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Seanad Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 15 May 1935

Vol. 19 No. 25

Public Business. - Pigs and Bacon Bill, 1934—Second Stage.

Question proposed:—"That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

The main objects of this Bill are to regulate the manufacture of bacon, control the supply of pigs to bacon factories for conversion into bacon and, finally, to provide a method of fixing the price to be paid for bacon pigs to producers. The Bill in its essentials follows the recommendations of the Pig Industries Tribunal which reported in December, 1933. The Bill does not provide for regulating the number of bacon pigs to be produced. The adoption of the system of regulating imports of pig products into Great Britain by quotas has had its reflections, not only on the producer of pigs in Great Britain, but also on the producer of pigs in countries which customarily supply bacon to Great Britain, such as Holland, Denmark and Saorstát Eireann. In Great Britain a certain portion of the home market has been set aside for the home producer, and the filling of that portion of the home market by home production has necessitated the putting in force of elaborate contract schemes between producers and bacon factories in co-operation with a Pigs Marketing Board established by legislation. In Holland and Denmark schemes have been adopted which aim at restricting the production of pigs to a number sufficient to meet the home requirements and export requirements. The Dutch and Danish schemes, though differing in many details, reduce themselves practically to schemes of registration of producers, with limitations on the number of pigs which any one producer may produce.

This Bill does not provide for the registration of producers. It is hoped that in future supplies of bacon pigs produced in this country will be restricted as a result of the Bill to such as can either be used at home or can be readily sold on an export market. It will be obvious that any scheme of registration of pig producers in this country would present far greater difficulty than as compared with Great Britain, for the reason that the vast majority of our producers are small producers and an immense task would, therefore, be involved in registering each of those producers and in assigning to each a definite number of pigs to be produced. While it is difficult enough in practice to deal with producers whose production runs into hundreds per year, it is still more difficult to deal with the small producer who might produce only six, seven or eight pigs in the year. It is hoped that the provisions as regards the fixing of prices and for the determination of the number of pigs to be sold for bacon will sufficiently restrict the production of bacon pigs and that it will not be necessary to devise any scheme of restriction on the producer such as there is under the Dutch and Danish schemes. If, however, the Bill fails in this one of its objects, the question of devising some sort of registration and restriction scheme will arise. If the Bill fails in achieving its object in that way it will be necessary to examine the possibility of limiting production by the producer. I want to make that point very clear, because a good deal of discussion arose in the Dáil which I think might have been avoided if Deputies had understood the principle underlying the Bill. It is not contemplated in this Bill to depart from the old principle of prices being regulated by supply and demand. It is hoped, however, to improve conditions in other ways, but I want that point to be clearly understood. If we are to regulate prices on another basis, that is, on the basis of the cost of feeding stuffs, labour and so on, we would have to proceed on a different line and we would certainly have to come down to the producer and tell each producer in the country the number of pigs he would be allowed to produce in the year.

The adoption of the quota system in Great Britain is not the only or the most important reason for the Bill. Senators are quite aware of the great fluctuations that have occurred in pig prices for many years even before the quota system came into operation in Great Britain. It is understandable, perhaps, that there should be a fluctuation in price from one season as compared with another because, if we have more pigs produced in the autumn season—as we have—the curers must lower the price of bacon in order to get the bacon consumed, and it is quite easy to see that pigs must be cheaper during the autumn season than during the rest of the year for that reason. There seems, however, to be no good reason why pigs should vary in price from day to day or even vary in price during the same day, as is frequently the case. I did not take the opportunity of looking at the prices of pigs in to-day's papers, but when introducing the Second Reading of this Bill in the Dáil, I pointed out to the members of the Dáil that on that very day, according to the newspaper reports, different prices were being offered for pigs at different factories, and the position on that day was that if a farmer had two 12 cwt. pigs he could get 24/- more from one factory than the other. If he had sent one pig to one factory and the second pig to the other factory, he would have got 24/- more for one pig than for the other. That is a position that ought to be remedied, in my opinion, because, obviously, the producer is not getting all that he is entitled to get from one of those factories. It is hoped that the powers now proposed for the fixing of prices will result in a greater uniformity of production, and, more important still, in uniformity of prices; in other wards, that the production of pigs for bacon will tend to equalise itself over the 12 months and that prices will not vary more than in accordance with seasonal changes in the cost of producing pigs.

The first part of the Bill is merely introductory, and I take it that does not require any detailed explanation from me. The second part deals with the licensing of bacon factories and with the regulation of the manufacture of bacon, its making, packing, carriage, etc. I do not think I need detain the Seanad with lengthy explanations of the provisions relating to the latter items. The provisions of the Bill, in this respect, follow closely on the lines of the corresponding provisions of the Fresh Meat Act of 1930, with the exception that that Act dealt with fresh meat for export while this Bill deals with bacon whether to be exported or consumed at home. Powers are taken to inspect pigs both ante and post mortem, to inspect the finished bacon and to prescribe, by regulations, methods of marking, packing, conveyance, etc. The provisions as to licensing of factories differ, however, considerably from the corresponding provisions of the Fresh Meat Act. It will be noticed that provision is made for three things— the registration of pork butchers, the registration of minor curers, and the licensing of bacon factories.

Pork butchers, in the ordinary conduct of their business, find it necessary from time to time to manufacture into bacon certain portions of carcases which they are unable to dispose of as fresh pork. It would be obviously unfair, in view of the restrictions on the manufacture of bacon imposed on licensees, to allow pork butchers to manufacture bacon without restriction or without some control. Accordingly, the Bill provides for the registration of all pork butchers and restricts any one pork butcher to the production in any one year of bacon from not more than 15 per cent. of the pigs used by him in the course of his business, subject to an over-riding maximum of 400 cwts. of bacon. The pork butcher is also required to pay to the Minister a fee at the rate of 2/- per cwt. for every cwt. of bacon manufactured by him. Otherwise, he would have an advantage over the bacon factory, because the bacon curer has to pay certain fees under this Bill. Apart from these two points the pork butcher is not affected by the Bill. The pork butcher who does not manufacture any bacon need not be registered and, of course, pays no fee. Neither is there any restriction on a new pork butcher going into business. A new pork butcher who goes into business after the passing of the Act need be registered only if he intends to manufacture portion of the pork handled by him into bacon.

The question of the minor curer is one which has given a considerable amount of difficulty. I think it has given more difficulty in the drawing up of this Bill than any other problem. There is always a difficulty in drawing the line between what might be regarded as the genuine people in the trade and those who are not in the trade. Bacon is at present cured and sold by many persons whose facilities for turning out a high-class article are inadequate. Many of these persons manufacture bacon only when conditions in the industry are favourable, that is, when prices of pigs are low. Many manufacture only at seasons of the year. Obviously, it is not desirable to have in the industry persons who cannot turn out a satisfactory article or those whose entry into the business is spasmodic. A limit had, therefore, to be devised. The limit adopted in the Bill is the production of 2,200 cwts. of bacon during eight months of the year ended 30th April last. Any person who has produced this quantity of bacon is entitled, subject to his premises and plant being found satisfactory, to be licensed, but anyone below the limit can be registered as a minor curer, no matter how small the quantity of bacon produced, provided the production has been spread over eight months of the twelve. If production has not been spread over eight months, the curer can neither be licensed nor registered; in other words, he does not come under the Bill. Provision is made for registration to last for two years. Once a person becomes registered as a minor curer he is entitled to carry on for two years under that registration. If he remains in production for 45 weeks of each year, if he produces more than 1,500 cwts. of bacon during the first year and more than 2,200 cwts. in the second year, he is entitled to be licensed and to become a curer at the end of the two years. If he does not fulfil these conditions, he goes out of business at the end of the two years.

The figure of 2,200 cwts. was adopted as the minimum at which a curer could afford to remain in the business of curing bacon eventually. He will then become subject to the requirements of the Bill in regard to premises, equipment, methods of manufacture and so on, and, possibly, unless his premises are suitable, he may have to incur some capital expenditure. The portion of the Bill relating to minor curers was very fully discussed during the course of its progress through the Dáil, where I found myself able to make some concessions as regards minor curers, as compared with how the Bill stood originally.

Part III of the Bill is concerned with the establishment of the Bacon Marketing Board, which will consist of seven members with a chairman nominated by the Minister. The members of the Board are to be elected by the curers, who, for the purpose of election, are divided into three classes— large, medium, and small curers. They will elect these seven members on three different panels. In that way every curer has direct and, I think I might say, adequate representation on the Board. The first Board will hold office until 31st December, 1936, and the second and subsequent Boards will hold office for a two-years period.

The duties of the Bacon Marketing Board are to be confined entirely to matters which affect the curers' end of the bacon industry. That is another point on which perhaps we might save some discussion if Senators realise that that Board will have nothing to do with the production or even the price of pigs. There is a tendency to accuse the Government—whatever Government it might be—of being more inclined to look after the interests of business people rather than the producers. This Board will be composed entirely of curers and will have nothing whatever to do with any business outside the curing business, and therefore I think no fault can be found with the Board as being composed entirely of curers.

The duties of the Board are to allot the quantity of pigs available for disposal amongst the curers, and that is the principal duty they have to perform. They also have the duty, under the Bill as it stands, of deciding the number of pigs that should be disposed of by the factories as a whole, but I intend to ask the Seanad to adopt an amendment on that point which will give the Pigs Marketing Board some say in that matter also. They will, of course, take into consideration in allotting these pigs amongst the various factories the output of each curer during the year 1934. In other words, it will not be possible for these seven members, no matter how much inclined they may be towards their own interests, to allot all the pigs in the country between themselves. They must take into consideration the killings of each factory in the year 1934. Then, of course, they have the power to deal, by penalty, with cases of under-production and over-production, so that each curer will be compelled to take the number of pigs allotted to him, no more and no less, with, of course, a certain tolerance. It would be perhaps absolutely impossible to take the exact number allotted, and, therefore, they can go up or down by five per cent., but beyond that there is a penalty. They have also power to arrange for the cold storage of bacon, if necessary. For the last two years, for instance, they co-operated with the Department of Agriculture as to the cold storage of bacon, and it is in their interests, just as much as the interests of anybody else, and they are the proper people to deal with the question of cold storage where there may be a surplus of bacon, as there usually is, before Christmas, and a shortage of bacon might be expected after Christmas.

