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Seanad Éireann debate -
Thursday, 9 Nov 1944

Vol. 29 No. 4

Transport (No. 2) Bill, 1944—Committee (Resumed).

Debate resumed on amendment No. 10.

I do not know whether it is the intention of the Minister to accept the amendment that is down in my name. I rather gathered that it was not his intention to do so. Senators who are present will remember that I proposed to substitute 4 per cent. for 6 per cent., in Section 20. I think I said sufficient at the outset to warrant that substitution, and I do not intend to say any more now, but I do intend to press the amendment to a division if I can get sufficient support.

I intimated last evening that I was not prepared to accept this amendment and that, in fact, I would strongly urge upon the Seanad that it should be rejected.

Would the Minister just explain one thing, which arises both on the amendment and the section? The section states that the dividend on the common stock in respect of any year shall be payable only out of the profits of the company applicable to the payment of dividends in that year. Supposing that in 1945 there was sufficient to pay a dividend, say, of 2 per cent. on the common stock and that the directors decided to pay only one per cent.; and that then, in the following year, there was not a profit which would be sufficient to pay a dividend: can the directors pay, so to speak, the 1 per cent. that they have over from the previous year?

The provisions of the Companies Clauses Consolidation Act, 1845, in relation to that matter, say that previously to every ordinary meeting at which a dividend is intended to be declared the directors shall cause a scheme to be prepared, showing the profits, if any, of the company for the period current since the preceding ordinary meeting at which a dividend was declared, and apportioning the same, or so much thereof as they may consider applicable to the purposes of dividend among the shareholders, and so forth. Then it goes on to say: "and shall exhibit such scheme at such ordinary meeting, and at such meeting a dividend may be declared according to such scheme."

It is for the directors of the company to prepare a scheme showing the amount that is available for the declaration of a dividend, and in accordance with that scheme, submitted by the directors to the shareholders, the shareholders may direct a dividend.

Question—"That the amendment be agreed to"—put and negatived. Senators Kyle and Duffy dissenting.
Sections 20 and 21 put and agreed to.
SECTION 22.

Amendments Nos. 11 and 12, I think, could be discussed together, if the House agrees.

Agreed.

I move amendment No. 11:—

In sub-section (2), page 14, to delete paragraph (b) and substitute the following new paragraph:—

(b) such other securities as a Department of State may for the time being lawfully invest money.

You will observe, Sir, that in sub-section (2) of the section provision is made for the investment of surplus moneys lying to the credit of the company, and that in paragraph (a) it is provided that the investment may be made in such securities for the time being authorised by law for the investment of trust funds as the company, after consultation with the Minister for Finance, thinks proper; and then, in paragraph (b) provision is made that investment may be made in such other securities for the time being approved of in that behalf by the Minister for Finance as the company thinks proper. The proposal here is that that latter provision be taken out, and by the amendment I am submitting I want to limit the freedom of the company to make investments in such other securities as a Department of State may for the time being lawfully require. I think that this is a matter in which the public at large is interested, because the public, as taxpayers, will be responsible for making good any losses following on any deficit in the company's accounts. It seems to me reasonable that moneys available to the company for investment should be invested only in such securities as are open for investment to a Department of State.

I move amendment No. 12:—

In sub-section (2) to delete paragraph (b).

I want to get an explanation from the Minister as to exactly what securities he had in his mind in regard to clause (b). But, in regard to the amendment tabled by Senator Duffy I am not clear where a Department or Departments of State are entitled to invest their funds, or if any Department of State is entitled to invest funds, or what funds they have to invest.

The provision in this Bill is the same as appears in other enactments of an analogous kind, such as the Electricity Supply Acts. I may say that the law relating to trustee securities is now regarded as out of date. The present list of trustee securities available for investment was prepared in 1893 and the Department of Finance have in mind proposals for legislation for the amendment of the existing law. It will be noted that, as the section is drafted, power is given not merely to include securities which are not trustee securities under the law as at present framed, but also to exclude securities which are of the nature of trustee status, because they may not be properly classified as trustee securities at the present time. The view is held that, because of the antiquated nature of the list, and because of the fact that a number of securities classified as having trustee status could no longer be properly described as having that status at the present time, it is proposed to authorise the Minister for Finance to include other securities which are not at present of trustee status.

But in respect of which it is intended that they should be given trustee status?

Presumably when the new legislation comes along there will be a revision of the list, and I should imagine that those likely to be approved by the Minister for Finance in the meantime will be included in that list.

But they will be securities of a nature analogous to trustee securities in any event?

I would like to point out that this company will not be a State Department and what lines will be followed I could not say, but power is given to the Minister for Finance to prepare a list of securities which may or may not be a trustee list.

Do I gather that the Minister is saying that the Minister for Finance will have the right to determine where any moneys available to the company will be invested?

Yes, that is right.

The money will be invested in whatever security the Minister for Finance chooses?

That is what the Minister referred to in his remarks, but I do not see it in the Bill. It seems to me that where there are trustee securities involved, the company consults with the Minister and he has not got a veto. Where other securities are involved he may do as he thinks proper. Either that makes sense or it does not. If they mean the same thing, why have these two sections? It seems to me that the company will be foolish to go against the Minister under the (a) and (b) clauses, but technically the company will have freedom of choice provided the investment is on the trustee list. It is obvious that they must have the consent of the Minister for Finance in view of the fact that he is guaranteeing their debentures, and is really concerned with their future.

The company will have discretion in the matter. It will not be necessary for them to invest these funds by direction of the Minister for Finance. They will be required to invest in securities which are trustee securities unless the Minister for Finance suggests that certain of these trustee securities are not suitable for the purpose and he nominates a further list as he may approve. The need for that provision arises out of the antiquated nature of the present law governing trustee securities.

When we provide in this Bill that the Minister for Industry and Commerce shall consult with the Minister for Finance, does that really mean that only the Minister for Finance has the say?

If that is the practice, surely the same thing applies here. I would think that it would be much more simple to give the Minister for Finance the right of veto.

I think that would be a somewhat difficult matter. There is this law which sets out a list of approved securities for the investment of trustee funds. We do not want to put the Minister for Finance in the position to say that trustee funds may not be invested in any such securities, and paragraph (a) is worded to require the company to consult with him as to where the investment should be made. We empower the Minister for Finance to enable the company to make investments in other securities, and if and when the Minister for Finance produces his amending measure, then the situation will be altered and, I presume, the company will be required to invest in trustee securities only.

This is a matter for the Government and presumably the power is being taken to give the Minister for Finance a veto over any investment in a security on the 1893 trustee list.

He will not say so in those words.

Amendments Nos. 11 and 12 withdrawn.
Sir John Keane rose.

Amendment No. 13 will be taken on the Question: "That the section stand part of the Bill." That Question is now before the Committee.

Am I in order now, Sir?

Yes, Senator.

I have been worried ever since I read this Bill as to what is behind this provision to build up a fund to secure the redemption of these substitute debentures. During the course of this debate certain interesting things have emerged, and I gather that the Minister regards this obligation or this provision as merely permissive. When I first saw it, I read it to be an obligation on the directors by 1960 to have built up out of profits a fund adequate to redeem these debentures of approximately £10,000,000. The Minister said yesterday: "Oh, if they cannot build up that fund, they can then use their unissued debentures to make up any deficiency," or, I gathered, they should come to the Dáil for provision to issue further debentures. What is the actual obligation on the company, because the section leaves the matter very obscure? I take it that there is at least the pious intention to build up £10,000,000 out of profits over the next 15 years? If that is so, even as a pious intention, I assert that it has been wrong and bad finance and against the interests of the community.

I do not want to labour this question of the character of debenture issues in finance, but I totally dissent from the Minister's general statement that debenture interest is always of such a character that it is only passing finance. A company may require money for a definite period of years to meet a certain purpose, when profits will be built up at the end of that period to redeem it. That is quite a common use of debentures, but if the Minister will look back on the history of industrial finance, he will find in many cases companies starting from scratch, with nothing at all, and acquiring their capital in two forms— one, debenture, and the other, common stock or ordinary shares. That undoubtedly is what happened originally in the case of this company. This company had issued redeemable debentures, and they no doubt were able under that issue to get money cheaper on account of the better security offered. That money in due course went not into passing finance, but into fixed expenditure of the company, into permanent ways, into buildings, land and rolling stock.

