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Seanad Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 7 Jun 1933

Vol. 16 No. 25

Trade Loans (Guarantee) (Amendment) Bill, 1933—Second Stage.

Question proposed: That this Bill be now read a Second Time.

Senators will recollect that the original Trade Loans Act was passed in 1924. It had a life of one year only. Each year since a Bill has been introduced at this period to continue it for another year. I think I can say that on each occasion the continuing measure was introduced the Minister then responsible announced that it was the last time he was going to continue it, but at the end of the year he changed his mind and proceeded to introduce a continuing measure.

The Act has been continued from 1924 to date. The question arose for consideration whether it should be continued for another year or whether it should be allowed to drop at this stage. When, last year, I had the responsibility for the first time to move the adoption of the continuing Act I indicated that we had under consideration the question of the future of the Act. We had been examining the operations carried out under this legislation in the past, and the relationship of that legislation to the present position. I announced during the course of the year our intentions concerning this Act for the future. We established a committee consisting of officers of the different State Departments who had practical experience in the administration of these Acts since 1924. To a large extent the Bill now before the Seanad is based on the committee's recommendations, recommendations with which, of course, the Government is in full concurrence. We came to the conclusion that these Acts are still of very definite value, but that they should be amended so as to widen their scope somewhat; also that certain changes in the manner of administration should be effected—changes which do not require legislation, but which have an important bearing on the position.

The principal changes effected by this Act are, first, that the Act is to be continued for a period of five years. It will cease to operate at the end of that time if not renewed. Secondly, it is proposed to enable loans to be given for other than capital undertakings. There was a section in the original Act which had a limited scope in this way: that a guarantee could only be given for loans, the purpose of which was to acquire or erect fixed assets of one kind or another. If any portion of the loan to be raised by the applicant was to be devoted to working capital purposes a guarantee could not be given. Cases of this kind came before me on two or three occasions last year: certain people proposed to engage in industry, or, perhaps, to extend their industrial activities, and proceeded to acquire buildings, purchase and instal machinery. Frequently they took advantage of a particularly favourable opportunity to buy machinery at a very low price. When they had done that they came seeking the facilities available under these Acts for the purpose of enabling them to get the balance of the capital required so that they might go ahead with the undertaking. On each occasion we had to tell them that if they had come to us before they erected the buildings and purchased the machinery, we could have given them a guarantee for the loan, but that as they had spent all the money they had in that particular manner we could not give them any assistance. It is proposed, therefore, to delete the section from the original Act so that in future loans for working capital purposes will be available.

The purpose to which the loan is to be devoted is of much less importance than the security behind the loan. It would, of course, be very serious maladministration if we were to guarantee a loan without having what would seem to us to be fairly reasonable security behind it. If the assets of an undertaking were already seriously encumbered and the loan was required merely to solve a difficult financial position, without increasing employment or otherwise improving the industrial position here, then in my opinion it should certainly not be given.

Therefore we are retaining the requirement in the original Act that the loan must be calculated to increase employment in the Saorstát. The fact that some existing concern would be eased of its difficulties and enabled to carry on will not qualify it to get assistance in this way unless it can be shown that the operation of the loan is going to increase employment here. It was advanced in the Dáil that there were certain dangers in amending the Act in this manner. Personally, I was not convinced by the arguments put up in support of that and for two reasons: The first is, that in the past the limitation imposed by the original Act was found very irksome and various devices, more or less simple, were found for getting around it so that, in fact, the limitation imposed by the original Act was more apparent than real. The second reason is that the real safeguard which the State has is the nature of the enterprise itself. The particular purpose to which the money secured by the guaranteed loan is put is of very minor importance if those associated with the application for the guarantee are themselves interested to a large extent, have their own money substantially invested in the undertaking and there are behind the loan assets of reasonable value which might be regarded as security for the loan.

We have worked on this principle: that the amount to be secured or guaranteed by the loan should not exceed the amount put up by the other parties to the enterprise. I do not say that that principle has been insisted upon to the last penny, but, as a general principle, it has been applied in all cases. Where the amount to be secured upon a guaranteed loan was substantially in excess of the amount which the applicant himself was putting into the enterprise, we have generally refused the application or postponed it until the applicant made another effort to get new capital subscribed for the enterprise.

In fact I may say that is the principal change which we are effecting under this Bill. We are making other changes. One of these is very largely an administrative one. The other is really only a notional change. Under the original Act there was an advisory committee consisting of business men who acted without remuneration. That committee examined all applications and made recommendations on them to the Minister for Industry and Commerce. In the majority of cases the recommendation of the advisory committee was not accepted by the Minister for Industry and Commerce. In every case where the committee rejected an application then the application went no further. The position, therefore, was that if the committee rejected an application it stopped there, but if they recommended it it did not necessarily go on. We have found that the work under these Acts has increased considerably. The time required from the business men who are members of the committee has been so considerable that they have, in fact, on occasions asked to be relieved from it, because they have discovered that it has been taking up a greater part of their available time than they are prepared to give. It is intended to amend the Act by inserting words that different committees may be appointed for the purposes of the said section in respect of the different matters, or for different occasions. In other words, it is proposed of the said section in respect of the different matters, or for different occasions. In other words, it is proposed to have not one committee, but perhaps two or three committees. The intention is to appoint a permanent chairman who shall be a civil servant. His work will be to prepare everything relating to the application and have it ready for consideration by the committee when it meets. It is proposed to associate with the chairman a panel of business men from which committees will be drawn to consider applications when made, so that conceivably we could have two or three applications under consideration at the same time.

