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Seanad Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 12 Jan 1944

Vol. 28 No. 6

Children's Allowances Bill, 1943—Second Stage.

Question proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

The Children's Allowances Bill, as the House probably knows, secured general approval in the Dáil and, so far as could be judged from expressions of opinion appearing in the newspapers, general approval throughout the country. In fact, so general was the approval given to the Bill in the other House that I felt it necessary to emphasise that the whole of the plan for the payment of children's allowances is not contained in this Bill. It is not our practice, as the House knows, in Bills designed to forward particular projects, to set out therein the particular tax proposals which will raise the funds to make these projects possible. Tax proposals are brought forward in finance measures and, as a necessary part of the plan for the payment of children's allowances in this State, it will be the duty of the Minister for Finance, at some stage, to propose the imposition of new taxes or the retention for a longer period of existing taxes to raise the money required for the payment of these benefits.

The estimated cost of the measure is £2,250,000 per year. £2,250,000 per year represents a very substantial addition to the expenditure of this State on social services. It is, in fact, an increase of 25 per cent., and I should like the House to consider this Bill with that figure in mind, because approval of this measure seems to me to convey acceptance of the idea that an increase of 25 per cent. in the total expenditure of the State on social services can best be devoted to the establishment of this new service rather than to any other purpose, either the expansion of the provision now made to deal with unemployment, old age or ill-health, or any other useful social purpose.

This measure aims to secure the mitigation of one cause of want operating in this community. There are, as Senators know, many causes of want— unemployment, ill-health, old age, the death of a bread-winner. Any one of these causes may produce want in many households and the State has, by various enactments, endeavoured to mitigate or remove want arising from these causes. Social surveys carried out elsewhere, and our own experience, have shown that there is another cause of want not associated with unemployment, ill-health or old age, and that is, the want which arises amongst large families where the standard wage or the average income capable of providing the necessaries of life for a small family or a family of average size is inadequate to meet the needs of a large family. It is to remove that cause of want that this Bill is designed. I will ask Senators to remember that that is the purpose of the Bill.

Suggestions have been made in the Dáil, and in various newspapers, that the scope of the Bill should be extended to achieve other purposes, but, apart from the fact that any extension of its scope would react also upon the cost of it, the view of the Government is that we should aim to achieve in this Bill the one purpose that we have in mind, and that is the elimination of want due to the inadequacy of a standard wage or an average income to provide for the needs of a large family. This Bill is designed to close the gap in the social services of this State which permits want arising from that cause.

In so far as the principle of the Bill has secured general acceptance, I assume it is not necessary to defend it at any length. I think the need for the measure has been recognised by everybody. In fact, most political parties, and a large number of individuals not associated with political parties have been vying with each other in claiming to be the authors of the idea which the Bill represents. It is clear, however, that the implementation of the idea offered, and will offer in the future, many practical difficulties. After the Government had decided that such a service was desirable and should be set up, we had to consider the subsidiary problems which arose, and the solutions which we devised for these problems are set out in the Bill.

There are children's allowances schemes of one kind or another operating in many countries. Some of them are contributory schemes; there are some confined to limited classes of population; in a few cases they are of the kind proposed here—that is to say, a State service, the entire costs of which are out of State funds. We considered the possibility of a contributory scheme and a scheme that would be partly contributory and partly non-contributory, such as the widows' and orphans' scheme. We decided in favour of a non-contributory scheme. A contributory scheme is one to which people must contribute and there is no practical means by which you can secure contributions regularly from persons other than those who are employed for wages.

As the House probably knows, almost 50 per cent. of our occupied population are not employed for wages; they work on their own as farmers, fishermen, blacksmiths, independent tradesmen, or in some other such capacity. It would be impracticable to devise any method of securing from such persons regular contributions to a service of this kind because, of course, the risk of a large family is not one which the average individual feels inclined to insure himself against, particularly after he passes a certain age and still remains unmarried. If we had a contributory scheme we would have to secure contributions from every individual, even from those who would never be likely to benefit under the Bill. On a non-contributory basis we have made the scheme applicable to every family, irrespective of whether the head of the family is a wage earner, an employer or an independent worker of any kind.