What happens? The Minister comes along and by this Bill divests their capital of its irredeemable character, and says: "It is now in the nature of passing finance." It never was in the nature of passing finance, and it was never raised for a purpose which justified any such appellation. Yet, he is regarding it as temporary borrowing, one might say, to be redeemed out of revenue. It is to be redeemed, as far as I can see, if the directors see fit; it is not mandatory—only if the directors see fit. I ask the Minister at this stage what is the purpose of putting that in at all? The Minister and his chairman between them are dictators. They have complete power, as far as I can see, to use their profits in any way they like. Why impose upon themselves an obligation of a vague and general character to use those profits in a certain way?

Why could not this thing have been left out completely, instead of confusing the public as to what is the real purpose behind the whole measure? If this thing has to be done out of profits —and I have no doubt it can—it can only be done at very considerable detriment to the community. Just let us examine the figures for a moment. Last year, the published profits—I have only had access to the published accounts—for the two undertakings were in the nature of £920,000. From that, first of all, you have to deduct the debenture interest on the £10,000,000 substituted stock. I am taking round figures, because the thing is so wide that for my purpose round figures are sufficiently accurate. You have £300,000 to come off for debenture interest, reducing the profits to £620,000. What is the next charge on that? What is the next inescapable charge on that? Income-tax has to come off, and if my calculation is right, that is £240,000, leaving something in the nature of £380,000—if this section is going to have any effect—towards providing a sum of £540,000 for the redemption fund, with nothing at all either for renewals or for dividends on the common stock. If this thing is going to apply, even according to a pious intention, what must be done then is to increase the charges to the public. Surely, it is inconceivable that we are to have railway charges raised in order to build up in 15 years a fund of £10,000,000 for the redemption of fixed capital. I hope that the Minister will really tell us what is the purpose of this clause. As it is entirely unnecessary to make it even a statutory intention—it is not, I understand, an obligation—why not leave the matter out, and leave it to the directors to build up such a fund as they can? What I feel may happen— I may take a low view of those things, but I think I am entitled to look at every point of view—is that people may come to the Minister and say: "Those railway rates are very heavy on the public", and the Minister will say: "But, look here, I have to build up this redemption fund. Here it is in the Act. I cannot possibly give you any reduction of rates because of this obligation." But it really is not an obligation at all, unless there has been some undertaking which has been unrevealed with regard to the maturity of those debentures.

I am asking the Minister to give us some indication as to what he had in his mind with regard to the priorities of this stock. At what stage are the common stockholders to receive consideration? Are they invariably to come at the tail of the hunt? If so, the optimistic prospects of the value of this common stock are to my mind very slender indeed. They seem to be exceedingly over-valued at present prices. If they are going to come in priority to this £547,000 for the redemption of the debentures, then I think their prospects are fairly good, but even then I do not know if the Minister will be able to tell us where the money is going to come from for the renewal of stock. We have been left very much in the dark as to what proportion of renewals is to come from profits, and what proportion is to come from further issues of debentures. I think the Minister indicated in some way that new rolling stock can come or should come out of new issues. I cannot accept that; I may be interpreting him wrongly. I think new rolling stock to replace existing rolling stock should certainly come out of profits. I think accountants would differ as to whether, if you substitute a Diesel for a steam engine without providing any increased haulage capacity, you should provide that out of new capital, but in any case everybody will recognise that there is a very considerable claim on profits for renewals, with special reference to this company whose renewals have fallen very much into arrear.

Will the Minister reveal something in relation to last year's profits? I think anybody who has read those accounts sees a rather interesting state of affairs. There has been something in the nature of £500,000—again I am speaking in general terms—put to the renewals account, as against nothing for the year before. Does the Minister contemplate that the future earning power of the company is something in the nature of £500,000 in excess of what is shown by this year's profits? If the increased rates and the monopoly position of the company have enabled £500,000 to be put to renewals in excess of what was put last year, I contend that a claim to be considered is the claim of the users. That has been my contention all along. They come last in the outlook of the management of the company. The paying off of prior charges and all that occupies an important place, and they are important, but I say that from the point of view of the community doubly important are the interests of the users. If the recent increase in rates and the monopoly position have enabled roughly £500,000 to be placed to renewals over and above what was placed the year before, the users of the railways have undoubtedly a claim for some consideration, and none apparently has been held out to them by the Minister, as far as I can see from any public statements he has made.

I am seeking to delete the section because the Bill would work perfectly well without it. All the provisions embodied in the section are already within the power of the management of the company, and I feel it is wrong to have an unsound financial provision, even as a pious intention, placed on the Statute Book, leaving the Minister and the management free to say to those who come for relief in respect of heavy rates, and the rates are heavy: "I cannot give you any relief because there is on the Statute Book a clause under which I have to build up a redemption fund." If it is to be built up to a certain extent, the power is there and it requires no statutory obligation to enable the fund to be built up. I should like the Minister to deal fully with that position.

If Senator Sir John Keane's statement is correct that under present conditions the railway company would have to pay £240,000 out of profit——

Whichever it is, it is rather disquieting for users of the railway, because on that basis it seems that one of the functions of the railway company will be to make profits and to help the Minister for Finance in paying back sums of money into his fund. We always understood that the Bill was a Bill to give better services and cheaper freights to the people. If that money is going to be expended as Senator Sir John Keane has pointed out in building up a fund, then it cannot give the public a proper service. It cannot, for instance, give reduced rates to the cattle trade which is anxious for cheaper freights. If they want to make all that money and if the proceeds are to go to dividends instead of to better services, I think that Senator Sir John Keane is quite right in raising this question and asking to have the section deleted.

Section 22 is necessary to enable the company legally to provide for the establishment of a redemption fund. It is not proposed, as I told the Seanad before, to require the company to build up a redemption fund by appropriating a fixed sum for that purpose every year or every half-year. The £540,000 mentioned by Senator Sir John Keane, and which has perturbed Senator Counihan, is a notional figure which has nothing to do with the scheme in the Bill. It is the amount which the company would require to put aside every year on the basis of an estimated half-yearly allocation for the purpose of building up this fund, on the assumption that no debenture stock is redeemed before the 30th June, 1960. It is on the basis that that fund will earn 2 per cent. interest in the intervening period, allowing for taxation, but it is obvious that the figure has no real relationship to fact, because we do not contemplate proceeding on that basis at all.

We are empowering the company to buy in its debenture stock and to cancel it at any time it can acquire it on the market at or below par. We are empowering it to call in its debenture stock for cancellation on payment in cash at par at any time from 1955 on. The intention is that the company may make such allocations for the purpose of this fund from its revenue as it thinks fit. It allows for the various devices that may be adopted to decrease the obligation that falls on the company. I might give an illustration. In the present year the Great Southern Railways Company redeemed, for cash, £1,000,000 worth of capital liabilities associated with the City of Dublin Junction Railways, the North Wall extension line and the New Ross and Waterford line. It utilised for the purpose of that redemption reserve funds which had been built up and which may have to be reimbursed at some future time, but it was obviously good business for the company to utilise money which was earning 3 per cent. to wipe out capital liabilities on which interest at 4 per cent. and over was payable. The interest paid upon the capital in the North Wall extension line would work out in excess of 5 per cent, I think, depending on the earnings of the line in any year.

The railway company have never made appropriations to depreciation in the past under an arrangement made with the Revenue Commissioners for appropriating from revenue sums to maintenance and renewals. I understand, however, that the Great Southern Railways Company have altered their arrangements with the Revenue Commissioners in a manner which requires appropriation to depreciation fund and which saves the company substantial sums in taxation. In consequence of that arrangement they made an appropriation out of the revenue available in the present year— the revenue arising out of last year's working—of over £500,000 to depreciation fund. It is quite clear, therefore, that the revenue available for the purposes of the company to which Senator Sir John Keane referred would not be required for maintenance and renewal purposes. The Depreciation Fund is there and for ordinary depreciation could be utilised.