There was some anxiety expressed, in the Dáil especially, on the point that the Bacon Marketing Board might not on all occasions allocate amongst the curers a sufficient number of pigs to meet the probable demand for bacon. It appears to me that under the price arrangement, to be dealt with later, it will be to the advantage of the Bacon Marketing Board to allocate amongst curers as many pigs as they think can be disposed of as bacon. I do not know if any Senator could suggest any reason why bacon curers themselves should not be anxious to deal with all the pigs they can possibly deal with, taking into consideration the possibilities of the bacon market and other relevant considerations. I do not think there is any ground for the fear expressed in that respect. However, with a view to meeting the point of view expressed in the Dáil, I propose to ask the Seanad to adopt an amendment requiring the Bacon Marketing Board to take into account any representations made to them by the Pigs Marketing Board, because on the Pigs Marketing Board there will be representatives of the producers. Apart from that, Senators will see from the Bill that three members of the Bacon Marketing Board will also be members of the Pigs Marketing Board, so that anything that is discussed at the Pigs Marketing Board is very likely to be brought up at the Bacon Marketing Board by the representatives of that board who attend the Pigs Marketing Board; and it is not likely that any views expressed by the Pigs Marketing Board will be left unnoticed by the Bacon Marketing Board.

I want to mention also a feature which is common both to the Bacon Marketing Board and the Pigs Marketing Board. In view of the duties which each board will have to discharge, it is essential that both boards shall on all occasions be kept up to full strength. Accordingly, the Bill provides for the election of substitutive members as well as the members who take their seats. If, for instance, the large curers had two representatives, and if these two were absent through illness, or for some other reason, when the allocations were being made, and if, by any chance, the medium and the small curers felt some resentment against the large curers, they might take a little bit off them and allocate it amongst themselves. It would, of course, be rather unfortunate that such a thing should occur. I am only giving that as an instance. Other instances, perhaps, could show as good a case in the event of the small curers being absent. At any rate, I think Senators will see the necessity of having every interest fully represented at every meeting, and if a member is absent through illness it is well to have provision made for a substitutive member to be present and that is provided for in respect of both of these boards. It is also provided in regard to the substitutive members that if, say, a representative of the medium curers or the large curers is absent, that a substitutive member from that particular panel, if available, shall be nominated by the Minister to take his place.

Exceptional powers are also conferred on the chairman of the Bacon Marketing Board to decide certain matters as to which the board do not reach unanimity. The most important of these matters are the general allocation of pigs for curing and the allocations amongst the different curers. That is a particular point on which I had to call the curers together to decide, because it struck me when drawing up the Bill that, if a majority decision were to carry, it is quite possible that, say, the medium and large curers might combine and say: "Let us weed out the small curers by giving them small allocations and gradually finish them"; or, alternatively, the medium and the small curers might combine to have a majority on the board against the large curers and decide to bring the large curers down to be medium curers. It was a very difficult point, and I had every curer in the country present at the meeting and they unanimously agreed that, unless a decision was unanimous about the allocations, the chairman should have a veto and should have the power to decide on the allocations himself. He has not a complete veto on decisions. If they are unanimous, the decision goes; but if they are not unanimous, if there is any minority against a decision, then the chairman has a veto and takes the allocation into his own hands.

Part IV deals with the Pigs Marketing Board. The Board will consist of six members and an independent chairman. Three members will represent the producers' interests, and at the outset will be nominated by the Minister. There is provision either for election or for the submission of a panel to the Minister, should any organisation arise before the next election takes place, for 1937-8. Three members will be elected by the Bacon Marketing Board. The Minister will appoint the chairman, so that it will consist of the chairman, three members of the Bacon Marketing Board and three representing producers, who, in the first instance, will be nominated by the Minister. With a view to enabling the Board to fix a price for pigs which may endure for a reasonable length, the Board is empowered to fix two prices from time to time, namely, the appointed price and the hypothetical price. The appointed price is the one that the curers will actually pay for pigs to the producer, while the hypothetical price may be taken as the price which the Board considers a curer should pay in the circumstances if he wants to run the business in a paying way. If he pays less to producers than he might pay under the hypothetical price fixed, then he may be making more profit than he should, and the Board will have a certain amount of power to take these profits. If he is losing, that is if the hypothetical price is lower than he is actually paying, the Board is empowered to pay out a certain amount for pigs that he purchased. In that way, even though in ordinary circumstances the price of bacon in the home and in the foreign market may change, and that a change might be justified from week to week or from month to month, it will be possible for the Board to get the same price over a period for producers. They leave the appointed price, but change the hypothetical price according to the changes in the bacon market. As soon as the Board gets some experience of the work it will be able to have long periods of fixed prices. In fact, from experience that we have had of pigs and bacon during the last two or three years, it should be possible to have practically a fixed price for the first nine months of the year. Perhaps for the last three months there are different conditions. That might be too much to expect from the Board for some time, but eventually it should reach that stage.

They also have power under this Bill to appoint a different hypothetical price for pigs for export from that for pigs for consumption at home. It is put that way in the Bill, and Senators will realise that what will happen is that it will be taken on a percentage basis. If the appointed price were say 56/- and the hypothetical price 60/-, the curer would pay 4/- to the Board. Assuming that the export price of bacon was 2/- less than the home price, the curer who exported exactly half his output would get back 2/- more per cwt. on his export trade than he would on his home. If the home price were worse than the export price, he would get more for his home trade than for his export. There would be a serious injustice unless the Board got that power, because the bounty on exports and the excise levy on pigs have to be changed from time to time in an endeavour to keep the person exporting on as good a basis as the person selling at home. It is rather more difficult to do that in present circumstances, particularly owing to the change in the excise levy, but the Board could meet every week if necessary and could make changes in price without any great trouble. They have to make an order which will be published in "Iris Oifigiúil." There will be no great trouble in doing that when they get started.

Prices will be fixed on a weight basis. All pigs purchased by licensed curers must be purchased on the basis of weight. Where weighing facilities are not available, the Board by order may permit weight to be ascertained by agreement.

The Board have power to fix a freight allowance generally for the whole country, or different allowances for different areas, as well as a buying allowance, this being such sum as the Board considers fairly represents the curers' buying costs either at the factory or through an agent or the ordinary dealer who buys at the fairs and sells to the factory. I should say that ordinary dealers buying pigs at a fair are not bound to pay the fixed price at all. It is only the curer or the minor curer, as the case may be, who is bound to pay the fixed price. If an ordinary buyer of live pigs goes to a fair he can buy at the best price he can, but he is entitled to the fixed price from the curer or minor curer.

At first sight Senators may feel some apprehension that in that way we are likely to weaken the influence of the Bill on prices. I do not think that is the case. Farmers are much better acquainted with the marketing of pigs and they will know from the Press what they are entitled to get. I should say that they are all within easy reach of scales if necessary, and are not likely to sell pigs to a dealer unless they get as good a price as they would get from the factory, if they were sent direct. The factories will be there to take the pigs direct, if necessary. Curers will be entitled to deduct from the fixed price the freight allowance, buying allowance, the levy paid to the Minister for veterinary examination, the levy paid to the Pigs Marketing Board, weighing allowance, insurance, and tolls, if any. That looks a long list, but when added up does not come to a great deal.

In the case of pigs delivered by a producer to a factory, neither the freight allowance nor buying nor weighing allowances may be deducted. These are the biggest items. If a producer feels that the buying and freight allowances are too heavy he may have his pigs delivered to the factory, and in that way get full price, the only deduction being the levy paid to the Minister, the levy paid to the Pigs Marketing Board and insurance. These three items put together will not amount to more than 1/- at the maximum. I mentioned that the three members to represent producers at first will be nominated by the Minister. I introduced an amendment on the Report Stage in the Dáil providing for the election of these members by producers at a later stage. I feel that that is a very difficult point because we have not got any organisation here like the Beet Growers' Association. If there was such an association of pig producers there would be no such difficulty, because we could have three members nominated by that association. We have not got such a body. In Great Britain they have a Farmers' Union which is representative of the industry. We have not got that here.

It is suggested that county committees of agriculture might do something in that way. It is provided in the amendment I speak of, which is now in the Bill, that, if any organisation is built up within the next year or so, the Minister will be empowered, if he does not think it is altogether representative, to take nominations from that organisation and from county committees of agriculture and from those select three. If, on the other hand, he is satisfied that the organisation fully represents the industry, then he may make an order providing for the election of the three representatives from that organisation.

Power is also given to the Pigs Marketing Board to purchase and dispose of pigs during a period when there is a surplus. It is felt that a provision of this kind might provide a useful outlet in certain contingencies. In these circumstances, the board may dispose of pigs, live or dead, or may have them manufactured into bacon, any losses incurred on such transactions to be met by the board out of its own fund. The board are empowered temporarily to borrow money to carry on their business, and the Minister is empowered to lend them money.

Again, the chairman of the Pigs Board is given special powers to decide certain matters as to which the board may not be unanimous. The most important of these matters is the price. It is quite obvious that, unless the board is unanimous, it is better that the chairman should decide the price. We have three producers and three curers on the board, so that there is likely to be a contest as to the price. It is probable that the producers will look for a higher price than the market would justify, and it is just as likely that the curers will look for a lower price than the market would justify. It is almost impossible to visualise agreement between the two parties, so that you would have three against three. If, for any reason, one or two representatives of one side were absent—if they were late in coming in or had to leave early then, although we have provided for substitutive members, it might be very unwise to allow a majority decision to operate. The Bill provides that, unless there is unanimity, the chairman will himself decide the price. The exceptional powers of the chairman and also of the chairman of the Bacon Board deal with matters in regard to which it is essential that the respective boards reach decisions. In other words, the Bill would break down if some decisions were not given. For instance, it is obvious that unless the Bacon Board made some allocation of bacon amongst the factories, the Bill would cease to operate. If, for any reason, the members of the Pigs Marketing Board decided to rebel, they might refuse to make an order, and thus render the Bill inoperative. For that reason, a decision by the chairman would be necessary.