One of the main complaints, I think, made concerning these Acts in the past is the long time an application took before it could get through. I think it is quite true to say that in certain cases firms have gone out of existence before their applications were decided on. We are trying to reduce the period of delay, while at the same time not diminishing the safeguards which delay undoubtedly created or the opportunities for the careful examination which it is very desirable should take place. The provision in the Bill is the method proposed to achieve that, namely, the constitution of this panel and the appointment of a permanent chairman. It is also proposed to permit of loans in certain cases to be given to individuals.

Under the existing Act loans can only be given to companies. Ordinarily, when this Bill goes through it will be the practice of the Department, in every case possible, to get applicants to constitute themselves into companies and make their applications on behalf of companies rather than as individuals, because there are certain obvious advantages in that. A company continues in existence but an individual may die. A company can give a charge over its book debts; an individual cannot.

In certain cases where very special considerations would exist, we found that it was undesirable that we should not have power to give loans to individuals where the assets of the individual were obviously good security for the loans and where there was a difficulty in carrying the proposal of the Department that the business should be handed over to the company instead of being continued in the ownership of the private individual. It is desired to amend the Act in that respect, even though as I have said the practice will be to require applicants to make their applications on behalf of companies rather than on behalf of themselves individually. These are all the alterations which are made here. One other alteration it is intended to make which does not require legislation, that is, to make the loan on the security of a debenture deed instead of a trustee deed, as at present. The present procedure is very slow, involves legal difficulties and is highly costly. We are quite satisfied to accept debentures in an industrial concern as good security for a loan we guarantee.

Section 5 requires a little explanation. At the present time there is an arrangement in existence by which trade loans guaranteed by the State under these Acts are taken up by one or other of the joint stock banks on terms which are considered satisfactory. Up to recently the banks did not take up trade loans, but there was another organisation, the Industrial Company of Ireland, which financed them. That organisation is not now functioning. There was for a short period a difficulty arising out of the fact that a person might get a State guarantee for a loan which he required to raise and that still he might not be able actually to negotiate that loan. That was a most unsatisfactory position, but it was ended by the arrangement which is now operating, an arrangement which I think will continue. It was felt also that there was a weakness in the working of the original scheme in so far as the State could only guarantee and could not make loans. There is not, of course, any difference in the State's liability in making or in guaranteeing loans. It was recommended and we agreed that a section should be inserted which gives the Minister for Industry and Commerce power in any case where he could guarantee a loan to make a loan instead if the occasion seemed to necessitate it. We do not anticipate that that occasion is likely to arise in any circumstances that we can foresee at the moment.

The other sections of the Bill are of no particular importance. They merely carry over into the new Act provisions regarding the publication of quarterly and annual returns and the like. I do not know whether it is desirable that I should attempt to give any review of the working of the Act. As most Senators are aware, the history of the Act has not been altogether satisfactory. It was operated until 1931 to the extent that some 16 or 18 applicants got State guarantees. The total amount which was guaranteed was £340,000. Of that a very considerable portion was lost in the sense that the companies concerned were unable to make good and the State had to make payments on foot of its guarantee in respect of interest or principal. There were six firms concerned in these losses. All that amount had been lost in 1931 and for the whole of that year, and in fact for the year previous no new guarantees were given.

The Act in fact did not come into operation again until after the change of Government last year. Some four or five guarantees have been given since and there are at the present time under consideration a number of other cases, some of which are likely to go through and some of which are likely to be rejected. None of them have any direct bearing upon the Bill before us. The total amount guaranteed under the Act since 1924 was £340,000 and the total amount issued out of the Central Fund in respect of the guarantees was £215,000. However I feel that these cases cannot be taken into account in determining one's attitude towards these Acts. These losses might have occurred under any circumstances. In each case some definite cause could be assigned but it has no particular bearing on the Bill before us because none of the changes it is proposed to make in the law under the Bill, has any relation to these cases nor would it have made any difference if the law had been originally introduced in the form in which it is now proposed to make it.

I said in the Dáil that the Act could be administered well or badly. If it is administered well the possibility of loss is minimised. It is administered badly losses are almost bound to occur, but I do not think that the losses could have been avoided in some cases. I mentioned that in one of the cases the circumstances which produced a loss could not possibly have been foreseen when the loan was guaranteed. There was a very considerable fall in the price of the commodity. The bottom fell out of the market entirely and the industry had to close down and the loss had to be met. In other cases, the circumstances might have been different but it is not necessary that we should go into details concerning them. In these cases the safeguards that were considered desirable in 1924 were evaded or did not prove of any avail. The removal of provisions which did not prove any safeguards but merely restrictions are desirable if the Act is to be any use in the future in facilitating industrial development here.