We are dealing with an abnormal situation here. It is contemplated that a large part of the equipment of this company is unsuitable to modern conditions and it will have to be replaced with more up-to-date equipment. In the provision of that up-to-date equipment the company may find itself obliged to embark upon new capital expenditure. We are, in this Bill, providing them with the facilities for getting the capital, and we suggest that it is a suitable financial arrangement that the capital liabilities represented by the discarded equipment should be liquidated simultaneously with the acquisition of new liabilities in respect of equipment that is going to replace it.

I do not want to suggest, because I do not believe, that the railways are going to disappear, but let us contemplate the possibility that they may. In such circumstances it is clear that the capital represented by the railways should at some stage be amortised, that public transport in this country should not have to carry indefinitely the interest liabilities attaching to capital which is no longer capable of earning revenue. If one examines the case of the Dublin United Transport Company, there is a perfect illustration. A large part of the total capital expenditure which that company, since its inception, undertook was represented by tramways, and while the company may be producing more revenue than in the past, it would be wrong to saddle public transport services in the City of Dublin with the interest arising out of capital expenditure on tram lines, overhead wires, tram stations, etc., which were no longer capable of contributing to the company's revenue.

It was on that account that the management of the Dublin United Transport Company proposed to wipe out loan capital in a period of ten years in the manner suggested to the Transport Tribunal, and which was adversely commented upon by the tribunal. I think the Transport Tribunal were wrong in their views and, clearly, if in the case of the Great Southern Railways system as a whole there is going to be a discarding of part of its capital, because it is no longer suitable for use, there must also be some process for getting rid of the financial liabilities associated with it.

If a branch line is closed—if the line from Galway to Clifden is abandoned— are the public transport services, as a whole, or the public transport service of Connemara to be required indefinitely to pay the interest on the capital represented by that abandoned line? It is for that reason we believe it is sound policy to require the company to amortise the substituted debenture stock within a period of 15 years—the period during which this process of reorganisation will be going on. Before that time will have elapsed, it may be that the company will have to undertake capital expenditure involving the issue of new debenture stock, in which case it will not find itself merely with £4,000,000 worth of common stock and no other capital liability. It will have, in addition to that capital liability, the new debenture stock issued in the intervening period. By then, the substituted debenture stock should have gone, because some part of the permanent way and fixed assets of the company, upon which that money had been spent, will have been replaced by new equipment on which new capital was expended.

I do not know whether or not one could regard the financial experience of these two companies in 1943 as any indication of their future earning capacity. The Great Southern Company had a net revenue, available for the payment of interest and similar charges, amounting to £642,000 in 1943. The Dublin United Transport Company had a profit, after providing for taxation, of £280,000. That revenue would be sufficient to permit of the payment of the reduced debenture-interest charge which will now arise, the payment of some dividend upon the common stock—not necessarily 6 per cent.—and a substantial appropriation for the redemption of the substituted debenture stock.

I agree that it would be preferable for the company's management to utilise current revenue for the replacing of rolling-stock and similar expenditure rather than incur new capital liabilities but, if it is to incur new capital liabilities, then not merely do we contemplate their doing so but we facilitate them in doing so by giving them the advantage of a State guarantee which will enable them to get that additional capital more easily and more cheaply than they might otherwise be able to do. There is, however, in the remarks of Senator Counihan the idea that the only possible method of reducing transport charges is by the reduction of the revenue of the company. I want completely to dispute that idea. I think that we can not merely contemplate a progressive reduction in transport charges but that we can contemplate that progressive reduction taking place concurrently with an expansion of the company's revenue. The whole purpose of good management is to endeavour to ensure that the services will be provided at the lowest possible cost but, nevertheless, on a basis which will secure for the company a revenue capable of enabling it to meet all the obligations falling upon it. Again, I want to remind the House that we are proposing that this company should acquire a new obligation in respect of a superannuation fund for its workers. That will represent an expenditure of, roughly, £175,000 a year. We believe that there is, in the organisation of public transport in the part of Ireland served by the Great Southern Railways Company, such scope for better management, more efficient working and elimination of unnecessary costs in the purchase and use of materials, as will permit of a substantial improvement in the revenue secured without any increase in charges and even side by side with a decrease in charges.

The charges which the company will have to make operative will very largely depend on the volume of business which it can attract. It could be said that the volume of business will be determined by the charges and that would also be true, in part. But if the company can provide efficient service —by that, I mean the type of service which the public want; fast service, safe conveyance of goods and elimination of the incompetence and inefficiency which were a feature of railway management in the past when the railways had an absolute monopoly of transport—I think it will be possible for it to attract a volume of business which will not merely enable it to earn the revenue which it will require to meet its obligations but also to effect a progressive reduction in charges.

I have already had many examples which show the scope there is for economy and it is by economies in working that the financial position of this organisation will be improved. I am aware that, shortly after the change of management of the Great Southern Railways Company, by an alteration of the methods of purchasing and supervising the use of coal alone, an economy of £1,500 per week was effected. That was a real economy— the elimination of waste—which did not prejudicially affect anybody and which secured for the company a substantial new revenue which, I think, can be duplicated by the application of equally efficient methods to other parts of the company's business.

To deal with the points raised, this section is necessary to enable the company legally to establish a redemption fund. Funds appropriated to such a redemption fund escape taxation. It is, therefore, desirable that the company should be legally empowered to establish such a fund. The intention is that the company will allocate to that fund revenue available for distribution as it thinks fit, bearing in mind the obligation that the substituted debenture stocks must be redeemed for cash, at latest, by 1960. We empower the company to redeem these debenture stocks at any time they can acquire them voluntarily at or below par up to 1955 and compulsorily after 1955. We believe that it will be possible for this company, through efficient management, reduction of operation costs, provision of new equipment less costly to operate, and expansion of the traffic available to it, so to increase its revenue that it will be able to make that appropriation to the redemption fund while, at the same time, providing the money required for the superannuation fund, which will have priority over all its charges, the interest upon the debentures, which will be a lower figure in future than in the past, as well as having surplus revenue available for the distribution of dividends to the ordinary shareholders.

I am surprised that the Minister says that this section is necessary for legal purposes. He is advised, I take it, that without that it would be illegal for the company to apportion any of its profits to a redemption fund. That surprises me. I do not say that it is not so because I am not a lawyer but in ordinary commercial practice I think a firm has a right to say whether it will use its profits by apportioning them to a fund to pay debentures. If it is not a legal obligation, I certainly think it is unnecessary, embarrassing and conveys a false idea to have this section in the Bill. Take this point which is an issue which may face the directors. You take out of your profits sufficient to pay debenture interest and sufficient to provide for this very obscure item of renewals. I am not going to get into any further entanglements as to what claim renewals should have on profits, but say that you were left with the sum of £100,000. Surely the Minister should give some indications of the priorities attaching to that £100,000? I say definitely that the common stockholders have a claim in preference to the redemption fund. I think it is very wrong that this Bill should pass into law without some indication as to the relative position of the common stockholders and of the redemption fund.

I grant you that I am prepared every time to give the renewal fund priority. I am prepared also to give the superannuation fund priority, but I do not think it fair to leave the directors in the position to determine the relative merits of a fund which I think is not built on sound finance—that is the redemption fund—as against the obligations and the rights that attach to some recognition for the common stockholders. I have heard the Minister's optimistic statement about the future and the possibility by better management of reducing rates. I am not able to share that optimism, but I hope he is correct. I do remember that in a previous outburst of optimism—it was on the question of the Galway hat factory—he offered in the Dáil to lay a bet with Deputy Dillon that the Galway hat factory would be exporting hats in five years. I have not heard whether that bet was ever since settled. I am not going to lay a bet with him as to the likelihood of a progressive reduction of rates as a result of this Bill, but if I did, I fancy that I should probably be able to collect it.

Would there be any objection to substituting the word "may" for the word "shall" in the section? I admit that the present wording leaves a certain discretion to the company but there is a hint of a mandate in the background and I think some of the objections which have been raised to the section might be met if some discretion were left to the company.

There is a State liability here. The State has guaranteed that this debenture stock will be repaid by 1960 and if the company is not able to establish a redemption fund, then the taxpayers will have to make it good. That is quite clear. There must be an obligation on the company to appropriate revenue to the purposes of such a fund and to effect that redemption for cash out of its own resources by 1960.