As I stated at the beginning, the Bill follows, in the main, the recommendations of the Pig Industries Tribunal. The recommendations of that tribunal have, on the whole, met with the approval of the industry. When I speak of the industry, I mean both producers and curers. The scheme put up finally by an organisation of producers which gave evidence corresponded with the scheme put up by the curers as regards the formation of these boards, so that there was practical unanimity. We are following on those lines, with the exceptions I have mentioned. The people concerned in these exceptional cases were the curers, and where we departed from the recommendations, the curers unanimously agreed with the changes. It was easier to consult the curers on this Bill than it was to consult producers. It was comparatively easy to get all the curers together and quite easy to get a committee, whom they selected, to meet the officials of my Department and myself. On the other hand, it was not so easy to get representatives of the producers together but we had discussions with individual producers on many points.

The Bill represents a step towards the organisation of the bacon industry in this country. I think that this is the first attempt at organising the industry here and regulating production by individual factories. Organisation of the bacon industry has been found necessary in many countries. As I have mentioned, in Denmark and Holland and, I think I may add, Great Britain, organisation has gone much deeper than we have attempted. In those countries they have started to organise the industry from the production of the pig. It would be very difficult to do that in this country and this Bill attempts to avoid that issue as far as possible. However, it may be necessary to go back to that aspect of the problem. Having regard to the inconvenience which would be caused by any such scheme and to the undesirability of interfering with producers in that way, if it can be avoided, we think we ought to try this Bill out to see if it succeeds in getting a fair price for the producer and in getting the best name possible for our bacon both at home and on the foreign market. In that connection, I may mention that on the British market, where our bacon is in competition with the bacon of many countries, including the home-produced bacon in Great Britain, our bacon, as readers of the newspapers will have noticed, is improving in price. In certain places in Great Britain, in recent weeks, our bacon has been quoted at higher prices than even British home-produced bacon. Three or four years ago, our bacon was always a few shillings lower than British bacon on the British market. For some time now, our price has been as high as, and in some places higher than, the price of British home-produced bacon.

I might, perhaps, be permitted to say that when I asked some curers what was the reason for that they said it was entirely due to the home-grown cereals. However, perhaps the curers were overmodest, and that a good lot of it may be due to the curers themselves. In the course of my speech I mentioned that I proposed introducing a few amendments to the Bill during its passage through the Seanad. There are also a few minor amendments that it is not worth while dealing with now. What I have said covers, at any rate, the general provisions of the Bill.

I think that some measure of this kind obviously became necessary here as a result of the quota system which the British have recently adopted. For that reason any arguments that I put forward and any suggestions that I make are made definitely with a view to trying to make the Bill a little more workable than, I think, it is, as well as to make it equally just to all those who are concerned in the industry. I do not want the Minister to say when he is replying that I spoke with any political bias on this question, because I am not doing so. The underlying idea of the measure, I take it, is that the pig and bacon industry should yield a profit to all those who are concerned in that industry, but because the producer does not get what I call an adequate safeguard in the measure I think its provisions are not as complete as they should be. I cannot accept what the Minister said in the Dáil, and told us to-day, that he is leaving the actual production of the pig that is going to be turned into bacon, to be used at home or exported afterwards, to the old Manchester school of supply and demand. It is not in line with all the other legislation which has been enacted in connection with agriculture and other things in this country in recent times. The various sections of the Bill guarantee a definite return first, to the curer, then to the buyer— that is the man who delivers the pig to the factory—and the retailer; but the producer is really not provided for at all, as he should be.

There is a very important aspect of this Bill that I want to deal with. I come from a part of the country where large quantities of pigs are produced, notwithstanding the fact that the price of offals is very high. The news of this Bill has already got down there, and a large number of farmers, not only in my own district, but all over my county, are beginning to stock additional sows with a view to making further profits out of this Bill. I am afraid that indicates that, in the natural course of events, there will be large supplies of bacon pigs which cannot possibly be absorbed either in the British quota or in home consumption, and, although the curers and the retailers will still get their definite income out of these two markets, the producer may be left with considerable supplies of an unsaleable article which has cost a good deal to feed. Those of us who have anything to do with the production of pigs know what it costs to bring a pig back from a fair rather than cut our losses and keep it for another month.

As the Minister has stated, this measure definitely does not contemplate a guaranteed price for the producer. The Minister leaves him, the small farmer—I am not thinking now of the man who handles 100 pigs and can slip up to Dublin to see how things are going—the man producing one or two pigs who is in the least advantageous position to study the markets, to know what is going on in England and in other countries—it leaves him to gamble as to what the market for his pigs is going to be. I think it is unreasonable to handicap that man who has got to make his plans very many months ahead. To start with, he has got to get a slip, if a buyer and not a breeder, and has got to keep it for some four to six months. Over and above that he is to be at the mercy of a Price Fixing Board which, under Section 140, can alter the actual price of your pigs at one week's notice. I do not think that is a fair proposition to the man who has to make his plans very many months ahead. Of course, I know there is a reason for it. We have got a guaranteed price for beet and wheat and, I believe, for cattle, and we have got registers for all those people. I know there is a reason for it, because, in both the case of beet and wheat, there is not yet a sufficiency, or anything like it, but, in the case of pigs, there has generally been a surplus over the requirements of both the export and the home market. However, I think that some adjustments should be made in this Bill to put the small-producing farmer on an equality with the middleman (the buyer, the curer, the exporter, and the retailer), all of whom make a profit out of the man who is producing the primary article. Unless that is done, the middleman will be in clover, and the uncertainty which we have always known to be associated with the pig market is going to be continued to the producer instead of being eliminated, which one rather hoped it would be as a result of this Bill.

I cannot accept the Minister's pious hope that the farmer who is a shrewd man will know exactly what the market is going to be and will be able to study the market and produce just the right number of pigs that is required and have no surplus. There is nothing more wasteful than to feed a pig and then to have to lay it off again. I think that the Minister over-estimates the difficulties of the register which he has put on one side. As a development of the original Livestock Act, you have now got a register of all boars in the country. They are all held by definite individuals. You have a large body of agricultural instructors to organise matters, and I would suggest to the Minister that the right way to protect the small farmer against himself and to protect the whole of the national interest against over-production is through this register of boars: to have some form of service licence before a sow is stocked. In that way, you could get an estimate of the actual number of pigs, and that would be going a long way to prevent any over-production. That, I submit, is a matter not only of personal interest to farmers engaged in pig production, but it is also a matter of national interest to the whole country that there is no waste of money in this particular industry from top to bottom.

There is another point that I would like to deal with. I wonder whether the Minister could give us any idea as to what the cost of this measure is going to be, and whether it is going to be paid by the Free State taxpayer or passed on to the English provision merchants. The economics of very nearly 50 per cent of this measure are dependent entirely on the attitude which the English provision firms and merchants take to our quota, or in other words, on what prices they are going to give us for our bacon. I should be glad to know how the situation stands in that respect because I am credibly informed that there has been recently a conference with English provision merchants, and that it was to a very great extent abortive. We do not really know what they are going to give us for our particular quota, but I should like to hear that some progress has been made in this very important direction.

I think that if you are going to regiment industry, your regulations should be absolutely fair to all the people engaged in the industry and I cannot accept the exception of the original producer, whom the Minister has, to my mind, very facilely put on one side, whereas in other industries, the original producer in the shape of the workman, and that is what the pig producer is, is catered for as well as anybody else. I think the Minister should consider whether he cannot go a step further towards improving a measure which, I think, is necessary and is made necessary by the British quota, and which should be workable.

It is not my intention to go into the Bill in general, but I want to refer to an omission from it. The Minister will remember that I accompanied a deputation to discuss the position of the wholesale trade under this Bill. They are a very large and important section of the industry and they served a useful purpose in the industry. Many of them have their life savings, a considerable amount of capital, invested in the business, and they feel that arising out of this Bill their industry, their business, their means of livelihood, is being taken from them and they are, as a result, very apprehensive. They discussed the matter with the Minister with a view to getting some recognition for their business under this Bill. I listened very carefully to the Minister who made no reference whatever to this particular aspect. The Minister has mentioned that he is prepared to accept some amendments to the Bill in the Seanad, and I should like to know from him if he is prepared, even now, to give some recognition to this important branch of the industry.

It may be argued, and will, very likely, be argued, that the Bill does not interfere with their portion of the business, but already one of the large factories has taken over the distribution of bacon throughout the country. I do not know whether that will make for improvement or not, but it is certainly going a long way towards monopoly. If these people are able to produce bacon and to distribute it and to establish shops to retail it, there is going to be a lot more elimination from the industry, and the benefits gained on one side will be lost on the other. The wholesaler or distributor served a very useful purpose inasmuch as he helped the small people in business by long credits. I do not know whether the factory people will be prepared to go to the same lengths to help these people. I merely rose to draw attention to that section of the industry which is not provided for in the Bill. The curer, the pork butcher, and all the other people are registered and recognised by the Bill. The distributor is not, so far as I know, and the Minister made no reference whatever to him. I hope the Minister will deal with this matter in his reply and give these people some assurance that they are not going to be driven headlong to ruination from their business.

Before I sit down I want to say that I regret very much to hear from the Minister that the farmers of Ireland are not in a union. If any people in Ireland ought to be organised in a union, they are the farmers. We hear people complaining about the farmer being exploited and so on. Yes, because he has not sufficient nous to get organised into a union and to look after his own interests.