The Bill does not provide for a means test. It does not follow, of course, that everybody in the community will benefit equally from the enactment of the scheme. As I informed the Dáil, it is the intention of the Government to modify the allowance permitted under the income-tax code in respect of children of the class covered by this Bill, so that those who come within the income-tax paying class will not, in fact, benefit. It is not practicable to adjust the income-tax so as to recover the amount which will be paid in benefit in respect of children, no more than and no less than that amount; but, in so far as it can be done, the aim is to secure that these persons within the income-tax paying class will not benefit; they will lose an amount corresponding to the allowance payable under this Bill.

We decided against a means test for a number of reasons. I think it is desirable that we should avoid any possibility of making the payment of children's allowances to a family a badge of poverty. Apart from that, however, there is a practical reason why a means test should be avoided, if at all possible. It involves, as experience of other legislation teaches us, an inquisition into the income of families which claim to be qualified for the receipt of benefit.

Under the Old Age Pensions Act or the non-contributory widow's pension scheme, that inquisition is of a limited kind, but if we tried to apply a means test to this scheme we would necessarily have to take into account not merely income from a farm or other property, such as farm animals and the various things that are taken into account under the Old Age Pensions Act, but also income from earnings, and the practical difficulty of securing a precise calculation of income from earnings in respect of a future or past period will be obvious. The organisation of such an inquiry into the means of a family would involve a vast administrative machine which would be costly to operate. It is true to say that, taking into account the adjustment in the income-tax code which we contemplate, the additional amount which will have to be paid out in benefit by reason of the adoption of this scheme without a means test would not exceed, except perhaps by a very slight amount, the additional administrative costs that would be necessary if we decided to operate the scheme with the means test applying to it.

The allowances that will be payable under this Bill will be paid in addition to allowances payable under other social services. An unemployment assistance applicant, with children, gets a children's allowance at the present time. A widow with children, under the widows' and orphans' pensions scheme gets allowances in respect of these children. These allowances will be paid in addition to other allowances. Some people have objected to that as piecemeal legislation. I considered the practicability and advisability of combining all the children's allowances, paid under the various social services, in one comprehensive scheme, and I found that the advantages that would be obtained would be slight, while the administrative problems that were involved would be in no way minimised. In fact, the examination which I gave to the matter seemed to indicate that the simplest procedure, one which would involve the least difficulty for individuals applying under any of these schemes and the least amount of administrative reorganisation, as well as the least cost, was to proceed as we are proposing to do here, and to make these allowances payable, supplementary to all other allowances or all other forms of income.

The rate proposed here is 2/6 per week, payable in respect of each child, under 16 years of age, in excess of two. In various other countries where they have a children's allowances scheme, the practice is to pay the allowances in respect of children in excess of two. In some countries they pay allowances in respect of all children in excess of one, and in a large number of cases they pay them only in respect of children in excess of three. As, however, the aim of the Bill was to provide an addition to the income of large families, and as the average family in this State consists of a father, mother, and two children, we decided that the allowances should be paid in respect of children in excess of two. It will be appreciated that the aim of the Government was to make the best use of the total sum of money which is being made available for this service. We could, of course, pay a smaller sum per child to a larger number of children, or a larger sum per child to a smaller number of children; but it was considered that the best method of securing the aim we had in mind, within a limit of £2,250,000, was to make a payment of 2/6 per week in respect of all children, in excess of two, under 16 years of age. The increase in the cost of the scheme, if the payments were to be made in respect of children in excess of one, would be another £1,250,000, bringing the total cost up to £3,500,000; whereas, if we were to pay the allowance in respect of all children under 16 years of age, the total cost would be £5,250,000. It will be appreciated that there are very substantial jumps in the cost of the scheme, according as the number of children brought under it is increased, and, of course, in every family where there are children there is the first child, in a large number of families there will be a second child, and in only a small number of families will there be a third child. So that, the extension to cover children in excess of one, or to cover all children, would add very considerably to the cost of the scheme.