Some people would much prefer that the taxpayers as a whole, who are a very big body, should have to come to the rescue than that the users of the railway should have to pay increased charges. I am not saying that they will have to pay increased charges but there does seem to be a feeling amongst Senators that the money may have to be provided in that way or through reductions in wages. If there is that feeling I think the Minister might make some concession which would satisfy Senators' apprehensions.

There is one point the Minister has not made very clear. He has frequently reiterated the statement that there is no intention to enforce an annual appropriation out of profits against a redemption of the substituted debenture stock, but it is clear that the total sum of approximately £10,000,000 must be available 15 years hence.

They must redeem in 1960.

They must redeem before 1960.

The total sum of £10,000,000 must be cleared off by 1960. If there is no intention to have an annual appropriation of a fixed sum, it seems to me that, where the company falls short of making a profit of £547,000 or something approximating to that figure in one year, the sum must be made up in the next year or some time within a very short period. That is one of the difficulties that is running through people's minds in discussing this question. In regard to priorities, it seems to me that the decision is one that will lie with the directors because it is the directors and the shareholders, the owners of the common stock, who are going to decide whether there is to be a dividend on the common stock or not. They are going to decide the amount to be allocated for the purposes of the dividend. I do not think that Senator Sir John Keane need have any anxiety on that point. The people who will decide the matter are the people who own the stock.

Nobody else can decide.

The Minister decides.

I do not think so. The directors and those working with them will decide because they will come to the meetings with their pockets full of proxies given them mainly by banks and holders of common stock.

I am glad that Senator Duffy has raised this point. What is going to be the legal constitutional position of the common stockholders under this arrangement? Say that the company has certain profits available for distribution. The directors and the stockholders meet and say: "We think we should declare a dividend". The chairman may then say: "No; I will not agree to that at all". That places them immediately in a stranglehold. Have the shareholders any say in the matter of the decision of a dividend or have they simply to accept such recommendations as the chairman, as dictator, or the Minister may choose to lay before them? That is a very important point. Have they got any rights or any claim at all or must the board of directors accept what one man chooses to give them? I do not see where they have any rights in law.

The law is that "the directors shall cause a scheme to be prepared, showing the profits, if any, of the company for the period and apportion the same, or so much thereof as they may consider applicable to the purposes of dividend, among the shareholders... and shall exhibit such scheme at such ordinary meeting and at such meeting a dividend may be declared according to such scheme." It is clear that the shareholders will have some determination in the amount of the total revenue that may be utilised for the payment of dividend as against the appropriation for the purposes of this fund. Clearly in accordance with the scheme of this Bill, the shareholders will have a very definite interest in effecting an early liquidation of the substituted debenture stock because if the scheme goes through as contemplated, and the debenture stock is liquidated by 1960, then the prospect of the common stockholders getting the maximum dividend permissible after that date is considerably improved.

Do I understand that the intention—never mind for the moment what is in the Bill—is that the shareholders shall be in a position to declare a dividend which has not been recommended by the board?

Yes, but it must be in accordance with the scheme prepared by the board.

Well, that, in effect, means that they cannot do it: that they cannot declare a dividend which has not been recommended by the board. Practically it comes to the same thing. I have been trying to read this antiquated form of phraseology contained in the Act of 1845, and having read it four or five times I have come to the conclusion that the intention is to say in an antiquated way what the Companies Act says in a more formal and modern way; mainly, that no dividend may be declared without the consent of the directors. If you read the scheme you will see that if it means anything it means that no dividend may be declared without the consent of the directors. If it does not mean anything, then there cannot be any dividend. That has never been heard of, and I do not think it is likely to be heard of in this case, and so my reading of the Act is that the shareholders cannot declare a dividend unless recommended by the directors, and I think that is right, because otherwise you would have an intolerable position. The shareholders have not the responsibility of managing the company, and I do not think it would be possible to carry on a company in a proper way if the shareholders, by any other means than removing the directors— which power they have—could declare a dividend. In the same way, in the case of Parliament, you cannot propose taxation without a recommendation. Of course, so far as this House is concerned, we could not do it in any case, but in the other House taxation cannot be proposed without a recommendation. Otherwise you would have every Deputy proposing all kinds of taxation in order to appease his constituents. It does not matter whether his pockets were full of proxies or not, as Senator Duffy said, you would have every Deputy going down to his constituency to propose all kinds of taxation.

I would say that it would be much better to have it in the form "recommended by the board" instead of in this antiquated way. However, I am satisfied that they cannot do it, but the Minister, in his last remarks, gave me the impression that he wished to give that power to them.

I will say this: that the common stockholders in this company will have, in relation to the declaration of a dividend, exactly the same rights as the common stockholders of the Great Southern Railways Company had in the past.

I think it might help Senator Sir John Keane if he were to get a reference to the sections involved in this. They are Sections 108 to 143 and 145. With regard to Senator Douglas's difficulty in interpreting these sections, I feel that one of the main reasons for placing on the directors the responsibility to prepare a scheme is in order that the shareholders may not vote themselves dividends out of capital: in other words, that the capital must be secured.

Is not that what was said?

I did not say that both should be provided out of capital, but if Senator O Buachalla will read the 1845 Act he will find that under no circumstances can dividend be voted out of capital.

My point is that the reason the responsibility of preparing a scheme was placed on the directors was that the shareholders may not vote themselves a profit out of the capital.

I think that one point is being lost sight of, and that is that if a sum is set aside for the re-purchase of debenture stock, the company will be exempt from payment of income-tax on so much of that profit. I think that that is a very important point, and I think it is a good reason for leaving in the word "shall" instead of "may".

Under what Finance Act is that possible, I should like to know?

Do I understand the Minister to say that the common stockholders in this company will have exactly the same rights as the stockholders in the past?

I said that the shareholders of Córas Iompair Eireann would have the same rights in relation to the declaration of a dividend as the common stockholders of the Great Southern Company have now.

Surely, the scheme has to come from the directors, but the scheme is not prepared by the directors. Their own directors have not a decisive voice. If the Minister wishes, the scheme can be his own scheme. There is a chairman and there are directors, who are his servants in this matter. The directors are merely advisers, and if the chairman does not take their advice they do not count.

That is true. The chairman has a right of veto and, quite clearly, would use that right if they were going to use money for the payment of dividends which should go to the upkeep of the company.

I can quite see the chairman using his veto as against the common stockholders, and I think that that would be very wrong. However, I do not think there is any use in prolonging this debate now. I shall put down an amendment on the Report Stage, and I hope that the Minister will give to dividends on common stock preference to the redemption fund. That will be a definite issue that I shall raise on the Report Stage.

I think it is wrong to say that the chairman, under the Bill as it stands, will have the right to decide.

No. He has power to veto.

But not to initiate?

No; that is right.

When this is being dealt with in the Report Stage, perhaps the Minister would give us this reference in the Finance Act which gives this power, because that would be very useful.

I think it is only right, in reference to what Senator O Buachalla says, to point out that the ordinary people have a great interest in this.

The taxpayers have a tremendous interest in how the company use these moneys, and one of the essential things is to keep up the company rather than to pay dividends in circumstances in which it might not be wise to pay them.

The chairman has the power of veto?

Will the Minister specifically assure me that he is advised by his legal advisers that this is necessary in order to make provision for an appropriation fund?

Yes, I have been so advised.

Section 22 agreed to.
SECTION 23.
Question proposed: "That Section 23 stand part of the Bill."

On this section, Sir, I see there that the wording in the beginning of the section is to the effect that in addition to its powers of borrowing temporarily by means of the issue of debenture stock, the company may borrow temporarily, by arrangement with bankers, such sums as it may require for meeting its obligations, and so on. That will preclude, even with the consent of the Minister, any irredeemable debenture stock being issued. Is that desirable, even with the consent of the Minister for Finance?

He might think it desirable, in addition to the powers given by this Bill, to enable the company to borrow temporarily by the issue of debenture stock, but these powers will be exercised only with the sanction of the Minister for Industry and Commerce, after consultation with the Minister for Finance. But, over and above these borrowing powers, the company will be entitled to arrange overdraft accommodation with its bankers up to £500,000.