I rise to support the Bill. I do not want to put forward any adverse criticism, at least at this stage. The Bill is a very comprehensive, and, I may add, a very complicated measure. It is an experiment and a very drastic experiment, and will be found, I believe, to contain many snags, but it will not be possible to discover these snags until the Bill is in operation. I should also like to say that I believe it is an honest attempt by the Minister to help the pig producers and to stabilise prices, which will be a great advantage to those engaged in the industry. It is a Bill which was necessary and long overdue and I believe it will be welcomed by the pig producers of this country. For these reasons, I believe that we will have to accept the Bill without very many alterations or amendments; and although it is a very drastic measure, which proposes to alter the buying, the selling and the marketing of pigs and bacon, I believe that the Bill itself will not lend itself to very material alteration by amendments.

The pig trade was always a precarious business for the producer and the abnormal rises and falls in prices which occurred very suddenly were of very serious consequence to pig producers. Very serious losses followed these abnormal falls and when the rise came the majority of the producers had very small numbers of pigs on hands. The pig is a very prolific animal. One average sow in the course of a year would produce about 16 pigs, and these pigs would become bacon in eight or nine months. With the abnormal fluctuations in prices that occur, figures rise very quickly and fall very quickly. They sometimes rise very high, and just as quickly fall below the cost of production to the farmer. I think this Bill will do something to prevent that extraordinary variation in prices, and for that reason I think it is worth supporting. I have seen the price of pigs in my time rush quickly up to 80/- per cwt. and fall almost as quickly to 30/- per cwt. No producer could fight against such a terrible drop in prices in one year. I would like to see the pig producers having more representation upon the Pigs Marketing Board. As proposed, the board is constituted of a chairman nominated by the Minister, of three members representing the producers nominated by the Minister, and of three members of the Bacon Marketing Board elected by that board. In these circumstances, I believe the dice is loaded against the producer and that more representation should be given to him.

The Bill does not state that the chairman will be really representative of the producer. More than likely he will be a civil servant. I think on that particular board it would be only reasonable to expect that the Minister should have nominated four representatives of the producers and two representatives of the bacon curers. There are no representatives of the producer on the Bacon Board, yet the Bacon Board have three representatives on the Pigs Marketing Board —the producers' board. I would like the Minister to explain how the exporters of live pigs are to be treated under this Bill. From the explanation the Minister gave I gathered there would be no restriction on them. Senator The McGillycuddy seemed to be upset in regard to this matter. As we all know, the regulations will be made by the board. I think Senator The McGillycuddy was right that unless we have producers exporting there will be no competition and in that case the farmer, as the Senator said, will have to bring home his pigs. I do not think, if the Bacon Board was representative of the producer that such a thing would be possible to happen.

I would like the Minister to say will the factory be compelled to take the pigs at scheduled prices for the time being direct from the producer. I would say that I think, in this Bill, the Minister is taking too much power with regard to the granting and revoking of licences. If a person is entitled to get a licence on complying with the provisions of this Bill, the Minister should be compelled to grant that licence. And if the man commits an offence under the provisions of the Bill when it becomes law, it is not, in my opinion, the Minister that should decide whether he is guilty or not. In that particular instance, I think the matter should come before a judge in the ordinary courts, and that judge should decide whether or not the person is guilty of the particular act of which he is accused. The case should be heard by a judge as to whether a licence should be revoked. I do not think the Minister should have that power. It is the officials of his Department, and I will not say that they would be prejudiced, but it is they who will really exercise this power, and I fear they may not act with the detachment to be expected from a judge. I have no more to say on this particular stage of the Bill. When the Committee Stage is reached I shall have some amendments to move in the direction I have indicated.

It would be a good thing if all of us could be as optimistic about the results of this measure as Senator Counihan is. I am sure it would be very good for the Minister himself to be in that frame of mind. It seems to me that the Minister, in introducing this Bill, and in his endeavour to get it passed into an Act, is very definitely casting his bread upon the waters. Whatever may be said about the work of the Minister for Agriculture, whatever reputation he will gain in getting this Bill through, it certainly is a monumental work—one of the largest Bills that has ever been introduced into the Oireachtas.

The Bill is intended to make provision for the control and regulation of the production and marketing of bacon. That is the underlying principle of a Bill in which there must be a dozen principles. The Minister must have been in great difficulty in determining what form of speech he would make and also as to the various parts of the Bill he would take out for discussion. People may not be very well versed in the rearing and feeding of pigs. The knowledge of pig production may be limited to the quality of the rashers served at the breakfast table, and they must be surprised to find that so much could be written and printed about the pig as is contained in this Bill. Nobody in this House will oppose the measure but it should be the aim of everybody who speaks or thinks about it to endeavour to make it more workable and satisfactory for the purposes for which it has been introduced into the House. People who know all about the production of pigs and are mainly interested in that aspect of the measure, must be pardoned if they are concerned principally about the effect of the Bill upon the production of pigs in the country. The Minister says that the Bill does not purport to regulate production, only in so far as price will regulate productivity. I think it must be accepted that the cost of production will regulate productivity in future.

The introduction of this measure, so far as I can visualise the consequences of it, will be, as Senator The McGillycuddy says, very probably to increase the pig population in the country. Undoubtedly, legislation in Northern Ireland had that result so far as we can see. The impression, I think, throughout the country on the passing of this Bill will be that farmers in future are going to get a fixed price for the bacon pigs they produce. With conditions as they are in the country, when there is not a guaranteed price that is covering the cost of production for many agricultural commodities, anything at all that is going to pay the farmer for the work he puts into it will drive him into that type of agricultural production. The Bill, it is true, does not make it obligatory that the producer will be paid a profit for his commodity as well as the cost of production. The cost of production is to be taken into account but beyond that the Bill does not go.

There is an aspect of pig production that, I think, the Minister sees, but he is not prepared at the moment to take any very positive, definite step. He does, I think, visualise a time in the future when there will be such an increase in pig production that he may have to consider adopting measures that have been adopted elsewhere with regard to productivity. We have the situation in the Saorstát to-day that the price of our bacon is 47/- a cwt; the price across the Border is from 62/- to 65/- and we have this other anomaly, that the raw material for the pig producer in Northern Ireland can be purchased at £5 15s or £6 a ton while the raw material for pig production here costs £8 5s a ton.

This point which I want to put before the Minister is not really a political point; it is purely an economic matter. People are dependent on the area where they reside, whether it is a tillage area or an area less adapted to tillage, and that determines their attitude of mind about this. As I see the results of this measure, I believe you will have a rush into pig production on the part of many who have not been in the pig-rearing business before. Some who have been in it will go into it to a much greater extent. The economics of agriculture are rather peculiar the more deeply you examine them. There are areas in Ireland very definitely suited to tillage, but, peculiarly enough, the areas where the land has been most intensively tilled in the past are the areas, some of them, where pig production has been low. We have a very peculiar psychology in that respect. People have all the essentials for a heavy production of pigs, but yet pigs have not been produced in very large numbers there. Take the County Louth, which has practically the highest tillage area in the country. I saw the other day where the farmers in the Cooley area have thousands of cwts. of potatoes that they cannot export. The pig population there is much lower than in other parts of the country less intensively tilled. You never hear the farmers in my county talking about having potatoes that they cannot export, unless they are put in the position of not being able to export or being able to export at such an unfavourable price as would not give them anything above the cost of production.

With cattle prices so low, with the general agricultural position so unsatisfactory, many areas which in the past had accepted certain lines of agricultural development are very probably going to alter them and are now going to go into pig production much more heavily in the future. What result is that going to have on those areas not very well suited to tillage, but where, at the same time, the pig population was higher through the ups and downs of the difficult years gone by? If there is a scarcity of a commodity the cost of production can be comparatively high, but yet there may be a profit. If there is a surplus of a commodity you can only keep in production by keeping the cost of production very low indeed.

We have the situation through legislation to-day that farmers in tillage areas, who did not in the past go in for pig production and who have not up to the present gone in for pig production, are exporting their grains to other counties to be fed to pigs which they in their own territories could do very much better. The farmers in Louth, Wexford and Donegal are exporting their grains to Mayo, Cavan and other areas not very well suited to tillage, to be sold to pig producers there. There is all this cost of mixing, the cost of transport, the miller's charges and so on, and all that has to be met.

It seems to me that very many of these people under this legislation are very likely to rush into pig production, and when that comes about what will be the position of the farmer who, up to the present, has only been able to produce pigs by importing a very considerable quantity of the raw material? We can be told that those farmers can till another acre and produce more of their home-grown stuff. If you take the country as a whole you will find—whether it be Kerry, Cavan, or Mayo—that the soil there is suited to a particular type of development and you cannot teach the farmers there to handle their land any better than they have been handling it in the past. They are doing it according to the tradition established through the experience of ages as to how the land can be most usefully employed. You can produce one cwt. of pork in Louth, Wexford, Donegal or other tillage areas at a lower price than you can produce it in the non-tillage areas. If we are going to have a great rush of people into pig production who have not been in it so far, the men who obtained a living on the small holdings by the very arduous work that had to be put into pig production will in future be striving to keep in an industry that for them definitely will become uneconomic. I think the Minister might as well look that situation straight in the face. I think that he will be forced, because of this legislation and because of the situation in England, into the position of having to restrict pig productivity as he has restricted beef productivity, and as nature, in its way, restricts wheat productivity. Certain people are selected to grow beet. They, and only they, will be permitted to grow it in certain areas.

And tobacco.