It is proposed that payment will be made by means of vouchers which will be given to the head of the family, once in every six months. We had a discussion in the Dáil as to whether the allowances should be paid to the father or the mother. It was contended by some Deputies that the allowances should be paid to the mother. I think myself that the would be an undesirable principle to establish. We are proposing here to make an addition to the family income. That is the primary purpose of the Bill, and the obvious person to whom to give the allowances is the provider of the family income who, in most cases, is the male parent. We do, however, arrange in the Bill for the possibility of the male parent nominating the mother as the recipient of the allowances, and there are necessary provisions to deal with cases where the father or the mother might be mentally or otherwise unsuitable for the receipt of the allowance. Normally the intention is to make the allowance payable to the male parent, if living, and to make it in the form of a book of vouchers representing the payments to which he is entitled over a period of six months. That involves that the circumstances of each family will be reviewed once in every six months. The intention is that once in every six months the number of qualified children in the family will be ascertained and, on the basis of that determination, the allowances will be paid for a six-monthly period, irrespective of changes which will take place in the family. If a child died in the meantime, or had passed over the age of 16, or had gone to live with some other household, the allowances would still be paid upon the basis determined on the appropriate date. Similarly, if a new child should be born into the family, or if there should be an addition in some other way to the number of children in the household, the benefit of the increased allowance would not accrue to that household until the next date after the circumstances of the family are ascertained.

That simplifies the problem of verifying the amount which each household is entitled to receive. It might be possible to arrange for an immediate variation of the amount payable according as changes in the number of children occur in a household, but the machinery of investigation, and the arrangements for payment which would be necessitated by such a decision, would be very elaborate indeed. Under this system, while admitting the possibility that some people would be getting more for a period than they were entitled to, whereas others might be getting less than they were entitled to during that period, we can nevertheless make payments on a definite basis by a simple administrative arrangement, and we can secure that the family can continue to draw the allowances irrespective of alterations in their circumstances, and without recourse to the administrative machine, during the payment period. The book of vouchers will be dispatched to the head of the household. Each voucher will be for the weekly amount, and the persons concerned can draw the money by cashing these vouchers at the money order post offices. They can, if they wish, allow these vouchers to accumulate for a period not exceeding three months, and can cash them all together. Halfway through the book there will be a form which the head of the household will have to fill in, in order to receive his allowance, if he is entitled to receive it, during the following six-monthly period.

So far as the text of the Bill is concerned, may I say that these arrangements do not appear. The Bill sets out the general scheme to be operated, and leaves to be fixed by regulation these various matters, such as the method of payment, the form of the voucher, the means of checking the accuracy of claims, and so forth. It will be obvious that in bringing into operation any scheme of this kind it is necessary to have considerable elasticity. We could not now frame a whole series of regulations for covering all these matters and put them in the Bill, hoping that experience would not show that some of them would have to be modified.

If we had them in the Bill, modification of the regulations would require amending legislation—a slow procedure which would delay bringing the Bill into operation. We have, therefore, provided for the making of regulations to cover the details of the scheme and there is in the Bill, as Senators will notice, a general section similar to sections which have appeared in all corresponding measures which gives the Minister in charge of the Bill power, within a period of 12 months after the passing of the Bill, to make regulations modifying it in so far as such modification is necessary to bring it into operation. The most difficult period in the operation of a scheme of this kind is the beginning. Once you have got it established it more or less runs itself. The commencement is the period of possible break-down, and in so far as it is a service of which we have no previous experience, it is not possible to forecast with any accuracy what the problems are likely to be.

One other matter I should perhaps refer to. The Bill, as Senators will have noted, provides for the division of the country into regions. There is no idea behind that regional administration other than simplification of the administrative problem. I have mentioned that we contemplate a bi-annual review of family circumstances and the issue of payment vouchers to qualified families. Clearly if we had the same qualifying date for the whole country, a vast amount of administrative work would arise to be done within a very short period and then, during the rest of the period, a very small amount of administrative work would become necessary. That would make impossible the employment of permanent staffs. You would have only a small nucleus of permanent staff and a large number of temporary staff employed to do the temporary work. That would not be a satisfactory arrangement. We have endeavoured to get out of that difficulty by dividing the country into three regions with the intention of having a different qualifying date for each region, so that one-third of the work will arise from each region at a different period.

The division of the country into regions will not affect in any way, except in very unusual cases, the amounts which persons will receive. We intend to have the same commencement date for the scheme for the whole country. Because of the division of the country into regions, we have to provide in the Bill for the possibility of people changing from one region to another. There may be individual cases, because of people moving from one region to another, where such people will get either a higher rate for a longer period or a lower rate for a shorter period, than they would receive if they had remained in the one region during the whole period; but that problem will only arise in the early stages of the operation of the measure. Once the scheme is in operation, payment will be made on the basis of their entitlement during every recurring period of six months. I do not know that there are any other matters which it would be necessary for me to mention at this stage. I recommend the Bill to the Seanad, and I feel sure that the Seanad, like the Dáil, will welcome the principle of it. Senators may have some suggestions to make as to its administration, but I would ask them, in making these suggestions, to bear in mind that the total expenditure which the Government contemplates on this measure is the £2,250,000 which I have already mentioned. While it might be too much to hope for suggestions that would reduce the cost, any suggestions made should aim in that direction rather than in the other.