I am afraid I have not made myself clear. Under Section 16 you can raise new money by debenture stock. I would suggest that the first "temporary" in this section has limited the operation of the previous debenture stock. Section 23, as I read it, provides that in addition to the powers of borrowing for the repayment of debenture stock, the company can borrow on redeemable debentures, and, in addition, they have the power of temporary borrowing from their bankers.

On overdraft, yes.

It is the word "temporary" that worries me.

Section 23 agreed to.
Sections 24 to 26, inclusive, agreed to.
SECTION 27.

I put down amendment No. 14 to this section, but in view of the fact that the Minister has refused to accept similar amendments at an earlier stage, I will not move the first amendment, but I will proceed to move amendment No. 15:—

At the end of the section, to insert the following new sub-section:—

( ) It shall be competent for either House of the Oireachtas before which such audited accounts and the report thereon have been laid within the next 30 days on which that House has sat to consider and determine any motion relating to such accounts and report as may be submitted to such House.

It is quite competent for either House of the Oireachtas to debate such a report. If it is not, you cannot give the Oireachtas power by an amendment to this Bill.

I can see the point the Minister has made, and I am aware that he can have a matter discussed by direct motion, but if the auditor's report is laid before the House in this form I think it would be better from the Minister's point of view. However, he does not agree with that, but I submit that it should not be left with either House of the Oireachtas to initiate a discussion on railway policy. If, however, the Minister is not prepared to accept the amendment, I do not wish to press it to a division.

I do not think it is appropriate to this Bill—it may affect the powers of the Oireachtas. So far as the Standing Orders of the Oireachtas are concerned, any question of public policy can be raised by way of motion.

Amendment No. 15, by leave, withdrawn.
Section 27 agreed to.
SECTION 28.

I move amendment No. 16:—

In sub-section (1), page 15, lines 27 and 28, to delete the words "on the request of any holder of stock of the company, to that holder" and substitute the words "to every holder of stock of the company."

Section 28 relates to the furnishing of copies of the annual statement of accounts to shareholders. This amendment is designed to secure that a copy shall be sent to every shareholder and not merely to every shareholder on request. I understand that this is the existing practice in the case of other railway companies.

What we are putting in the Bill is the law relating to every railway company.

It is highly desirable that every shareholder in the company should be aware of the state of the company at a given time and they should be furnished with the actual statement of accounts without having to make application for it. That is the purpose of this amendment.

If the Minister is correct in saying that what he has put in the Bill is merely the existing law, what is the point of sub-section (2)?

Perhaps I should make it clear that it is proposed to modernise the accounts of the company and to produce a proper commercial statement annually. That is what will be available to shareholders who apply for it. As, however, the law will remain the same in relation to other railway companies, and for the purpose of proper statistical records, it is desirable to have furnished to the Department of Industry and Commerce the accounts in their old form—that is the form in which they will continue to be presented by the other railway companies —we are not repealing the provision of the 1911 Act.

That obligation of the company will be to the Department of Industry and Commerce.

Yes, and the company will no longer be under the obligation to supply copies of these elaborate accounts to every shareholder. What every shareholder will be entitled to get is the new form of commercial accounts which will be prescribed.

Can the Minister say what is the objection to the furnishing of the accounts in the old form?

I do not think that we should put on this company any greater obligation than is imposed on any other railway company. Perhaps I misinterpreted the Senator. I do not know if the Senator has seen the commercial accounts of the company. They are unintelligible, except to an expert in railway affairs. I think that the company should produce proper commercial accounts, with a balance sheet, a profit and loss account, and so forth, and it is intended to require them to do that.

And to send that to every shareholder?

Yes, every shareholder who asks for it.

But why should a shareholder have to request it?

Because that is an obligation which is imposed on other companies—they must supply the accounts on request.

I think the Minister's case is a perfectly good one. To present the figures in an almost unintelligible form and to send them out to shareholders is a waste of time and money, but if, as he says, you are going to have an ordinary modern statement of accounts prepared, then I think it should be sent to every one, whether they request it or not, provided they are shareholders. If the Minister looks back I think he will see that the old accounts which were sent out on request were almost useless. Shareholders did not understand them and it is reasonable to ask now that if the accounts are to be presented in an intelligible form, every shareholder should get them. If the form of accounts is going to be shorter, surely the cost of sending them out to every shareholder will be negligible and the Transport Company would be in the same position as any other commercial concern.

Do not take me as saying that every shareholder will not get a copy of the accounts. What we are doing in this Bill is imposing on the company a legal obligation to send a copy of the accounts to every shareholder who applies for it. For all I know, the company may decide to circulate them freely or even to publish them in the newspapers, but that is the company's concern.

Every public company under the Act of 1908 is under a legal obligation to send a copy of its annual accounts to its shareholders. That is the law so far as ordinary companies are concerned. This is a statutory company and I suggest that the amendment is reasonable and that it would be wise to let every shareholder get a copy of the accounts. The Minister says the company may, in fact, send a copy of the accounts to every shareholder but I think we should impose a legal obligation on them to do it. The Bill provides that the accounts must be sent when a shareholder asks for them. I know that a certain number of shareholders do not look at such accounts at all; they throw them away and do not bother any further. In my own case, where I have been a shareholder, particularly as a trustee, I am very careful to examine the accounts to ascertain whether the company is in a proper position, so that I can make up my mind whether I should change the shares or not in the interests of the people for whom I am trustee.

I think this is a most astounding proposition. Perhaps I did not read the Bill carefully enough. Here we are introducing an intelligible form of commercial accounts, and yet that is not going to be sent out as a matter of routine. Private industrial companies have to send out their accounts but this company is apparently to have exemption —this company which is going to be a Government monopoly. Railways will affect everybody in some form or another, and there is going to be no encouragement to the ordinary shareholder to take an interest in the business of the country—in fact, there is going to be discouragement. And yet, we call ourselves a democracy and deny this encouragement to the citizen. I think the principle is thoroughly bad. If the Minister means to make any concession to us at all, surely this is one that should be made. There has been no concession so far. This might at least be one—that, as a matter of course, the shareholders will get a copy of the accounts.

I urge the Minister very strongly to accept the suggestion in this amendment. There are very many organisations with holdings in the companies that are now being absorbed—holdings of substituted debenture stock. Those organisations are served by officials, secretaries, clerks and so on, who will not ask for the accounts but who would, as a normal part of their duties, examine the accounts if they were furnished to them. It seems to be a very proper provision to insert in the Bill that the company will be required, in sending the notice of their annual meeting, to send also a copy of their accounts. The more intelligible the form of account it is the better, but I would suggest that the old form of accounts was valuable, particularly to people who take an interest in the operations of the railway company. It may not be so suitable, no doubt, in the circumstances of a company which will cover city, road and rail transport, but certainly in the case of the old concern those accounts were very useful to many people who did take an interest in the number of miles covered, the number of tons carried and so on. I would urge the Minister very strongly to accept this proposal.

In this matter, we are not changing the law. This company will be under precisely the same obligation as the Great Southern Railways Company and other railway companies now. I think we should not put on this company a greater obligation than we put on other transport operators. It may be that the 1911 Act may be revised, and that the obligations of the companies which come under that Act will be changed. If there is to be an amendment in that regard it should be a change in relation to railway companies generally and not only in relation to this company.

Sub-section (2) of the section says:—

"So much of sub-section (3) of Section 1 of the Railway Companies (Accounts and Returns) Act, 1911, as requires an incorporated railway company to forward a copy of the accounts and returns to any shareholder or debenture holder of the company who applies for a copy shall not apply to the company".

Those are the old accounts, which contained a number of abstracts and returns that are, in fact, of no interest except to the people who are keeping statistical records. Sub-section (1) is the section which prescribes that new accounts in ordinary commercial form will be prepared, and will be available as the old accounts were available to any shareholder who applies for them.

I am suggesting in this case that we should put a liability on this concern which is borne by all other railway companies, inasmuch as sub-section (2) relieves them of certain obligations.

It must still prepare the accounts in the old form, with all those abstracts and returns associated with them.

But they will not need to print them.

Six copies must be provided for the Department of Industry and Commerce.

They will not need to print them, and that, of course, is a very substantial saving. In this case, in sub-section (1) we are dealing with a concern in which the public are involved. There is a contingent liability of £16,000,000.