Senator Wilson suggests tobacco. With regard to wheat, however, the land itself decides who shall and who shall not grow wheat. Certain people have been rearing pigs for generations, and certain counties are particularly well suited to the production of pigs, and if that is taken away from them, or only left with them under the new conditions that, I believe, will operate under this measure, the standard of life in these counties will be very much worse than it is to-day and, goodness knows, it is low enough already. I know that the question of the position of the pig feeders who have to import the raw material does not fairly come up for consideration under this Bill, but I have always been definitely convinced that the greatest possible injustice was done to the small farmers in the poorer counties when the situation was forced upon them, through legislation, of having to take the grains from the bigger and richer farmers in the richer areas, to be fed to the pigs they reared, and which ought to have been fed by these richer farmers at home. I have always felt that it would have been much more economic from the State's point of view, that the transport charges that had to be paid on these grains should have been paid on the finished article from the counties where the grain was originally produced. If now, however, as a result of legislation, prices are going to be raised for the production of pigs, it is greatly to be feared that these people will now grow wise in their generation and feed the grains to their pigs at home and put us out of production. That can only be averted by the Minister going very much farther than he has gone in this Bill and by doing what he evidently does not want to do and what, I quite realise, would be an unpopular and difficult thing to do, but which will have to be done because of the situation which has been created by the earlier legislation passed by the Minister himself. If we could buy our raw material for the production of pigs in competition with the farmers in England or in Northern Ireland or the grain growers in Louth, Wexford, Donegal, or East Cork, we could stand up to them in the matter of feeding and finishing pigs. When, however, we are forced into the position of having to take the grains at their price and, on the other hand, meet the competition from Six-County farmers, I think the position is going to become impossible unless the Minister is prepared to go much farther than he has gone in this Bill. The Minister will have to regulate productivity if the price is to be economic, and the people who should be allowed to carry on are the people who have carried on in this business in spite of legislation, depressed markets, and all the other adverse conditions.

The Minister knows as well as I do, because he must have examined it frequently, that it is rather remarkable that the people on the best land in the country, where they grow beet, wheat and barley—except his own county, to which I raise my hat, because it is the only county where they have been in pig production to any extent whatever—who are being helped by the State: the people who can grow wheat and beet, and who have not been engaged in the more slavish agricultural occupations, are being subsidised by the State for growing them. I hold that these people ought not to be permitted to get away with all the spoils. Of course, if the market were not restricted as it is restricted, we might not discuss restriction with regard to pig population at all, and I have no doubt whatever that the Minister is conscious of the fact that there is a much wider market than the one we at present enjoy, which the pig producers of this country ought to have an opportunity of getting into. Let us go on increasing our development along those lines about which our people know so much and for which they have the right type of article which the consumer wants. The Minister must be conscious of that. I would be surprised if, in his more reasonable moments—and I am sure he has reasonable moments—he were not conscious of that fact. The Minister may say that we have increased our pig population over a number of years. I admit that. Undoubtedly we have increased our pig population. Even the figures for 1934 show an increase of 37,000, or 4.1 per cent., but at the same time in Northern Ireland their increase is 40.6 per cent., and they buy the raw materials at £5 15s., while we pay £8 5s. In that way you can see the real difference in the price of the cwt. of pork for the farmer in the Six Counties and the farmer in the Twenty-Six Counties.

There are some points in connection with the Bill which I want to raise, and on which I would like some additional information. One point—as to the cost of the Bill—has already been mentioned by Senator. The McGillycuddy. I think there was a statement in the Dáil to the effect that the Bill would cost £15,000 or £16,000, approximately. I realise, of course, that the measure cannot be made to operate without spending a considerable sum of money. We have, however, a section dealing with veterinary examination and inspection of carcases and premises, and so on. I should like to have an indication from the Minister as to the possible increase in the veterinary staffs for this purpose or whether the existing staffs will be sufficient to operate the measure. The charges which are to be levied against the carcases are so scattered through the Bill that I have not been able to calculate what exactly it is going to cost the farmer to market a carcase in the future. As far as I can make out, there are four or five charges, between insurance and other items. I should like the Minister to add these costs together so that we would be able to grasp what exactly it is going to cost the farmer when he goes to market. The farmer wants to know, and we ought to know, in the interests of the farmer, what exactly he has got to pay when he goes out to a fair.

There is another point I should like to mention. It is only a small point, and is, perhaps, local in its application, yet it is very important. It says here that the Minister may make an order to stop killing at home. The Minister must be aware of the practice which takes place in certain parts of the Saorstát, particularly Northern areas, where the farmer may be 30 or 40 or 50 miles from the factory, and where, in consequence, he does his own killing at home and takes the dead carcase to the market. According to this provision, the Minister may stop such killing by order, and I think that that is too sweeping a provision. I would be without intimation that it was going to be done and it would have very upsetting results.

I should like to say something with regard to the position of minor curers. A great deal has been said about them already. I have no desire to reiterate the arguments used, but the Minister should definitely insert an indication that through this legislation the livelihood of men is going to be taken away. When the State takes a decision which is vital to a number of people it should not leave these people without a livelihood, or without being prepared to consider the situation that will be created. We are very much at sea with regard to the Bacon Marketing Board and the Pigs Marketing Board. Both may vary for purposes. I should like to have further information as to what exactly the Minister visualises with regard to the power given to the Boards in the management of funds. Apparently they are going to carry on operations like an investment trust. What is the size of the funds they are going to handle? They may be very good salesmen for bacon, but the management of funds in that fashion is out of their line of business. With regard to the periods of the Boards' existence, my feeling very definitely is that two years is too short for them to get into their stride. There will be changes in the constitution of the Boards, and a member might be there 12 months before he has a grasp of the business. He is likely to be changed the following year. For efficiency and stability a period of three years seems to me to be reasonable for the good management of the Boards. That matter should be considered by the Minister.

The Minister dwelt at some length on the setting up of machinery for the election of members to the Pigs Marketing Board. I studied the discussions that went on at the Special Committee and what was said about the method of election that might be adopted to select members for the Pigs Marketing Board. It seems to me that if you are going to have a board that will be genuinely representative of the producers, the only way to effect that is to set up a register of producers. People who have experience on county committees of agriculture, or of the types of organisation that purport to be representative of particular branches of agriculture, know quite well how difficult it would be to get an organisation that would be truly representative or to which the status of representative could be given for such purposes. If the Minister is going to have any form of election in future it should be from people who would have a right to election because they are in the industry. I am convinced that unless the Minister sets up a register of pig producers, by dividing the area of the Saorstát into three or four divisions, taking the elected men against the pig population, or the number of people on the register in an area, there is no use talking about setting up a Pigs Marketing Board from producers that is going to be representative of producers. There is no other way to do it.

I confess that I am considerably at sea regarding Section 140. Power is given to the Pigs Marketing Board to construe all things with regard to dividing carcases into as many classes or grades as the board thinks fit. Apparently the board will determine the number of classes into which carcases are to be divided and then grade them. I take it that a price will be fixed against each grade. I am trying to visualise the position when I take pigs to market, as people in County Cavan do. What is going to happen either at the market or at the factory with regard to grading? There may be three grades of carcases. Who is to determine the grade into which my pigs will go? Is it the purchaser? If the carcases are put into the second or third grade, when I think they should be in the first grade, seeing that there is a difference in price of 2/- or 3/- per cwt., who is to decide whether I am right or whether the purchaser is right?

Obviously the purchaser will try to buy as well as he can. No one expects him to do anything else. Very probably by trying to do as well as he can he tries to grade my pigs lower than I think they should be graded. Perhaps I have not seen all that is in the section but from my reading of it I am in a difficulty. The same difficulty arose in connection with beet. The Beet Growers' Association found it necessary to have their officials on the spot to arbitrate between the factory and producers with regard to sugar content, etc. There may be a simple explanation of the difficulty but it is not obvious to me.

Whatever the answer to my query may be, I want to draw the Minister's attention to another point, which definitely concerns producers in Cavan and some other border counties. As far as I can visualise it the constitution of the Pigs Marketing Board will, very probably, be of such a character as will plump for a particular breed of pigs. We are in a very remarkable position in Cavan. I have been looking up statistics and I find that we have the greatest numbers of sows in the country with the exception of Cork. In Cork there are 18,000 sows, in Cavan 7,460 and in Kerry 7,400. In the Minister's constituency and in Cavan the figures of the pig population are very nearly the same. In Cavan the farmers feel that the operation of this new measure will have the effect of favouring a particular breed of pig and that that may put them out of the market. The sow population is so large in Cavan because farmers there have a unique kind of business. They trade in sucking pigs, not only in the county, but in the adjoining counties and in Northern Ireland. Anybody who has been accustomed to rearing bonhams knows the care and attention that farmers who engage in that type of business have to devote to it. They have to stay up at night and to give labour of a kind that is not given in other counties. They found the production of that type of pig most remunerative in the past. Their feeling is that in the grading and in the classification that will go on under this new legislation their particular breed of pig will be out of court, and that there will be a slump in bacon prices out of all proportion to the value of the market. It is a very serious matter for them, because pig production has been the mainstay of farmers in that county through all the ups and downs.

The situation is such that if precautions are not taken by the Minister in the constitution of the Pigs Marketing Board the prejudices of the Board, unless carefully guarded against, will be all against the type of pig raised in Cavan. I have been advocating the introduction of the York pig for years. I did everything I could in that way on the committee of agriculture but the obstacles were great and prejudice so strong that I found encouragement slow. Nothing could convince farmers of the utility of one breed against another. In Cavan farmers will not stick to a particular kind of production unless there is cash in it. I should like the Minister to take serious notice of that. The Bill is undoubtedly a tribute to those who prepared it. The work put into it in the other House has simplified what this House may attempt to do in the way of amending it, but there are a number of matters that demand reconsideration. The measure is one that we would all like to see bringing beneficial results. All my criticism is offered genuinely, because I am conversant with the difficulties facing pig producers. I am in sympathy with them in the difficulties they are up against.

The Minister might as well face the situation that he knows will arise as a result of the passage of the Bill. We will have an immediate rush into pig production by numbers of people who were not in it before. We will have an increased number of pigs in parts of the country where farmers are engaged in other types of activity subsidised by the State, particularly where the land lends itself to the production of the raw material essential to pig production. If we are not going to place the people of the poverty-stricken areas in a position in which they will be paupers and beggars at the State's door for doles of every kind, they will have to be safeguarded in the legislation going through this House. The Minister should be inspired by his sense of equity, fair play and justice. The bigger farmers on the better land close to Dublin, men with credit if they have not capital, are able to get the ear of Ministers and have their point of view made known in a way that the smaller farmers in the more remote parts of the country can never hope to do. Between these interests, the responsibility is on the Minister to hold the scales as evenly as he can. His Cereals Act tilted the scales very definitely in favour of the farmers with the best land as against the farmers with the worst land. I think that that is all wrong. The Minister should be careful to see that the result of this measure will not be to worsen very considerably the very precarious position in which these small farmers find themselves to-day.