There are two principles in this measure which I welcome wholeheartedly. One is the non-contributory basis of the scheme, and the other is the universality of the payments. Certain problems, when faced up to, tend to lead inevitably along revolutionary paths, and when the Minister made up his mind to tackle this question of family allowances, he had also to decide what path he was going to travel in the payment of these allowances and in the administration of the measure.

There were two paths open to him, each of them in its way revolutionary. One was to make the scheme a contributory scheme and to institute a means test, and the other was to make it non-contributory and to have universal payments on a uniform basis. One would have led to such confusion in administration and such irritation arising out of administration that we would have got one type of revolution. The smoother path which the Minister has chosen to travel—a non-contributory scheme and universal payments—will lead inevitably also to a revolutionary position but a revolutionary position which, I hope, will be a happy one. Because of that I think the Minister has dealt unfairly and unfortunately with the subject generally. He indicated here that it was a pity that all the implications of this measure could not be discussed now and the particular aspect that he had in mind was, apparently, the fact that the cost of this measure would have to be provided in some way and that, in his opinion, it could only be provided by taxation. I think everybody will agree that there are more implications in this measure than that. There is the implication that there is a definite problem to be dealt with. In fact this is only part of a problem which, in itself, is only part of another problem.

The Minister, I think, rather suggested that this was a small contribution towards the alleviation of the problem that inevitably arises in large families under the social system we have here, where wages are related to the basis of production or supply and demand. He indicated that the main problem which requires to be dealt with was much bigger. In fact, we all know from our touch with general conditions and from the impression we have gained of life in other countries, that the family allowances problem, even when adequately dealt with, is only one part of the general problem of providing against the situation in which people find themselves, for one reason or another, of being unable to support themselves, as a result of either youth or age, sickness or unemployment or any other disability. Naturally there are divergent opinions as to how these various matters should be dealt with, different opinions as to the urgency of them and different opinions as to which of them should be tackled first.

In all these matters, the only sure basis on which you can found a discussion are the figures obtained from statistics. Therefore, I think it is very unfortunate that the Minister has failed to assist members of the Oireachtas and the public generally on the statistical aspect of the general problem with which we are dealing. Everybody is anxious to give this problem and kindred problems the fullest consideration. In the information the Minister has given us, he has simply told us that there are 480,000 heads of families and that, of these, 217,000 are not employed. That is, they are not employed for wages. They are small farmers or private workers in their own business of one kind or another. That is the position that has led him to the principle of a non-contributory basis, at any rate at the present stage of the measure. Beyond that he simply tells us that the Government has decided to expend £2,250,000; that if that amount were given in half-crowns, in respect of every child after the second, it would do the job, but that if the allowance were given in respect of all children, there could be only 1/- per child given; and that if, on the other hand, the half-crown were given to every child after the first, it would cost £3,500,000, and, if given to all children, £5,250,000. Beyond that, we are told nothing of what the problem is.

The Minister said, and members of the Oireachtas generally were aware, that an inter-departmental committee had examined this whole problem. The Minister has indicated that he turned down its report, that he did not accept the suggestions or recommendations of that committee and that the Government are simply dealing with £2,250,000 in this way. It is inconceivable that, in examining the situation for the purpose of advising the Government, the inter-departmental committee did not accumulate a big amount of statistical information which is the only way in which the problem can be stated, and I think it very unfortunate that we here and the public generally should be deprived of that information.

I want to urge that, even though this measure goes through without the public and the members of the Oireachtas getting that information, it is a matter of the greatest possible urgency that the problem generally should be stated fully and completely in statistical form at the earliest possible moment, because the putting into operation of this Bill is only going to give an impetus to the expectation of people. There is a very definite problem to be dealt with. People expect it to be dealt with. They realise the inadequacy of this measure, and I think I am suggesting what is right when I say that when the Minister decides to superimpose these allowances on the allowances given under other Acts, rather than to withdraw the allowances under other Acts and substitute these for them, he does so because he knows that if he substituted these payments for those granted under other Acts, he would expose the inadequacy of these allowances.

