • John MacLoughlin.
  • Seán Milroy.
  • Sir Walter Nugent.
  • Joseph O'Connor.
  • M.F. O'Hanlon.
  • L. O'Neill.
  • Bernard O'Rourke.
  • Thomas Toal.
  • Richard Wilson.

Níl

  • Caitlín Bean Uí Chléirigh.
  • Michael Comyn, K.C.
  • Joseph Connolly.
  • J.C. Dowdall.
  • Michael Duffy.
  • Thomas Farren.
  • Thomas Foran.
  • Sir John Purser Griffith.
  • Thomas Johnson.
  • Thomas Linehan.
  • William John Molloy.
  • Colonel Moore.
  • John T. O'Farrell.
  • Siobhán Bean an Phaoraigh.
  • Séumas Robinson.
Question declared carried.
Committee Stage ordered for Wednesday, 26th March.
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