The accounts will be presented to the Dáil, and we represent the contingent liability.

Yes, quite, but at the same time, you have people who are interested to the extent of £10,000,000 in substituted debenture stock, and £3,500,000 in substituted common stock. I suggest that those people are entitled automatically to get a copy of the commercial accounts.

Again let me say that what we are doing here is defining the legal liability of the company.

What I, at any rate, am suggesting is this: The Government have adopted the practice of not making this a State-owned company in its entirety. They have provided for State control, and they have rightly provided for the necessary implications of State control in the way of returns and so on, but for the purposes of the ordinary shareholders an ordinary set of accounts of a character which might readily be understood is now being prepared. That is a new departure, and it is provided, presumably, in the interests of the ordinary shareholders. It is not in the interests of the State, because the State could perfectly well understand the detailed accounts, which it will require in any case.

It is primarily in the interests of the companies.

I, therefore, suggest that as we are relieving them of the obligation to send those detailed accounts to anyone who asks for them, a natural corollary of relieving them of that obligation would be to provide that the simple accounts should be sent to the shareholders. I think it is not strictly correct for the Minister to say that when the accounts were in this complicated form they need not have been sent at all unless they were asked for, and that, therefore, we are carrying out the same practice. We are changing the practice. I suggest to him that we should also change the practice in regard to sending the ordinary accounts, and that it would be a good thing all round that they should be sent automatically.

It is not as simple as all that, because it would be necessary to make provisions to cover the obligations of the company. You would have to insert a provision to the effect that the company would be fulfilling its obligation by posting the accounts to the last known address of each shareholder. There would have to be a number of consequent provisions if you were to say that they must send a copy to every shareholder. I think a reasonable legal obligation is that they must give a copy to every shareholder who asks for it. If the company want to do more than that, if they want to publish their accounts by way of advertisement in the newspapers, it is open to them to do so, but we say that their legal obligation is to supply a copy to every shareholder who asks for it.

I think the attitude of the Minister is profoundly disappointing and profoundly depressing. Surely there is a human aspect in regard to all this? The Minister is standing on the law—that they are bound only to send a copy on request. Does he not realise that this is a monopoly in which the public is vitally concerned? Does he not realise the obligation to educate and enlighten the public, and not to compel them to seek information of the very meagre kind which will be given to them in any case?

Might I interrupt the Senator? It is not the public that are concerned here.

I quite agree, but the shareholders come from all over the country. It is hardly right to make the fact that the law does not require it an excuse for not recognising an obligation that is on every industrial company to supply accounts. If we are going to get any concession at all in this House, I do feel that this is one for which we might reasonably ask.

What the law says in relation to railway companies is that those accounts must be presented to every shareholder who applies for them. I agree that we could contemplate altering the law in relation to the accounts and returns to be supplied by railway companies, but I think it is that law we should alter and not the special Act relating to this company. I do not think we should impose on this company a greater obligation than we impose on other railway companies. I think there is the practical consideration to which I referred, and which is of some importance, and that is that if you provide that the company must send a copy to every shareholder then we have to limit that obligation. We have to impose penalties on the company if it fails to fulfil the obligation, and we will have to limit its obligations by ensuring that it will have met the requirements of the statute if certain action is taken by it.

Such as the instance I have mentioned—posting a copy to the last known address of each shareholder.

It is already in the 1845 Act.

It is the 1911 Act we are dealing with now.

No. With respect, the Minister is not dealing with the 1911 Act in sub-section (1). It is dealt with in sub-section (2), which is an entirely different procedure. Nobody has tried to suggest that the 1911 return should be sent to each shareholder. To say so is only to try to confuse the issue.

It is the 1911 Act that is the present law on this subject. There is no other law in operation.

There will be if this is passed.

If this is passed the law will be the law which the Minister is taking out of the 1845 Act.

No. So far as the presentation of returns and accounts to shareholders is concerned...

But the Minister was talking about the necessity to send out notices and so forth——

That is the obligation under the Railway Companies (Accounts and Returns) Act, 1911. It seems that that is a reasonable legal obligation to impose and we should not, I think, impose on this company a greater obligation than is imposed on other companies.

Mr. O'Reilly

I take it that there are two sets of accounts that will be available. One will be of a summarised type and that type will be available for any shareholder who applies for it, but the second is a more detailed account and it would appear that the objection to the circulation of that detailed account is a question of expense. I was going to make the suggestion that, if the Minister was influenced by the idea of expense, then if the detailed account was available on the payment of a certain sum calculated to cover whatever expenses are involved, it might meet the case.

No. The idea of prescribing accounts in ordinary commercial form is not merely to give shareholders and the public better information as to the affairs of the company but to require the company to conduct its business in relation to accounts which are prepared in proper commercial form. Under the 1911 Act the company, in addition to the various other matters it has to provide, has to make returns relating to the number of ton miles run, the traffic on every branch line, the number of wagons in use and the amount received per ton mile. Behind all that information is the desire to see that statistical reports concerning transport generally may be prepared. These, however, are of no interest whatever to people other than those concerned with the preparation of returns and they do not really concern the ordinary shareholder. The ordinary shareholder will get these accounts in a better form than he ever got them before.

Question put.
The Committee divided: Tá, 19; Níl, 18.

  • Baxter, Patrick F.
  • Butler, John.
  • Counihan, John J.
  • Crosbie, James.
  • Douglas, James G.
  • Kyle, Sam.
  • McGee, James T.
  • Moore, T.C. Kingsmill.
  • O'Donovan, Timothy J.
  • O'Reilly, Patrick John.
  • Duffy, Luke J.
  • Hayden, Thomas.
  • Hayes, Michael.
  • Johnston, Joseph.
  • Keane, Sir John.
  • Parkinson, James J.
  • Ruane, Seán T.
  • Sweetman, Gerard.
  • Tunney, James.

Níl

  • Clarkin, Andrew S.
  • Concannon, Helena.
  • Corkery, Daniel.
  • Healy, Denis D.
  • Hearne, Michael.
  • Hogan, Daniel.
  • Johnston, Séamus.
  • Keane, John Thomas.
  • Kehoe, Patrick.
  • Kennedy, Margaret L.
  • Lynch, Peter T.
  • O Buachalla, Liam.
  • O'Callaghan, William.
  • O'Dea, Louis E.
  • O Máille, Pádraic.
  • Nic Phiarais, Maighréad M.
  • Quirke, William.
  • Ryan, Michael J.
Tellers:—Tá: Senators Kyle and Sir John Keane; Níl: Senators Corkery and Hearne.
Amendment declared carried.
Amendment No. 17 not moved.
Section 28, as amended, ordered to stand part of the Bill.
NEW SECTION.

I move amendment No. 18:—

Before Section 29 to insert a new section as follows:—

29.—(1) During the year 1948 and during every third year thereafter the Minister shall cause to be made by an independent and acknowledged authority on transport matters an investigation and report on the affairs and management of the company in order to ascertain inter alia whether in the opinion of the reporting authority the rates and services afforded by the company are such as, under all circumstances, the public is reasonably entitled to expect.

(2) Any such report made to the Minister under the foregoing sub-section shall be laid with all convenient speed before each House of the Oireachtas.

On the Second Reading of the Bill, I made this proposal in principle. The more I think of it the more I think it is necessary that, in the new state of affairs, we should adopt new methods to secure safeguards to the public and also to stimulate interest on the part of the public. It is very difficult for many of us to realise that the whole of our social system is at the parting of the ways and that we are facing a new order, whether we like it or not. We are facing a new order in which, undoubtedly, more and more matters will be placed in public control. The public will lack the safeguards that they possessed, for good or ill, under a free and unrestricted capitalist system. I am quite prepared to admit that, in the case of the railways in this country, that free capitalist system operated to a very slight extent, if at all. I am not prepared to defend the condition into which the railways got in later years. I agree with the Minister that the management became lax and I think that the public got increasingly bad service. But I do think that we should recognise that, in any institution which is the subject of monopoly, when the first enthusiasm has passed, the outlook tends to get more and more routine and crystallised. New ideas appeal less and less to established authority.