Before he left the House, Senator Foran expressed regret that there was not a Farmers' Union. I am sorry that he is not here now. Earlier in his speech, he deplored the existence and creation of monopolies. That was when he was discussing the situation that will arise in consequence of this legislation if wholesalers are to be put out of action and their places taken by bacon curers who set up multiple shops. I, too, deplore the creation of monopolies and so do many other people. To Senator Foran's observations as to the creation of a farmers' organisation that could, in particular circumstances, operate as a monopoly, I should say that some people are not too thankful that Labour attempts the creation of a monopoly in the circumstances of to-day.

I am one of those old-fashioned people who do not expect legislation to work wonders in trade or in agriculture. Nevertheless I cannot share the gloomy forebodings of some of the Senators who have spoken on the Bill. I have little doubt that, in a measure so complicated as this, defects will be revealed in the course of working. I equally believe that it will not be very difficult for whatever Minister is in charge of the Department at the time to introduce amending legislation which will rectify these defects. The Bill is a very painstaking attempt to deal with a problem of considerable difficulty which has been forced upon this country. I draw the Minister's attention to the section which sets out the three classes of curers—large, medium and small. Long before legislation of this sort was thought of, a retailer, speaking to me, said that he could not get on were it not for two small bacon factories whose product was considerably better than anything he could get from the larger people. That man was doing a really high-class trade. One of the faults I find with this measure is that it puts those small curers into a position in which they cannot develop their business as they ordinarily would. I suggest to the Minister that he should consider an amendment which would provide that, in allocating quantities to curers, regard should be had to the expansion of their business within a certain number of years, and, further, to the price which they secured for their product. If one curer can manage to sell his output at 82/- in a competitive market on the other side, while another man can get only 76/-, it stands to reason that it is in the interests of the agricultural community and the country generally that the man who gets the larger prices should be encouraged.

With regard to the Pigs Marketing Board, I thought the Minister made it very clear that, in the event of any material difference between the curers' representatives and the producers' representatives, the chairman would really have a casting vote. In that respect, the only effective force in the Pigs Marketing Board is the chairman and I think the chairman is nominated by the Minister. My experience of the Department in respect of the butter trade leads me to believe that the factor does not get very much consideration as against the producer. The Minister smiles. He knows that I am telling a truth which is rather painful to me but which is amusing to him. In these circumstances, I think that Senator Baxter must have been in a very gloomy frame of mind and must have been looking through very dark glasses when he made the notes for the speech which he has just delivered.

I regret that I cannot share Senator Counihan's enthusiasm for this measure. Senator Dowdall has just said that this matter has been forced upon us. Who forced it? It is the same old story. The Government have forced us by their actions.

I do not wish to interrupt, but, before the quota was fixed for us, Denmark was practically peremptorily ordered to reduce its supplies to Great Britain by 15 per cent. Denmark was the largest exporter of bacon to Great Britain.

We have heard the Minister say that he went for guidance in this matter to Holland, Denmark and other countries.

Northern Ireland.

He did not go to Northern Ireland. There is an old saying that "the eyes of the fool are on the ends of the earth." If the Minister had gone nearer home, if he had gone to Northern Ireland, he might have learned a lesson which would have been of very great benefit to the farmers. What are the facts about Northern Ireland? The pig population there has been doubled since 1932. In the Free State, in that period, it has been reduced by 12.6 per cent. If you go further and include 1931, the decline is much greater. I need not refer to the difference in price. Everybody knows why that considerable difference exists in the price of pigs as between Northern Ireland and the Free State. It is the same old story.

This is an attempt by the Minister for Agriculture to deal with a situation which neither he nor anybody else can deal with unless he faces the situation honestly and undoes the mischief that was done in the beginning. If the pig population in the Free State had increased at the same rate as that of Northern Ireland during the period I mention, there should now be 810,000 more pigs in the Free State. Senator Baxter anticipated a great deal of what I was going to say on this Bill, and I shall not repeat what he said. Senator Baxter dealt largely with his own county, and I sympathise with him in the situation that will arise there under this Bill.

In my own county, which the Minister is supposed to represent but with the conditions of which he is extraordinarily unfamiliar, there has been a serious decrease in the number of pigs. A few years ago, Wexford produced, outside of Ulster, by far the largest number of pigs in the Free State and fattened them on home-grown cereals. That is nothing new. It may be new to the Minister, but it is not new to the farmers of Wexford. Home-grown cereals were always used there, and that did account for the superiority of the bacon there. The cost of his Cereals Act is one of the reasons for this Bill and for the reduction in the amount of bacon produced. The cost of producing pigs on the home-grown mixture is prohibitive, as we said it would be when the Cereals Bill was going through. It has been of very little value to the tillage farmers in increasing the price of their corn. Undoubtedly, if conditions were normal, a higher price for corn could be obtained without all that mixture business.

It would be well if something could be done to deal with a situation to which we have been accustomed for many years and which has always been a great trouble to the producers—that is, the situation in which curers buy in a large number of pigs and suddenly reduce the price without any corresponding reduction in the price of bacon. If that can be dealt with in the Bill, it certainly should be dealt with. I suppose that the £15,000 or £16,000 which this Bill is going to cost will come, as such costs always come, out of the producers' pockets.

As I said, Senator Baxter expressed many of the views which I hold, and expressed them very well. With regard to what Senator Dowdall said, with all due respects to the Senator, I think Senator Baxter is much better qualified to speak on a measure of this kind than the Senator or any other member of the House, with one or two exceptions. I think that Senator Baxter's advice should be taken. I agree with Senator the McGillycuddy in the remarks he made. His county occupies a peculiar position as regards its number of smallholders. Although coming from the county which is the largest tillage county in the Free State and used to be the largest pig-producing county, I am not a bit enthusiastic about the measure. It may be necessary, but it is necessary for reasons that we all know. It has been forced upon us, not by any system of quotas or from any outside country, but rather by our own doings. How are the farmers in Northern Ireland able to double the number of their pigs? They are finding that they can make them pay well. If not they would not be producing them. We saw recently where one of the biggest curers in the South went up to the North and established a factory in Portadown. The Premier, who made a speech at the opening of the factory, pointed to the great increase in the numbers of pigs that are being produced, and to the great prosperity in the pig industry in that part of the country. Will the Minister answer those points?

I think we are all more or less qualified to speak on this measure, because we have received from the Minister, and I think Senator Miss Browne will agree, a very clear statement of the matters dealt with. The great evil in regard to the production of pigs in this country, so long as I can remember, has been the constant fluctuation in prices. Sometimes, when you paid £1 or 25/- for a bonham, you were not quite sure whether the slip, or the cwt. pig, would make much more than the 25/-. I also noticed that, when the prices of bacon were high, people, at all events in the South and West, bred pigs. There was a tremendous supply of bonhams, but it almost invariably happened that, by the time these bonhams were fit for killing, the price fixed was down again, so that in that way pig-raising became unpopular in certain areas of this country, and unpopular solely because of the fluctuations in price. Now, I think that the raising of pigs by farmers is the most profitable branch of agriculture. It is peculiarly profitable in a mixed farm where there is milk, potatoes, good and bad, grain of various kinds and grass. It may be a surprise to Senator Miss Browne to learn that grass, especially in low-lying districts, is very good food for old pigs and young pigs.

That is no surprise to me.

Nothing would surprise the Senator. I was gratified to hear from Senator Miss Browne that the improvement in the quality of Irish pork and Irish bacon is due indirectly to the tillage scheme.

May I explain that it was the Minister who made that statement? It is not mine.

The Senator says that it was the Minister's statement. The Minister said that the bacon-curers admitted that the very happy improvement in the quality of Irish bacon is due, in some measure at least,——

That is a joke.

——to the grain produced in this country now under the tillage scheme.

But at what cost?

Senator Miss Browne agrees, and now, if I may add my own experience, I do think that the feeding of pigs on oats or even poor barley is a very profitable thing for the farmer. The class of food I have mentioned is the very best that can be given to pigs. References have been made by Senator Miss Browne and other Senators to "the pig population." I hope that in this House we will have no more of this expression "pig population." Why not call it numbers of pigs? "Pig population" is, I think, the most barbarous expression that I have ever heard used in any assembly. It is getting into the Press of this country as well as into the Dáil, and I thought it would not be used in the Seanad.

I wish to make one or two observations in reference to this Bill, not by way of criticism of the measure, because I think it has been forced on the Minister by this unfortunate system of quotas that has originated in France. That system has gone all round the world and will continue, I fear, for a considerable time. But I would like to make one or two observations on the Bill as explained to us by the Minister. I think that the minimum number of pigs sufficient to qualify a man to become a small curer should be reduced from 2,000 to 1,000, if that were at all possible, because the effect of all this legislation is to curtail in one way or another the enterprise of the individual man. I would like, as far as we can, to preserve that spirit of enterprise, and so prevent us from becoming a nation of combines and societies of various kinds. Therefore, I think if that figure were reduced from 2,000 to 1,000 pigs some chance would still remain for the individual man, or group of men, to go into the industry and to stay in the industry. Of course, anything connected with food or agricultural products is an industry of the greatest possible importance in this or indeed any country.

There was another matter which was glanced at, I think, by Senator Miss Browne. In this pig trade, up to the present, there have been roughly four classes. There has been the producer of the pig, the jobber who goes to buy the pig at the fair, the curer and, another class, the wholesaler. There is a very useful class of people called wholesalers. They were availed of by the pig producers—the farmers—and they were availed of by the curers. I do not see any provision made for them in this measure, and I do not know whether it was possible to make it, but I am sure that their position was considered.