There is no doubt that this Act if it is well administered is meant to fulfil a good and useful purpose. The Minister is now in the position of the Chief Secretary at one time. These are the kind of applications which were made to Mr. Balfour in many parts of Ireland some years ago. What the Minister is trying to do is to assist the financing of industries in various parts of the country where sufficient local capital cannot be found to get them going. That has always been the case in Ireland. The Minister has told us of the very disastrous experience we have had in the last few years in some cases in which money was advanced in this way. I was glad to hear the Minister say that he is going to get the assistance of an experienced civil servant to examine the various applications made. I am sure the Minister will lay down for the guidance of that civil servant various conditions which will make it as nearly certain as he can that when the money is advanced certain principles of safety are observed. I presume that the loans will not be given out in the manner to which Senator Johnson previously referred, for very long periods, but that there will be a sinking fund arrangement applied which will allow a loan to be paid off gradually in a reasonable period. If you leave it out for too long the Senator may object to paying it at all. If proper restrictions are laid down and if a proper supervision is carried out, the scheme may work quite well. There is the additional safeguard in publicity which I think should be applied. I think it is well that where public money is going to be advanced, the particulars of these transactions should be known, and that the conditions on which repayment is going to be made should be fully made known. If these precautions are not taken there is a great danger of things going on as they apparently have gone on in the past. There are many references in this Bill to Acts which have already existed and the contents of which I personally and I daresay many other Senators have not read at present. I think anybody who desires to help the Minister should make himself familiar with these provisions so that we may be in a position to give the Minister the benefit of our views and advice. I have no doubt that if this Bill is properly worked the money advanced under it will be well spent and that eventually the Bill will turn out to be a useful one.

I do not know that it would be wise to rake up all the transactions of the past. Certain very serious things did happen. Half the money was squandered, unquestionably squandered. I do not know whether we can take steps to prevent such a thing happening again. On the other Committee the Minister for Finance was represented by two members who were supposed to give him advice, and he was supposed to know both sides of the question. That plan apparently did not work at all. I am not going to make any accusation against these people because I think perhaps it was their misfortune rather than their fault. The provision of loans in this way is a very dangerous thing indeed and it will require very careful supervision if the same thing is not going to happen again. Lots of money was squandered by people to whom it was advanced and the people who were responsible left the country. I hope steps will be taken to ensure that such things cannot happen in future.

I should say that it was inevitable that some money should have been lost at the beginning when we had probably an inexperienced Government and when an apparition, as the Colonel said, floated across the stage with black hair and a red whisker, a wholly unreliable man. The money was lost, but I do not anticipate that there will be any recurrence of that, because now we are going to have the security of a permanent civil servant as chairman and are going to have an Advisory Committee which is to be selected ad hoc in reference to any particular scheme brought forward. Senator Jameson is, of course, with his usual prudence, quite right in saying that there should be certain restrictions, but you can have too many restrictions. This expenditure of money is frequently made with a dual object. The first object, I should say, would be the giving of employment and the second would be to promote, if possible, an industry that is likely to succeed. I would think that the main object of the schemes to which Senator Jameson refers, in the time of Mr. Arthur Balfour and Mr. Gerald Balfour, was to give employment without any great expectation that a permanent industry would result from the expenditure. This Bill is a great improvement on the system which was then followed because this Bill, and the idea behind it, envisages the establishment of industries that will be able ultimately to succeed as a result of the assistance which will be given out of State funds. That assistance is given not alone, or even not mainly, for the sake of the persons who carry on the industry but, as I should imagine, mainly for the sake of the working men who are out of employment in the various parts of the country.

I think it is wise for the Minister to take power to make a loan not merely for capital expenditure but, also, if he sees proper, for working expenses as well. The Minister himself has quoted a case where people who were starting industry, or trying to continue or to expand industries, made purchases of machinery which was regarded, of course, as capital expenditure and, thereby, depleted the fund available for working expenses. That, of course, is a proper case in which the Minister should take power to make a loan for working expenses. There are other circumstances which might very well also be imagined. I think that this plan of making advances for industrial development is a good plan and, while it should be carefully watched, it ought not to be absolutely bound up, like a mummy, in official tape. There must be risks in industry and I should say that there would be rather a high percentage of risks in industries in localities which are not highly industrialised and these are probably the localities in which State assistance will be mainly required. I do think that this Bill is a great improvement on the other measures in that it gives the Minister a freer hand than he had and I think he ought not to be discouraged by the failures which have taken place. Many things stumble at the beginning and then go well and, even on the racecourse, I think a horse can stumble and yet win. I hope that the Minister, by means of this measure, may be able to do something for the revival of industry, particularly in places where that revival is much needed and where unemployment is, and must be, a great source of worry to the Minister for Industry and Commerce.