The various aspects of these allowances which require to be examined, so that we may understand the background of these problems, are very many. As a sample of one social fact, here are figures in respect of 21 families living in the City of Dublin which were examined with regard to the number in family and their earnings, what they were getting from charity and from public sources and what they were spending on food and other items, and on rent. The average number in family was 6.6 and the average amount spent on food per person 7/7 per week. There were 133 people concerned in the group of 21 houses and 7/7 was the average amount spent per person on food; but 86 or 64 per cent. of these people spent less than 7/7 on food. Fifty-seven per cent. spent only 6/- per person and 34 per cent. only 5/- per person, whereas in some of the cases a sum of 12/9½ was spent on food. A Departmental examination of the position in a certain number of households in Great Britain and Northern Ireland was carried out in 1937, when the cost of living was materially lower than it is now, and the average spent on food was 9/2, so that there you have a wide range of people, some of whom spend only 3/3 per person, some 2/4 and some 12/9 per week on food. That shows that there is a nutrition problem to be examined first.

Might I ask how the figures for this country were arrived at?

The figures for this country were arrived at by a group of social workers visiting families and examining income and details of expenditure. There is a nourishment side; there is an income side; and there is the working out of a figure as to the normal amount we would expect to be necessary to maintain the average person and the average family in decent conditions. It is not because you work this out and arrive at a figure that you are able to provide everybody with that; but it is due to a proper public approach to the situation that a position which can be examined statistically and every other way should be arrived at, so that we would have some central fact and so that we could have some kind of test by which we would challenge our consciences when we came across difficult cases of people living below the subsistence line.

There is a serious situation here and there is a quickening of the public conscience about it. There is a quickening of the public conscience at a time when we may not be in a position fully and completely to deal with it by the provision of employment for every person, but the situation can be dealt with by emergency measures of one kind or another. The only thing, however, that will keep our consciences satisfied, or will satisfy the minds of people in want, is that, in a systematic way, the situation is being examined and that Parliament and public representatives generally show that they have deep and quickening interest in the problem and that they are going to avoid no necessary co-operation or co-ordination that will help, by increased production or increased co-ordination of services, to deal with these matters.

This will lead to a quickening of expectancy. It will do so because of circumstances here, but also because of what is happening outside. What is happening outside is making the ordinary person in the street, the ordinary person in difficulties, ask why can we not be as energetic about our problems as other people are about theirs? The determination on the part of our people generally to face up to these problems is no new one. Next week, we shall be celebrating the 25th anniversary of the declaration by the First Dáil of the democratic programme, on 21st January, 1919, and I take the liberty of repeating here some of the things then set down in that declaration, and relating them to some things that are happening in the world to-day. In paragraph 2, it said:

"We declare that we desire our country to be ruled in accordance with the principles of liberty, equality and justice for all, which alone can secure permanence of government in the willing adhesion of the people.

3. In return for willing service, we in the name of the Republic, declare the right of every citizen to an adequate share of the produce of the nation's labour.

4. It shall be the first duty of the Government to make provision for the physical, mental and spiritual well-being of the children, to secure that no child shall suffer hunger or cold from lack of food, clothing or shelter, but that all shall be provided with the means and facilities requisite for their proper education and training as citizens of a Free and Gaelic Ireland."

Then it goes on: "... safeguard the health and the physical as well as the moral well-being", and concludes:—

"It shall also devolve upon the National Government to seek co-operation of the Governments of other countries in determining a standard of social and industrial legislation with a view to a general and lasting improvement in the conditions under which the working classes live and labour."

That was 25 years ago. Yesterday in Congress, the President of the United States referred to their hopes for the future—I quote from the Press this morning:—

"Referring to the post-war period, President Roosevelt said they had accepted, so to speak, a second Bill of Rights, under which new bases of security and prosperity could be established for all. Amongst these were:

The right to a useful and remunerative job; the right to earn enough to provide adequate food, clothing and education; the right of every farmer to raise and sell his products at a return which would give him and his family a decent living; the right of every businessman to trade in an atmosphere of freedom from unfair competition; the right of every family to a decent home; the right to adequate medical care and the opportunity to achieve and enjoy good health; the right to adequate protection from the economic fears of old age, sickness, accident and unemployment; and the right to a good education."