There is another point in regard to the selling of pigs by weight. I think pigs ought to be sold by weight, and I think it would not be too much to expect that in every market where pigs are sold there should be facilities for the weighing of the animals. I do not know of any market throughout this country where pigs are sold in which there are not facilities of one kind or another for the accurate weighing of pigs. I think that this measure which has been rendered absolutely necessary, not by anything peculiar to this country, but rather by a change in the policy of various nations towards this system of quotas, is well conceived and moderately framed so as to enable this country to deal with the quota system which was not invented by us. It leaves to the farmer the utmost freedom consistent with making such arrangements as are necessary to deal with these quotas. I hope that the freedom which has been preserved for the farmer in the working of his farm and in the conduct of his business will continue to be preserved, and never be destroyed.

I desire to say that I agree with what Senator Foran said in regard to the wholesale provision merchants. It is perfectly true that the Minister can say that the wholesale provision merchants are not being interfered with in their business by this Bill, but I think it is equally true to say that their livelihood is menaced by it: that there are indications that if those rights which they have had hitherto are taken away—rights of entering upon the business of curers in certain circumstances—then they are likely to be put out of business. At any rate, it is a very serious possibility that they may be put out of business, and if they are, then as far as we can gather, it is something that will serve nobody. It would hardly even serve those who undertake to do certain work that is now being done by them. It certainly will not serve the producer or consumer.

As the Minister is disposed to make certain amendments in the Bill, I think he ought to consider whether he could not do something to meet the danger which this particular class is faced with. It seems to me that an amendment of a very moderate character could be framed which would not interfere in any way with the efficiency of the Bill for its main purpose and which would, at the same time, enable those particular people to retain, subject to the supervision of the Minister, a provisional right which would safeguard their business. Many of those firms are old-established ones. They have been in this business for a very long time. They gave good service to the retailers and to the curers, and I certainly think that it is undesirable that by, shall I say, a sort of by-product of legislation dealing with other matters, they should be put out. I think that the Minister ought to give sympathetic consideration to the question of a very small amendment which would safeguard their position.

I hope that the Minister will also listen to the argument that was put forward by Senator Baxter. Of course, it was clear from his own speech that the Minister is aware that the question of regulating production at the source, as it were, may become necessary. It seems to me that it certainly will become necessary unless other changes give us a wider market. It is true, I suppose, that the quotas will continue, but a great deal depends on the size of the quotas that are available. If much bigger quotas are available, the problems that seem likely to arise now may not arise for a very long time indeed. If the Minister sees an early prospect of new circumstances, or of new relations arising which will enable a review of the quotas to take place and enable the Free State to get a very much bigger share of the British market, the Bill as it stands may be perfectly effective and the question of regulating producers may not arise. But, if we are going to have bigger quotas, I would be afraid it would prove, at a very early date, that this Bill dealing with only one aspect of the problem will break down or will be thrown into such a state of confusion as to render further arrangements necessary.

One can see very serious difficulties that have to be overcome if any scheme for regulating production is to take place. The complexities are great, especially when we have to deal with such a large number of small producers. I think, however, these complexities could be overcome, and I think the question of overcoming them fits in with the very thing Senator Foran suggested, namely, the question of agricultural organisation. I do not suppose Senator Foran means the type of organisation that Senator Baxter took him to mean, but there seems to be necessity for some type of such organisation. I do not think it could be an organisation along the lines tried up to the present time, but an effort that would indicate the point of view put forward by Senator Baxter when dealing with representation on the Pigs Marketing Board and the necessity for registration. In many other matters we can see the need of some type of organisation that will enable fully authorised representatives of agricultural producers to be elected on boards dealing with vital agricultural matters. It may serve in certain cases to have representatives, and fairly good typical representatives, hand-picked by the Minister or his Department. But in other circumstances, generally speaking, it would be good if they could be more strictly representative.

I think the problem that faces the Minister in this matter is a problem which, if solved, will lead to the solution of other problems. I do not say this Bill can be amended—quite obviously it cannot—to deal with the regulation of production, but I think the Minister, if he does not see a prospect of a wider market, should rather look to that, because, as Senator Baxter said, if the Bill is to have a good effect in one set of counties it is likely to have the reverse effect in other counties, and those counties in which it will have good effects are those which get the benefit of certain costly schemes that the Government have undertaken and work them to their advantage, because the farmers there have better land and better natural advantages.

The Minister to conclude.

I do not think there are many points of big principle raised, so far, on the Second Reading. Many of the points raised are such as can be dealt with on Committee Stage. I mention a few of the points raised, as certain Senators seem evidently under a misunderstanding as to the effects of the Bill. For instance, it is not true to say that the Bill guarantees a definite return to the curers or retailers. Senator The McGillycuddy says that we are guaranteeing certain representation to the curers and retailers. I think there is no fair-minded Senator but will say that we are, at least, trying to limit the curers in the profits they are making up to the present. We are not, under this Bill, taking all the profits from the curers, but there is no guarantee that they will get any profits. It is not fair to say that this Bill is drawn to give the curers and retailers everything and to do nothing for the producers.

It is because we feel the necessity of trying to give the producers fair play that this Bill is brought forward. There may be something in what Senator The McGillycuddy says, because we cannot in the month of May, for instance, guarantee the price that pigs will be next October. Small farmers must size up the position for themselves and see if they raise six or seven pigs now what their price will be when sold next October. It is true that we do not solve in this legislation what the price will be, or guarantee seven or eight months ahead what the price will be. I think, on the other hand, if a board was in existence they might give their opinion at least twelve months ahead that pigs are to hold good prices; that there would be scarcity in a couple of months and that things were likely to improve. I think they will give some indication months ahead of what the market is going to be like.

Two or three Senators did advocate the registration of producers—which is the restriction of production. Personally, I would be very much in favour of that system, because I think it is the only system that is really going to work to the advantage of the producers, who would thus be able to tell exactly what pigs would be worth seven or eight months ahead. But there is no doubt that there would be certain difficulties as to how it was to be done. Senator The McGillycuddy did give an indication of how it could be done, and of an obvious way of doing it. First, there should be registration, and the next step would be the licensing of sows, and in that way we would have a fair indication of production.

I meant rather the licensing of boars. You would have a certain quota of sows and a man would buy one and he would be able to obtain the service of a registered boar.

From my point of view that does not matter really. I say we would know from our own experience if the sow is going to produce a litter; we would not like to bet that she would have a certain number. She may have five or six or 13 or 14 or any number in between. Taking the average sow, we could calculate or keep within 100,000 of the pigs we would produce by stating the number of sows we would permit to be licensed.

Would that be wise?

That is the question of course. I am only pointing out administrative difficulties. The board could come near the number by limiting the number of sows. I think, taking everything into consideration, we should try to get this Bill going, even if it is only to get all these other matters going also and prepare for registration of producers later on. We should get this Bill working smoothly before we come to that point and, I think, we will come to that point. Turning now to the question of the British quota, that quota has an effect on production; but under this Bill as it stands I think we could continue if that British quota was removed. The British quota has nothing to do with this Bill but if you come to a point of limitation of production that would be due to the limitation of our exports.

As to the question of the cost of this Bill, I can give only an estimate. I estimate that we will spend in administration between £4,000 and £5,000. Of course, in addition to that there would be other expenditure, but you would not call it expenditure in a way, at least not administrative expenditure. It will be money collected from the curers at certain times and which will go back at certain times. I refer here to the Stabilisation Fund. Under Part II of the Bill the curer must pay a certain fee, that is the cost of inspection, and out of that fee we propose to pay part of the salaries of the veterinary surgeons, which is estimated to cost about £13,000 or £14,000 a year. The total cost of the Bill, I estimate, and again I say it is only an estimate, would be about £22,000——

The existing staffs would not be adequate to deal with the work under the Bill?

They will not. There are certain veterinary surgeons that do some duties under the Fresh Meat Act, and they will be able to do some of this work. But there will have to be some additional whole-time and some part-time men. The next question is about the wholesalers. I do not see what we can do for the wholesalers. I have the greatest sympathy for a class of people that served a very useful purpose. I said in the Dáil that I did talk to the curers about this matter. The wholesalers in business serve a very useful purpose. Some of the bacon curers stated that they would carry on with the present methods. A number of big firms have done their own distribution for years. I do not know what we can do. If the suggestion is that we ought to put in a clause in the Bill to the effect that the curers manage their own businesses through the wholesalers that would be extraordinary. If, on the other hand, the provision was that the wholesalers should get permission to start business on their own, that is a point that could be considered.

Did they ask for representation on the Bacon Board?

I do not recollect that. I think they did not pursue that as far as I remember. Senator Counihan referred to the Bill as a rather drastic experiment. Perhaps it is, but his colleagues, Senator Baxter and Senator The McGillycuddy, are anxious that we should go further with regard to the producers. All these things are drastic. He made the point also that pig producers should be better represented and that there are no producers on the Bacon Board although there are factory representatives on the Pigs Board. I want the Senator to realise that the Bacon Board will be dealing with bacon alone. On the Pigs Board they are dealing with prices and so on. Supposing we do come to the point of the registration of producers we will then have a Board to deal with that matter and on that Board we will have representatives of the producers. You would not have a bacon factory man on that Board. They have that in Holland. In Holland they have a Committee—I think that is what they call it—that deals with the limitation of production. There would be nobody on that Board but the producers because it is not the business of a representative of the factory to know what farmers will be reduced to such and such a figure. That is a matter for the producers themselves. If and when we come to deal with that part of the business, it would be done by a Board or Committee composed of producers alone. I think that that is the only parallel to the Bacon Board that is dealing with matters entirely confined to bacon factories. The Pigs Board is a kind of liaison board between the two.