I think the Minister indicated that there had been guaranteed under these Acts from 1924, £340,000, of which £215,000 had already been lost. The amount of the loss is not quite so startling, heavy as it is, as the rapidity with which the collapse of the firms which got these loans came about. It seems extraordinary that, in such a short time, practically half of the firms which were assisted should have collapsed and that the State should be let in for more than two-thirds of the total amount guaranteed.

Of course, it is not correct to say half the firms. Included in the £215,000 were two loans guaranteed, the amounts of which equalled all the rest put together.

I thought the Minister said that about 18 firms got advances and seven collapsed.

19, and two of these were harbour commissioners.

At all events, the amount is really an exceptionally high proportion of the total and it would look almost as if there was not sufficient investigation made as to the stability of these firms. Nobody wants bankrupt firms to be subsidised. There are, in this country, any amount of people who are full of plans for development, but they have no money at all. They could make this country flow with milk and honey in regard to various schemes, but somebody else has to provide the money and there will be a tendency to develop that spirit. We are now out for industrial development and anybody who says that he is going to build up Irish industry is rightly looked on as a hero, if he is serious, but, if he is only going to do that at the expense of the taxpayer and at the sole risk of the taxpayer, I cannot see much risk about his heroism. I am afraid that there has been a certain amount of local political influence brought to bear in the past in regard to some of these grants. The local patriotism, the local enthusiasm that develops around a firm, often has an influence of a very detrimental character to the State as a whole. We had a tremendous amount of enthusiasm about a firm here which, after getting a grant, was found to be employing only 21 people. It was guaranteed for a very substantial amount, but the amount was lost very quickly and, obviously, the firm was in a state of potential bankruptcy at the very time the money was being advanced. That certainly is not the way to develop industry or to encourage employment.

It would be interesting to know if any of the firms, any fair proportion of them, has shown any tendency to develop and expand and to give increased employment as a result of any of the grants made under these Acts. The extent to which they have developed and to which additional employment has been given as a result of these grants will be the best test as to their efforts. We have tariff walls here with the sky as their limit and these, in themselves, should be ample encouragement to any body who wants to invest money and develop industry without giving grants at all under this Act. I agree that the guarantee of loans is a very necessary thing at times under our existing system and I certainly would not oppose the Bill, but I do suggest that there should be far more care given to the examination of applications in the future than has been the case in the past. The Minister is taking more freedom under this Bill than was given under previous Acts and, to that extent, he may find himself up against even greater difficulties and bigger political problems than his predecessor. He will have political influences of all kinds brought to bear on him and he will not have the same powers of resistance, the same legislative protection, as his predecessor had. There are a £1,000,000 to play with under this Bill and there are possibilities of extending it later on and I would suggest to the Minister that he apply the acid test to the business capacity of those who make applications in the future.

It seems to me that the Minister is making one very vital mistake and that is, in proposing to assist only limited companies. I would put it to the Minister this way : Can he point out to me a single case of an industry that has been made and kept going prosperous by a limited company?

The Senator misunderstands. That is the position at present. We can only give loans or guarantees to companies, but we are proposing in this Bill to enable loans to be given to individuals as well, but it is not intended that we should use that power very extensively.

I was quite under a misapprehension. I thought it was proposed only to advance money to public companies. In my experience, at all events, I have never known any case of a public company that has made a success of any project it undertook, with the exception, of course, of these big public utility matters that can only be handled by a limited company. The test of whether a company or an individual is likely to succeed is that he should have expert knowledge of the business he undertakes and character. These are things that are essential and I would point out to the Minister that the amount of money that was lost by 18 firms is very large. Personally, I am very small-minded. I should like to see smaller and successful industries. As Senator O'Farrell says, there are tariffs on everything but, apparently, they are not being much utilised by enterprising people. Take, for instance, our leather industry. Ireland imports practically all the leather that is required for boots. So far as I know, there is no reason in the world why Ireland should not be to-day as successful at tanning as she was when I was young and when, in one factory in Cork, there were 500 people employed. That is an industry which I think would be very well worth the Minister's while to look carefully into and see what are the prospects of it. On the Continent, they make practically all their own leather in the various countries. The objection, I am told, here is that our beasts are killed at too early an age to render the hide valuable for leather. I may be wrong, but my impression is that, on the Continent, beasts are killed at a much earlier age than ours. That would be a very important industry and it seems to me that, if we have to lose money, it might be very well worth the Minister's while to chance some thousands on the project. I should like to hear from the Minister what the £125,000 that still remains good on the books is doing—how many people it is employing, what prospects there is of expansion in these various factories and, above all, whether we are likely to find, in the future, that that £125,000 is paid back into the public exchequer?

I merely wish to congratulate the last speaker on having discovered an industry which, apparently, is not protected. The Minister will also be most grateful to him.

It is protected.