That is on the other side of the Atlantic. The developments that have taken place in Great Britain are leading, so far as broad general discussion indicates, to proposals that there should be a national minimum payment for everybody, raised out of income-tax, so that everybody who is unable to maintain himself or herself as a result of youth or age or sickness would be given a minimum standard of subsistence. That is the kind of world we are moving into, and these plans and declarations from people responsibly placed, like the President of the United States, show that out of the faith and courage they have engendered by their work, they have been able to evoke these ideals in the midst of warlike activities and to hold out hopes to their people for the years ahead.

The spirit of these hopes will inevitably flame up in our young people. They will look back at the ideals on which the State was founded, and will ask what became of our democratic programme. They will not delay too much to find out the reasons why we have not advanced very far, but they will be very insistent that, in so far as we are public representatives taking an interest in the public life of our people and the development of our economic well-being, we are quick and active and intelligent in sizing up our problems generally, and demonstrating that we are trying to deal with them.

On the proposal the Minister has in front of us, I do not suppose that anybody will be able to argue with him that £2,250,000 should be increased, because, in fact, we have not the basis upon which we can make our arguments. There are just one or two suggestions I would like the Minister to consider. It has been emphasised that very often the earlier children are the more costly children. It has also been argued that when the children come to 16, under our conditions they do not always get employment. A very large number of young people in the City of Dublin, and the country generally, are not able to get employment, so that both on the beginning side of the family and at the end there are important needs for which the Minister does not provide. I would like to make one suggestion so far as the beginning side of the family is concerned. I can see reasons why, with the limited amount of money, the allowances for children are to be paid after the second child, but I think that if that £2,250,000 were raised to £2,500,000, the extra £250,000 could be paid out in marriage bonuses. This would provide a bonus of a very useful and constructive kind on one hand, and it could be said to meet, to some extent at any rate, the objections of people who say that the early years of married life are very often the most costly.

The average number of marriages in the country is about 15,000, and a bonus of £20 per marriage, universally applied, would cost £250,000 or £300,000. I think, in this first approach to dealing with the problem, that a marriage bonus of £20 paid universally would improve the Bill at one side. At the other side, I would like to be able to propose an amendment that when there were five children under 16 years of age, the allowance should be paid for four children, and not for three as the Bill provides, and that when the family consisted of seven children under 16 years of age, the allowance should be paid for all.

We do not know, and perhaps the Minister could not say, readily, how much it would add to the cost of the measure if the allowance was paid after the first child where the family ran to five under 16 years of age, and for all children where the family ran to seven, but an addition to the terms of the Bill along these lines would do something to mitigate the very severe hardship that falls on large families when the children grow up, because if the first child is an expensive child in a certain way, and the other children reach the age of 15, 16, 17 and 18, very often without getting employment, they are a very heavy drain on the resources of the family.

I do not know what plan the Minister is preparing to deal with the income-tax question, but while the proposals are in their present form and on the present scale, I would suggest it should be sufficient that when a person was making an income-tax return to give a certificate to the effect that no allowances were being claimed or received under this Act, in order to get the full allowances that are made at the present moment to people with children who are paying income-tax.

These are the remarks I would like to make to the Minister, but as I say the Bill deals only with one aspect of a problem that is a big one. It deals with it in a way which opens up a revolutionary approach to social services. You cannot stop here, and it is absolutely urgent and essential that nothing that can be done from State resources should be left undone to set out the problem clearly and fully in statistical terms, so that public opinion may be guided, and the public will exercised to face the problem, because we cannot deal with this matter fully and completely without more effectively organising the productive power of the country. At the present moment, so far as we can see from statistics, the productive power is going down under emergency circumstances.

I do not think, with production in its present position, that the whole cost of this measure could be raised out of taxation, but that is a matter for another day. We do really want to know what the size of the problem is. It is only in that way that we will get complete harmony and understanding, and that the national mind can be brought to agree on the most effective way of dealing with it. That applies not only to persons engaged in public life but to every person in the country, because every person in the country is interested in this and is prepared to take an intelligent interest in it. But it is only the information that is at the Government's disposal, or that can be gathered and assembled by the Government, that will enlighten our people. I press on the Minister to see that that work is approached in a most earnest and urgent way.

I move the adjournment of the debate.

Debate adjourned.
The Seanad adjourned at 9.30 p.m. until 3 p.m. on Thursday, 13th January, 1944.
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