Senator Baxter made the point that he has no confidence, or rather that there would not be any great confidence, in the representatives of the producers when they are not elected. I quite agree with Senator Baxter in that. I think it would be a splendid thing, not only in connection with this Bill but many other Bills, if we had some organisation that we could go to for the election of members of advisory councils, committees and so on. It is always, however, a case of the Minister appointing the man himself, and I am quite sure that no Minister wants to do that if he can avoid it. As I said in the Dáil, in making such appointments, the Minister may earn the gratitude of the three men he appoints, but he will earn the eternal enmity of 3,000. As I say, it would be much better to have some sort of organisation representing the producers to which the Minister could go for the election of the three men for this Board, and I hope that we may be able to get into that position before the second election comes along.

With regard to the question of live pigs, the exporters of live pigs are not affected by this Bill at all. The person who goes into a fair to buy live pigs can pay any price he likes for them. The only thing that affects him is the quota. I was also asked by Senator Counihan whether the factory will be compelled to take pigs from the farmer at a fixed price at the factory. That is not exactly the position. It is very much like the wheat scheme; that is to say, when a person has pigs to sell the factory must take a certain number because notice has been served on the factory of the number available for the week, calculated as closely as possible, and each factory is under a penalty to take the number of pigs that are in its quota. Accordingly, a factory could not very well afford to refuse pigs sent to them unless their quota was filled already. In the latter case there would probably be another factory close by that would be glad to get the pigs to fill up its quota.

There may be, and probably is, something in Senator Baxter's point that some farmers may have hopes out of this Bill and may be inclined to go into pig production on a bigger scale. I do not see very well how we could deal with that. The only thing suggested by Senator Baxter was the very drastic plan of limiting production at the source, which I need not go over again. He says that the price in the northern counties of the Free State was 47/- and that inside Northern Ireland it was 62/- to 65/-. That does not give a fair picture of Northern Ireland and the Free State, because pigs were sold in the Dublin market last week from 55/- to 56/-, but the fact that we have a difference of 6/- in price between Cavan and Dublin shows the necessity for this Bill, because that is the very thing we want to stop. There is no reason why even Limerick buyers should come in here and give 54/- while farmers in Cavan are only getting 47/-. It must also be remembered that the 62/- in Northern Ireland is subject to a certain amount of deduction.

With regard to the question of cereals, a Bill dealing with that matter will be coming along shortly and I think it would be better to leave that question over. However, I find it very difficult to understand the two prices given by Senator Baxter; that is, £5 15s. in Northern Ireland and £8 5s. on the Free State side. He may be right. I do not want to dispute what he said, but it could not possibly be due to the cereals legislation alone. There are 5 cwts. to the ton of homegrown grain, and that is a difference of 10/- a cwt., and unless our millers here are making out that barley is costing 10/- a cwt. more than maize, it should not be that price. However, as I say, I should prefer to leave that question aside because there is an amending Cereals Bill coming along shortly. While Senator Baxter complained more or less of putting up the cost of feeding stuffs in the County Cavan and counties like it by the increased cost of cereals, he appears to have a certain fear that if we improve the price of pigs other counties may go in for pig production against Cavan. There may be something in the argument that these people who are growing grain themselves may wake up, as Senator Baxter put it, and find it more profitable for them to feed more pigs, and in that way Cavan would be at a disadvantage. Still, I do not see very clearly what his argument is, because, if we put up the price of feeding stuffs and now follow that up by putting up the price of pigs, that should leave Cavan in relatively the same position to these other counties as before. I cannot see his reasoning on that point very clearly.

If the Minister wants to leave us on equal terms with the other people, let him take down the price of feeding stuffs and let us buy them as cheaply as we can. We will then be able to meet the other people, but at present our position is that we have to take the raw material for our productivity at a higher price than they can have it for themselves. Naturally, they can produce more economically than we can; and with a bigger pig population and they being able to get their feeding stuffs cheaper than we can, we cannot compete with them and we will go down. The narrow margin should be enough for them.

My reason for saying that Cavan would be in the same relative position is that, if we succeed in putting up the price of pigs by 5/- a cwt., will not Cavan have the advantage of that 5/- just as much as the men on the better land?

No. Before your legislation, the price of feeding stuffs for our pigs was the same in Wexford as in Cavan. Foreign stuff was on offer on an open market. With your legislation, the price is naturally cheaper on the farms in Wexford or Louth, and it will be dearer with us than in these grain-growing counties, because the cost of transport and so on has to be added on. Before that legislation, the price of the raw material was the same to all of us. We could buy it at the same price as they.

From this on, taking things as they are now, if we put up the price of pigs in Louth and Cavan by 5/- a cwt., I do not see how that would increase the danger of Cavan being beaten in pig production. Deputy Baxter also raised the point about the stopping of the killing of pigs at home. They have a practice in the northern counties of bringing carcases to the market. It is true that under this Bill the Minister, on a month's notice, may stop that practice, but there is no intention, I think, of doing it suddenly.

Even a month's notice would not be sufficient.

If the Senator is anxious about it, I would be prepared to lengthen that notice. I was also asked what was the necessity for the Boards to borrow money. I think that Senators will see that the Bacon Board may go into the production of bacon. That is necessary, not as a general practice, but in certain eventualities, such as, for instance, the case of a bacon factory being burned down, and no other factory being available to take the quota. The Bacon Board would then allocate a certain number of pigs amongst the other factories, and have it put to their accounts. On such an occasion as that, it might be necessary for the Bacon Board to have to raise money rather suddenly, and it is provided here that they will be permitted to borrow in such eventualities. The Pigs Board also is permitted to buy pigs and might be allowed to borrow money for that purpose. Apart from that, they might start business at a time when money would be going out of the factories instead of coming in, and it might be necessary to borrow money to meet their immediate requirements. Deputy Baxter says that he believes that the two years term of a Board is too short. Strange to say, I did not get any representations from anybody on that point before, but I think that it also is a point that might be considered during Committee Stage. Other Senators may have views on that, and I think that it is at least debatable whether two or three years would be more advisable.

Under Section 40, if carcases are brought to the market and bought there by the factory's agent, or by a buyer, and sent to the factory, there is no grading. They are bought on the fixed price. There will be a price for live pigs which would be based, I suppose, as a sort of medium between the different dead-weight grades, and the carcases bought at a market will have to be bought at that medium price also. They must be taken for bad or good. On the other hand, if the farmer believe that he has a very good carcase and that he would do better by having it graded, he can send the carcase to the factory and have it graded there.

Who will do the grading?

I do not think it is provided, but I am told that at any rate it is implied that the Board will control the grading—the Pigs Board. They will probably appoint a few inspectors or referees. I do not think they will be able to have a person stationed in every factory to do the grading, but I expect they will have a few inspectors to go around. Under this Bill, the Board is quite free to put a grader into every factory, if it wishes to do so, but I think that it is hardly likely that they will do that. That is how it stands. I think I see Senator Baxter's point that the Board might favour a particular breed of pig in the grading, although I do not think there is much danger of it; in other words, that the majority of the Board might say, "We take no interest whatever in the Ulster breed of pigs and we think they should be discouraged and discouraged rapidly."

The Minister is to nominate three members. Seeing the difficulties and the separate problem in the three Ulster Counties, I think any Minister would be likely to have one member representing these counties. If one person objects to the Board grading what he believes to be unfairly against the Ulster pig, then the Chairman would have to act on his own. The Chairman will have to be taken as fair in such cases and we will have to rely upon him. As Senator Dowdall stated, it is quite true that a small curer whose business, perhaps, has been growing rapidly for four or five years, and would continue to grow, under this Bill just "stays put." He cannot go any further. I cannot see any way of altering that in any Bill to control industry. That fault has always been found. We found it with practically every Bill we brought in. Some sort of right is conferred on men in a trade to carry on, and we had to take rather drastic powers to prevent anyone else coming in. If Senator Dowdall has the ingenuity to put in any amendment to cover that point it will be considered.

If you have the charity to accept it.

I would want to see what it is like. While I do not agree with Senator Comyn that 1,000 pigs should qualify a man to become a small curer, the matter can be considered in Committee. I suppose it is a matter of opinion. We had to draw the line somewhere. I think 1,000 is a low figure. The officers in my Department went to considerable difficulty in this respect, and went back over a period of years, and after a great deal of trouble they came to the conclusion that about 2,000 pigs was a very fair line to draw. If you like, it has been done on a scientific basis in the Bill, but the matter can be considered in Committee if it is advisable to do so. Senator Blythe is right in saying that the Bill could not be amended to provide for the regulation of production. That would be a matter for a separate Bill. On the other hand, the machinery provided here would be useful even if we had no export trade. It is only due to our own people to see that they get wholesome bacon and grading, and inspection is therefore necessary. The two Boards will be useful for fixing prices. If the other proposal becomes necessary it will have to be done in a future Bill.

I ask the Minister again to look into Section 140, as there is considerable perturbation about it. I think it is going to raise more difficulty than any of the other sections regarding the classification of pigs, as well as the prices. The position is very vague as regards grading. The Bill does not seem to indicate the authority that will have the grading done in the way it should be done. I cannot see any mention of a grader having power to go into a man's premises.

I do not know if Senators followed the regulations in force in Great Britain. There are regulations there giving the number of inches of fat on the sides.

That is not done here.

It is provided for. The classification is by weight.

Who will decide if a man considers that the factory measurement is not fair to him.

The Board would at least have to have a referee, if they had not a grader in every factory.

May I ask the Minister a question?

The debate is closed.

Question put and agreed to.
Committee Stage ordered for Wednesday, May 29th.

I do not wish to press the Seanad to take the Bill sooner but I hope the House will facilitate me, after that. It is very important to get this Bill into operation as soon as possible before the slump period begins.

I am sure all Senators desire to have it passed as soon as possible.

Is the Minister prepared to accept a suggestion that wholesalers should be allotted a quota from the factories?

Try an amendment on the Committee Stage.

I wonder would an amendment on such lines meet Senator Foran and Senator Blythe's view?

We will have to discuss that.

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