The Senator opened up very alluring prospects. He suggested that the reason that that industry has not succeeded is that the animals which provide the hides are not allowed to grow to sufficient age. I see an admirable use to which subsidies to farmers might be devoted— to keeping the cattle alive until they reach an age to provide suitable hides. I can see great employment being given in providing feeding for these animals until they reach the correct age to furnish proper hides. The speech of Senator O'Farrell gave me tremendous hope. I feel inclined never to say anything unkind about the Labour Party again. But I should like to be assured that the Senator represents the Labour Party. If he does not, I hope to have an opportunity of welcoming him to these benches, because I never heard a speech so packed with sound common sense.

After my rather conspicuous attitude on the Railways Bill, I do not propose to divide the House on this measure, but I cannot say that I support it or welcome it with any enthusiasm whatever. The Minister, in attempting to justify certain relaxations of the earlier measure—the abandonment of precautions—referred to the case of working capital. I do not know whether he was pleading specially or whether he was attempting to make a genuine case. But he gave us this picture: A firm invested its own money in fixed plant. It came along later and said: "We now require working capital but we cannot get it because our money has gone in fixed plant." If that is the situation, it can be easily met. It could be met by reconstruction. The company might be allowed for the money already invested in fixed plant. I should consider that a fair use of the provision but the Minister has given no justification for the new provision, that working capital, as well as fixed capital, shall be eligible for guarantee. I thought that the Minister, instead of seeking to make the thing easier, would come to the legislature and would ask to be protected from his friends.

I can imagine nothing more embarrassing than a Minister with £1,000,000 to dish out to all and sundry and all the political importunity and wire pulling he would have to face. I should have thought that the precaution of an advisory committee would have been of untold value and that the more exhaustive and deliberate the investigation the better, because anybody with elementary knowledge of business knows how impossible it is to forecast the success of industry. If you imagine it possible to forecast the success of industry how, may I inquire, do banks make the bad debts they do? Banks make the most exhaustive, dispassionate and unprejudiced inquiries as to the possibility of repayment. They never lend money except they consider the security ample. They allow no political considerations to enter into their determinations and, yet, they lose money. Contrast that with the position of the Minister under this Bill who, apparently, need not even have recourse to the advisory committee, as I read the measure—a Minister with the aboundant optimism of the Party politician that no member of a Government can divest himself entirely of, with, possibly, his eye on a rather troublesome constituency. All these things we know perfectly well will exist. There is no use in trying to hide our heads in the sand. With all those temptations, how the Minister or his advisers can possibly escape making a bad debt I fail to see. People who take every precaution make bad debts every day. I suggest that the allocation of such a large sum of money to such purposes is highly dangerous and I further say that, being so dangerous, on the basis of the experience by which two-thirds of the money already provided has been lost, provision of 50 per cent. for losses should have been made in the Budget. These losses are almost certain to occur in the future. It is not sound to wait until the losses occur. No business does that. Every business with a record of conservative finance and solvency makes provision in advance for losses likely to occur. Anybody in this House who thinks that these losses are not likely to occur has, I suggest, no knowledge whatever of business and the risks that business entails. Then, again, there is this consideration of increased employment. That seems to be an entirely wrong attitude. Employment should be incidental to development or to the expenditure of capital. The object of the expenditure of capital should be to make articles that people want and to sell them not at a luxurious price— I see Senator Johnson's eye upon me— but at a profit which will return interest on the money invested.

To sell them to people who have no employment.

Employment should be incidental. If, by the proper use of efficient methods and machinery, employment is lessened, that should be taken as an unfortunate incident in the transaction, but to set out deliberately to give employment without regard to earning power, competition or public demand is, to my mind, nothing but asking for your money to be lost. The Minister has referred to the question of the applicant's capital. I think it is most dangerous to allow money to be given to any applicant-company or private person who wants to extend his business unless he is going, as the Minister said, to put in at least 50 per cent. of his own new money into the undertaking. That the Minister will be able to work on those lines when the time comes and pressure, which he knows better than I do, is applied, I very much doubt. I doubt if he will be able to insist on this particularly in the cases where it is most necessary. The Minister has told us that two-thirds of the capital has been lost in the past. To the extent that this measure is risking three times as much as the previous measure, so I feel that it is three times more dangerous than the last.

I rise to correct an impression which might be deduced from what Senator Sir John Keane has said. He spoke of political pressure and of the temptation to assist a troublesome constituency. Now, I do not usually go out of my way to say anything very polite of the late administration but, time and again, I approached the Trade Loans Committee on behalf of industries in Cork and time and again, even when I felt convinced that the case was good and even though the applicants were supporters of the then Government, the applications were turned down. It is quite easy to talk about two-thirds of these capital advances having been lost. We all knew at the time that most of that capital was invested in two rather large concerns. With regard to one of them, at least, I think that the Government and the Trade Loans Committee knew that they were taking risks—that was in the case of the glass bottle industry. Whether or not they were justified in taking that risk is more than I can say. As Senator Sir John Keane has said, the banks which make the most dispassionate, careful and judicious inquiries make losses. Speaking for myself, in respect of the only concern in which I had a personal interest that I approached the Trade. Trade Loans Committee about, I succeeded in getting sanction for a loan of £50,000, but I considered the restrictions so onerous that I turned it down, went to a bank and borrowed the money there. There, again, I had recourse to the much-maligned debenture. I feel that it would be a mistake to let the impression go that this money was lost by reason of political influence. I am convinced that that is not the case.