Now, I see that at first, especially with the personality of the chairman, there will undoubtedly be vigour, initiative and enthusiasm displayed in the administration of the affairs of the company, but I equally see, following what is almost a well-known psychological process in corporations like this, that as things get older, as people get more accustomed to the systems they have set up and what they have always been doing, there will arise a certain deadness in that monopolistic concern. It is to provide against that sort of deadness and routine attitude that I framed this amendment. All I ask in the amendment is that periodically we should have a completely fresh outlook on the affairs of the company from somebody totally dissociated from it, who is yet an authority on the general principles of transport.

It may be asked: "What can anybody coming in from outside know, or what opinion of any value can any outsider give, about the management of a business with which he is not continually associated?" I say that the man I have in view is a recognised authority, well able to appreciate the circumstances of the case he examines. A consulting engineer comes in; a consulting engineer goes to a new country. By the nature of his job he is mentally fitted to appreciate the conditions which obtain in every problem with which he is confronted. He says: "This is totally different from what I had to do in the last job, but I claim to be able to appreciate the circumstances of the problem I have to examine." I am perfectly satisfied that you can always get a sensible person, a recognised authority, to come along periodically and examine the affairs of this monopoly, to see is it or is it not being managed in the best interests of the public—and I have specially in mind those who are using the railway. I think some form of examination of that kind is essential to counteract the deadness and the routine outlook that will increasingly prevail in the affairs of this company.

You may say that this is a novel proposal, but we shall have to face many novel things in the world to come. It may be a little strange to some of us; it may be a little in advance of our time, but I am perfectly certain that if any monopoly is going to be kept alive in the interests of the public such a periodical examination as I visualise will be necessary. We have, of course, a periodical financial audit. That is a certain safeguard against dishonesty and so on, but I would place far more reliance on an efficiency audit and that is the principle I am trying to put forward in this amendment. I have not, perhaps, drafted it in the best legal form. I have simply put down the principle, and I would ask the House to give it its support.

The proposal here is that we should have a public inquiry into the administration of this company every three years. I think that would be an impossible burden to put on any administration. Apart from the time that would necessarily be spent by the company's officials in preparing data and information for the person conducting this inquiry every three years, the mere fact that such an inquiry must automatically take place would affect the whole system of management. It would mean that the management of the company would have to be conducted on precisely the same lines as a Government Department. It is because there is a continuing public inquiry into the administration of public departments that elaborate records have to be kept. Every idea that is considered, every action that is taken, has to be fully documented and the Departmental file assumes the importance it has in public administration. If we are going to have a public inquiry into the administration of this company every three years then the management of the company must be conducted precisely in the same way as a Government Department is conducted. There will have to be the same maintenance of records, the same elaborate documentation in regard to every aspect of the company's business so that the person conducting the inquiry can get all the information that he needs. Apart from that, we could not get an independent and acknowledged authority on transport to conduct an inquiry of this kind except we go outside the country. I do not know whether even outside the country we could get a person who, everybody would agree, was an independent and acknowledged authority on transport matters. Assuming we could get such a person, it is not by any means clear that a person whose transport experience was acquired in circumstances different from those obtaining in this country would in fact be of any value in inquiring into the circumstances under which transport will be conducted in this country.

The Great Southern Railways Company tried an experiment of this kind before. They brought in here, and put on the board, a person who had very extensive railway experience in another country with results that were calamitous for the Great Southern Railways Company. Economies were enforced by that director that have proved to be very false. Many of them have had to be undone and a great deal of discontent was created amongst the staff of the company. To this day, the workers in the employment of the Great Southern Railways feel that this Bill may lead to a repetition of their experience under the administration of the director to which I have referred. I do not say that that individual was not trying to do his best. He came to an organisation which was vastly different from the organisation which he had controlled before, because the whole transport problem of the country was different. He could easily calculate that the number of persons employed in relation to tonnage carried was too high. Consequently he got an improved statistical position without regard to the effect upon the company's business of the loyalty, and the enthusiasm of the staff in the company's interest.

In my view it would be undesirable to impose such an obligation on the company. The company will probably almost certainly seek to obtain expert advice, and expert advice from outside the country, upon particular aspects of its work and upon the technical problems of planning and equipment and the utilisation of new equipment. Just as I told the Seanad on Second Reading the Electricity Supply Board have frequently on occasion brought in acknowledged experts upon various aspects of electricity generation and distribution to advise them on their problems, to overhaul their administration, and to suggest new systems of administration, this company will probably do the same but that is an affair of management and if done by the management in discharge of their responsibility, it cannot, and will not, have the same effect as if done in the manner suggested here, in the form of a public inquiry designed to produce a report that will be presented to the Dáil and to the public. I think that type of inquiry imposed on a public organisation such as this would make its operation impossible. I am quite sure that Senator Sir John Keane, who is associated with a number of commercial undertakings, would agree that the effect on the administration of these concerns would be very serious if there had to be a public inquiry into their administration followed by a public report every three years. I am quite sure he would agree with me that any of the concerns he is familiar with could not operate effectively in such circumstances, and I do not think it would be fair to impose this on this company.

I think the Minister is taking me up wrongly in speaking of wanting a public inquiry. Anything might be called a public inquiry, but this is not a public inquiry in the same sense as there would be a public inquiry into the affairs of a local authority or some such body. It is merely a question where an expert comes along, sees the line, and examines the accounts, and I think that it would be very useful to have some expert come along and say whether, on general principles, he is satisfied that the management of the company is efficient. Such a man might be very valuable in dealing with questions such as the redundancy of transport.

However, I shall not elaborate that matter now, because the Minister realises that one of the great difficulties in the whole transport policy is that there is more both of public and private transport than there are goods to carry. That is the whole problem, but I think it would be very valuable to get someone to examine and report on matters of the kind to which I have referred. I must confess, however, that at this stage of public education I did not have much hope that this amendment would be accepted, but I do feel that something of this kind will have to come if we are going to keep State monopolies in the future in a good position and in such a position as will be adequate to safeguard public interests. I shall say no more.

Leas-Chathaoirleach

Is the Senator pressing the amendment?

I wish to challenge a division, as I want to go on record in this matter. I am not sure of what the procedure is, and although it may appear to be a matter of personal vanity, I still wish to go on record as pressing for this.

Question put and declared negatived —Senator Sir John Keane dissenting.
Sections 29, 30, 31 and 32 agreed to.
SECTION 33.

I understand, Sir, that Senator Douglas does not propose to move amendment No. 19, standing in his name, to Section 33, as the matter has already been discussed.

Amendment No. 19 not moved.
Section 33 agreed to.
SECTION 34.

I move amendment No. 20, standing in Senator Duffy's name:—

In sub-section (1), page 16, line 17, before the word "registered" to insert the word "are" and in line 23 to delete the word "the" and substitute the word "such".

This is merely a drafting amendment which, I am sure, will appeal to the Minister.

Well, I have consulted the Parliamentary draftsman, and he feels that it is not necessary to insert this amendment and that, in fact, the sub-section is better worded as it is.

Question put and negatived.
Section 34 put and agreed to.
SECTION 35.

I move amendment No. 21, standing in Senator Duffy's name:—

In sub-section (1), page 16, line 30, to delete the words "or a common stockbroker".

The intention Senator Duffy had in this matter, and with which I agree, is in some way to prevent the common stockholder handing over his proxy in such a way as would mean that the banks would really be the people who would be voting instead of the ordinary shareholders in the company. It might occur that at an ordinary general meeting of the company the shareholders would not be properly represented, and this section provides for the attendance of corporate bodies by proxy. Under the section, any common stockholder may appoint a proxy—being, in case that common stockholder is a body corporate, a member of that body corporate or any holder of common stock. The purpose of the amendment is to secure that if a bank issues a proxy it may do so only to one of its directors or shareholders; in other words, that it must come out into the open and not do what, as I am informed, has happened in the past. I may say that I have had no experience of attending these directors' meetings at all, but I understand from my friend, Senator Duffy, that it is a practice that banks have of seeing that their interests are protected, rather than the interests of the company concerned.