I, like Senator Dowdall, have to say a word in justification of my own support of this series of Acts in the past. No Senator has indicated his opposition to this Bill, but Senators are doubtful about the series of Acts that have gone in front of this measure. Some of those who support this Bill suggest that it is a much better Bill and that there is less risk about it. Whatever limitation of risk may be brought about by change of administration, there is no less risk in the Bill than there was in the existing Act. There is greater risk in this Bill than there was in the previous Bills and I am very glad there is. I do not know what firm to which this £250,000 has been lent is charged with having squandered it.

A Senator

On the London Stock Exchange.

I do not think that any of this money found its way to the London Stock Exchange. I am sure it did not. These were moneys guaranteed by the State for the development of Irish industries. The money lost was lost by the failure of the companies which had been guaranteed these moneys and had nothing to do with losses on the London Stock Exchange. If the lending company went into London Stock Exchange transactions and lost money, that has nothing to do with these guarantees; it is an entirely different question. Two-thirds of the money guaranteed has been lost. That is a very large proportion, especially having regard to the short period. What was that period like? It was a period of recovery from civil war, at a time when the world situation, industrially and economically, was in a state of rapid decline. If examined individually I think it might be found that these cases do not reflect so seriously upon those who had the administration of the Acts and gave the loans, as at first sight might appear. I know from my own personal knowledge that two or three of the cases, at any rate, in which failure occurred were very closely examined into, and were very rigidly opposed by the Department of Finance for a very long time, until it was shown that there was a danger of a very great increase in the amount of unemployment that would have accrued had there been no loans sanctioned.

In taking stock of the losses, one, at least, must put against the losses the savings in public expenditure of any kind that were made by the keeping alive of some of these industries. At the time the first suggestion was made about this method of Trades Loan Guarantees, I remember I was speaking on the matter and it was explained that the scheme then projected would have brought to the funds, out of which the loans were to be made, the advantage of the gains as well as the disadvantages of the losses. As it finally turned out, and as this Bill proposes to continue, it is only the losses are coming before the Dáil and Seanad as a report of progress. The gains and the advantages are not brought to our notice at all. It would be well worth while if the Minister, having regard to the possibilities of the scheme for financing industrial development, if he would bring the benefits and the profits into the public fund, as well as the losses.

I was hopeful that Section 5 of the Bill was going to be the germ of something very much greater, until the Minister spoke rather diffidently, as though he was not very enthusiastic in the matter of making loans direct. I was hoping that this section would be the germ of a development fund, and a development commission, which would have the administration of that fund, whose business it would be to seek out the kind of industry which ought to be established, and which could be established for the benefit of the country, but which private investors will not touch. I dissent, as very often I do, from what Senator Sir John Keane said. In this case the Senator appeared to be referring to what Senator O'Farrell said. I do not think this country is going to progress industrially on private investments by individuals. I think if we are going to wait for that kind of private investment we are going to have a very long wait for industrial development. Eventually, something in the nature of Section 5 will have to be put into effect, and moneys raised on the security of the State utilised for the purpose of financing that industrial development which private investors will be slow to take in hand. I am not going to say that the prospect of 63 per cent. losses will be a desirable one, but I hope it will not be the cause of holding in the reins, or of delay because of fear of losses. There will be losses, a great many losses, if the country is ever going to establish itself as an industrial community. I hope that the risks that have been taken in the past, and the losses incurred, will not frighten the new industrial Commissioner or the civil servant chairman of the Committee.

Again, in reference to Senator Sir John Keane's remarks, I say that he is pretty far astray if he thinks that those of us in the Labour Party who speak in terms of employment think that industries should be established for the purpose of giving employment. Undoubtedly it should be incidental, if there was anything like an ordered conception of communal powers, rights and responsibilities, but unfortunately the system that the Senator so heartily supports, and which has been maintained, leaves the situation such that unemployment would mean starvation, and, therefore, as a consequence, people are forced to have industrial development in terms of employment. If we were living in a reasonably organised community we would say that the object of industry is to provide the means for life, and when less employment is required and less human muscular energy involved the better. But when the livelihood of the people is dependent upon the employment that is given in the development of industry, naturally people are going to think that this kind of industry should be developed, simply for the purpose of giving employment. I believe that is a mistaken conception but unavoidable in the circumstances of the social system which Senator Sir John Keane so heartily supports. I think this is a good Bill, a better Bill than the previous ones, because it involves, at least, as many risks and gives the opportunity to the Minister to take more risks. I hope the Bill will be well and carefully administered. I hope its utility will not be impaired because it may involve risks.

As the House seems to be developing into a sort of mutual admiration society, I would like to join with Senator Sir John Keane in complimenting Senator O'Farrell, not so much on his good sense, but because he exploded many old theories to-day. He exploded the old theory that a man cannot run with the hare and hunt with the hounds. It was not the first time that happened, and I would like to compliment the Senator, because of the fact that he has done so and got away with it. I refer to the matter because Senator O'Farrell made the statement that all over the country there were thousands of people with wonderful ideas for developing industries and starting new ones. I was rather surprised when the Senator was applauded from both sides of the House. It was not much of a surprise to me to hear Senator O'Farrell make that statement.

In my opinion, one of the greatest advantages of this Bill is that it makes provision for the cases of men who were born, so to speak, without silver spoons in their mouths. There is an old saying that it is not all the big men reap the harvest. Neither have rich men all the brains. It is an admirable thing that in this Bill provision is made to give a chance to men with more brains than money. It does not follow, because a man happens to be a worker, and if he had certain ideas in his head which, if developed along proper lines, would be the foundation of a great industry. That has happened in other countries, and I dare say it will happen here if things are kept going along the lines they are going.

With regard to Senator Sir John Keane's attitude that no man should benefit by State action unless he was prepared to put down at least 50 per cent. of his own money, that coming from the Senator does not surprise me. It would be a regrettable thing if the Minister in this Bill should stick to any such advice as that given by Senator Sir John Keane. Within the past 12 months since the protective policy of the Government began to take effect, I was approached by various people with certain schemes which to my mind— and I do not pose to be any great authority—at least, merited serious consideration. I approached the Minister and the Department of Industry and Commerce and I was told that according to the provisions of the Trade Loans Acts these schemes could not be considered and that there was no use doing so. The new Bill provides that a loan can be granted to an individual, so that I believe a great many of the difficulties experienced in every part of the country in the past will be eliminated. In the past a committee of three was supposed to deal with the various schemes. That might have been justified, to some extent, because there was comparatively little development, but at present, as Senator O'Farrell suggested, people are very anxious to start industries. It is a great thing that the Bill provides for an extension of that committee, because with a greater number of people available to deal with schemes, certain delays will be cut out, and it will be possible to get industries started within a reasonable time. It will not be a case, as in the past, of people growing old before they know whether a scheme is going to be turned down or accepted.

If the attitude of the banks here had been what it should have been and, what it has been in other countries, there would not be, perhaps, the great necessity for this Bill. Owing to the attitude of the banks and the attitude of certain individuals who, to a great extent, controlled the finances of the country, it is of the utmost importance that this Bill should become law with all possible haste. I believe the Bill will lead to an increase in the production of the necessaries of life for the people, and will certainly increase employment.

I do not think there is any special point arising out of the discussion which it is necessary that I should deal with at any length. Senator Jameson referred to the necessity for publicity in relation to activities under the Bill. There is adequate provision for such publicity at the present time, as a quarterly return of all loans guaranteed, and the circumstances of the loans, is published for the Dáil and Seanad. There is also an annual return of the position in respect of each of these guarantees, particularly when advances from the Central Fund have to be made on foot of guarantees.

Senator Sir John Keane suggested that the widening of the powers which this Bill contemplates may leave the Minister for Industry and Commerce open to political pressure in relation to applications for trade loan guarantees. It has been my experience that pressure of that kind is very rarely exercised in relation to these applications. Even if it were exercised it would probably be of very little avail because no Minister can arrange by himself for the issuing of a guarantee. In the first place, the application has to be considered by the advisory committee, which we assume is immune from political influence and is, I think, likely to remain so. If the application is rejected by the advisory committee, that is the end of it. Of 163 applications referred to the advisory committee only 65 were recommended by the committee. Almost 100 were rejected by the committee, and having been rejected by it they stopped there. It has been the practice in the past, and it will certainly be the practice in the future, that where an application is not recommended by the committee the Minister for Industry and Commerce will not take it up against the committee's recommendation. Of the 65 which were recommended by the committee, only 18 got to the point of having the guarantee given which is, I think, an indication that the recommendation of the committee is not in itself sufficient to get the guarantee. There is a long, weary stage to be travelled from that point before the guarantee is given.

In the first place the Minister for Industry and Commerce has to be satisfied that the industry is likely to be a success, that the information furnished is accurate and that the proposal is in accord with his general policy. If, for example, the industry proposed to be established were of a kind that there was no need for a new development in it then, presumably, the State would not take the responsibility of guaranteeing a loan to such an industry. Even if the Minister for Industry and Commerce were satisfied the applicant has not yet got to the post. His application has to go before the Department of Finance, which naturally looks at it from the financial viewpoint. It would cause surprise if the number of applications which fail to get over that stile were made known. Even after the application has been before the Department of Finance and the loan has got the sanction of the Minister there, it is not yet finished because in the course of its travels through State departments it has had conditions attached to it. In that form it goes back to the applicant. He may not like the conditions that have been attached to it, and consequently he starts all over again with a new application which goes to the advisory committee.

As I mentioned when introducing the Bill, firms have been known to have gone bankrupt or to have disappeared altogether before a decision on their applications was given. My impression is that there were so many safeguards inserted in these Acts that the possibility of success in relation to an application was very remote. The possibility of a firm succeeding in getting a guarantee for a loan and of making good under all the conditions and limitations associated with the guarantee was very remote indeed. Of the £215,000 lost by the late Administration, £170,000 was lost on three applications: the glass bottle works, the fresh meat factory, and Alesbury Brothers. It is my opinion that if the Act under which the guarantees were given in each of these cases, contained the provisions in this Bill—if the Minister dealing with the applications had the power which I propose should be conferred under this Bill—then not one of these three applications would have been handled in the precise manner in which it was handled, and I think that the prospects of failure would have been obviated. At any rate a considerably smaller amount would have been lost.

It was the absence of powers to deal with these three cases in the precise manner in which they should have been dealt with that, in the long run, produced failure. The merits of these cases were discussed in the Seanad before. They were certainly discussed in the Dail and before the Public Accounts Committee so that it is not necessary to go into them now. In matters of this kind it is very much better to have freedom to deal with them in the manner in which they should be dealt with than be tied up with all sorts of limitations like a man who gets caught in heavy traffic. If the engine of his car has a governor on it limiting its speed, then he is much more likely to be involved in an accident than if he could get out of a difficult corner rapidly. In what we are proposing here—widening the powers available under the Act—we are reducing the risk rather than increasing it.

Senator Johnson referred to Section 5 and expressed himself as rather disappointed with the interpretation I gave of it. One of the principal objections to giving loans instead of guarantees is that we could not possibly lend money at as low a rate of interest as a person could borrow it from a bank on foot of a State guarantee. In any event, there is no precise reason why a loan should be given rather than a guarantee if there is no difficulty about financing a guarantee. It would only be in the event of a difficulty arising, in very special cases, that the section would come into operation. I agree fully with him that it is necessary that steps should be taken by the State to ensure that money will be available for investment in Irish industry. Irish industrialists require financial accommodation of three kinds: the ordinary day to day accommodation which is ordinarily provided by the joint stock banks. We have no reason to think that the banks will not continue to give that type of accommodation for the financing of industrial processes. Then there is the long term loan provided under the Trade Loans Act. It is repayable at the end of a fixed period, and is subject to a definite rate of interest. That is an entirely different type of accommodation from that which is given in the case of overdrafts. The money there can be recalled, and the rate of interest may fluctuate. Certain industrialists will require for development purposes long term loans repayable over a fixed period, and at a fixed rate of interest. They will be expected to have the loan wiped off at the end of the period fixed.

There are a number of other industrial concerns that require more particularly to have capital invested in their undertakings, such capital to be remunerated out of profits and in proportion to the profits made. There is a great reluctance on the part of the average private investor in the Free State to invest in an industrial company here unless he happens to be personally acquainted with the persons associated with it, or to be in some way himself directly associated with it. If he has no knowledge of the undertaking except what he learns from the prospectus he is very reluctant to invest in the industry. A prospectus about a gold mine in China would be more likely to attract him though he would generally lose more on that. In order to get over that particular difficulty, the difficulty which arises when there is no effective way by which a private investor can be brought into touch with an industry requiring capital, certain steps will have to be taken. That, however, is a matter that may involve legislation and can await discussion until it comes before the Oireachtas. This measure merely provides for long-term loan accommodation, the accommodation required by a particular concern without involving any change in the ownership of the concern—such accommodation as may be required, for instance, to finance extensions.

With regard to the point raised by Senator Quirke it has been the practice only to give guarantees in respect of loans where these loans amounted to not more than 50 per cent. of the total capital to be invested in the undertaking. That has been the practice. It is a practice that can be departed from on occasions when circumstances seem to justify it, but it would definitely have to be the policy to ensure that those seeking loans would themselves have a definite financial interest in the success of the enterprise. The State cannot put in money and simply trust to luck as to a particular thing being a success. Neither can the State put in people to ensure that it will be a success, to take a practical day to day interest in the management. We have got to rely on the other party to make it a success. The State cannot place that reliance in an enterprise unless it feels that the other party stands to lose at least as much as the State if it turns out to be a failure.

I am told of all the individuals having brains, but no money, who cannot get assistance under this Bill. If there are any such in the country they have got to consider whether they cannot get money, first by becoming national school teachers, joining the Labour Party, or winning a prize in the Sweep. They will have to consider some of the numerous ways by which fortunes can be accumulated. At all events, they will have to make a start in accumulating a financial interest in a concern before they can get the assistance they require under this Bill.

With regard to the £1,000,000 in the Bill, would the Minister say what it represents?

£1,000,000 was the sum in the original Bill. Of that £1,000,000 the sum of £340,000 was guaranteed, so that the £1,000,000 mentioned in this Bill may be taken as representing £1,340,000.

May I ask the Minister a question?

Cathaoirleach

I do not think so, Senator. The debate is closed.

Question put and declared carried.
Committee Stage ordered for Wednesday, 14th June.
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