The Companies Clauses Consolidation Act, 1845, which we have incorporated with the Bill, provides for proxy voting, and the only question that arises here is the making of a provision, in relation to this company, similar to that which applies to all companies under the Companies Clauses Consolidation Act of 1908. That Act is not incorporated with the Bill. The Companies Clauses Consolidation Act of 1908 provides for proxies under power of attorney, and this section deals only with proxies under power of attorney. It provides that the attorney of any common stockholder may appoint a proxy, and in case that common stockholder is a body corporate, the proxy may be a member of that body corporate or a common stockholder. Senator Duffy, however, is trying to secure that in the circumstances envisaged in this section a body corporate can only exercise its proxy through a member of that body. I see no reason why a member of a body corporate should be treated in any other way than any other common stockholder. One must remember that there might be other corporate bodies besides banking concerns. Various trusts, insurance companies, business concerns of one kind or another may be concerned in this matter as well as banks, and the effect of the Senator's amendment would be to require that if these bodies desired representation at the annual meeting of the company they would have to be represented by one of their number rather than by proxy. I see no reason why a body corporate should be treated differently from any other stockholder. I think it would be wrong, and I shall resist this amendment firmly.

I think that what is usually meant by a body corporate would be a bank, and the suggestion in the amendment is that a member of that body corporate can hold a proxy and that it should not be possible for one or two people, who may be directors, to carry proxies.

I do not know whether Senator Duffy appreciates that this section relates only to proxies under power of attorney. The full provision for proxy voting is contained in the Act of 1845, which is incorporated with this Bill. It is only this one thing of proxy under power of attorney that was not covered.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Sections 35 and 36 agreed to.
SECTION 37.

I move amendment No. 22:—

In page 17, to delete sub-section (3).

This section deals with the constitution of the board of directors, and sub-section (3), which it is proposed should be deleted, provides that the chairman shall constitute a quorum of the board. I think that while considerable power must be conferred on the chairman, in view of the fact that he is the nominee of the Minister, and will be expected to implement Government policy, he ought to have a considerable amount of authority in the board but I think it is a bad thing to write into our legislation that a particular person in a board of six or seven or eight is a quorum. In the beginning, it may be a board of seven or eight but it will eventually come down to a smaller number.

It can mean this, that a board is due to meet at a particular time or in particular circumstances, in which it would not be possible for any director to attend the meeting with the exception of the chairman. If the chairman is made a quorum, there is an inducement to convene a meeting for a particular purpose, because, as I understand it, the section is drawn so as to give the chairman a veto. I do not think that his decision will prevail against the body of directors, but their decision may not prevail against his, and the one case in which he will be the supreme authority is the case in which he alone is present at a meeting. I suggest to the Minister that the circumstances in which this Bill is being enacted may alter in regard to the chairman himself. They may alter in regard to the Minister. Even within the last few years the Minister was not in charge of the Department of Industry and Commerce at all times, and I do not think he can have any guarantee as to what arrangement will be made even in the immediate future for the conduct of the Department over which he now presides. One can see difficulties arising by reason of the fact that his successor might interpret his functions in a different way from that visualised in this Bill. I think that for the sake of form it is bad to make one person the sole authority—particularly bad in view of the changes which may take place over the next ten or 15 years.

As I explained previously, this section was drafted with these provisions in it, in view of a possibility—now a remote possibility —that there would be a conflict between the chairman and the shareholders' directors of such a kind that the shareholders' directors would try to bring the business of the company to a standstill and thus promote a crisis. In order to ensure that the business of the company will be carried on, even in circumstances in which all the shareholders' directors refused to act, a provision of this kind is necessary. This provision does not mean that the chairman, walking along the street or sitting in a bus, can say to himself: "I am now holding a meeting of the board, and I decide so and so." The board meetings must be summoned in accordance with the Standing Orders of the board. Members must receive due notice, and this section would, in fact, become operative only if there was a deliberate refusal on the part of the other directors to attend and to permit the business of the company to be done.

I do not think those circumstances will arise. It is most unlikely that this power will ever have to be utilised. The chairman of the existing company, acting under Emergency Powers Order, is put in the same position, but there never has been any difficulty in securing harmonious working between himself and the board, and I do not think there will be any such difficulty in the future. But, if that situation arose because of some difficulty between the chairman representing the public interests, and the directors representing the shareholders and they decided that they would bring the whole business of the board to a stop by not attending, you must have some provision for ensuring that the affairs of the company will be carried on.

Where the directors have been properly summoned and, nevertheless, refuse to attend, the section provides that the chairman can carry on the business of the company himself. In framing legislation of this kind, you have to provide against these very remote contingencies, and one should not attach undue importance to such provisions. This is a safeguard against a remote contingency which, if it did arise, would be detrimental to the interests of the country and the company. It is to ensure that the business of the company can be carried on that this provision is being made in relation to the chairman.

I would like to say that what the Minister has said has some substance if he will have authority to examine and approve the Standing Orders of the board or whatever you call them, in other words, if provision is made for three days' notice of a meeting, that there will be three days' notice of the meeting given to all directors. I can see that there is a case for making provision which would enable the board to meet if there is a boycott, for instance.

I think the Standing Order would be in the form that a board meeting would be held every Wednesday morning. I believe it is the practice in the present company that the board meets every Wednesday morning at 11 o'clock and that no special notice is required for such meetings. Of course, there may be special meetings in addition to the regular board meetings and due notice is sent of these to the directors.

On the question of a boycott or a sit down by the directors, if that situation arose I think that the Minister would not have much difficulty in getting legislation to deal with it through very rapidly.

It is to avoid that necessity that this provision is being made.

Has the chairman power to suspend the Standing Orders of the board?

No; he has the power of veto and no more.

Could the chairman suspend Standing Orders and hold a meeting at a bus stop, for instance, in the event of a sit down strike by the directors? Of course, I do not think that is very likely.

I do not think so.

Is the Minister serious in suggesting that a board of directors in charge of the new company would be so unmindful of the public interest as to set aside deliberately the welfare of the community and incidentally of the company?

I do not expect it at all. I should have imagined that the Labour members would have expected it far more readily than I would.

When you are making provision for a situation of that kind, it seems to me that you are putting these gentlemen who constitute the board of directors in an invidious position. I am not at all sure that I do not agree with the Minister about the general mentality of the directors, speaking by and large, but I am at a bit of a loss to understand the Minister and this House agreeing that a chairman alone shall form a quorum at a meeting.

I find myself in entire agreement with Senator Duffy in suggesting that this sub-section (3) should be eliminated. Of course this sub-section has been very much discussed outside as well as inside, and it seems rather difficult to convince the Minister that it is undesirable that the chairman of the board should constitute a quorum at a meeting. Apparently he has made up his mind that this should be done. I want to be taken as dissenting from the view that one man alone should be in charge of affairs.

I take it that our Labour friends deny to the directors of railway companies the right to strike?

They have the right if they wish to avail of it.

I remind Senator Johnston that of course this would be unlike the ordinary strike he has in his mind, because even if the directors were to strike I think they would still draw their full pay.

Apparently there is a difference between the railway workers striking against the public interest and the directors striking against the public interest.

If the directors strike, the railways would go on and the public would not be inconvenienced.

I intended to put down an amendment to this section, but I omitted it. It was an amendment which I felt would secure, in a much better manner, what the Government are after. I do feel it is rather undignified to put a number of people around a table and to give all of them the feeling that the chairman can stop anything they want to do. That constitutes a barrier against goodwill and friendly action. Surely it would meet the whole case if the law gave power to the chairman to refer to the Minister any decision with which he was not in agreement. The chairman could say: "Well, I am afraid I cannot accept that. We will postpone action on it until I consult the Minister." I think that would be far better than merely to give the chairman the power of veto, and run the risk of precipitating a good deal of personal unpleasantness in the heat of the moment, while the thing might be looked at differently in a calmer atmosphere. I feel it would be much better simply to suspend any decision with which the chairman is not in agreement until the matter has been considered by the Minister. It may not arise very often, but I think that would be a much more successful way of dealing with it.

On the point I mentioned before, I see a great possibility of differences of opinion which should properly be referred to the Minister, and on which it would be wrong to give the chairman the power of veto. I refer to the question of priorities of profits. If the shareholder directors urge that the common stock dividend should have priority over the redemption fund, I think it would be very wrong that there and then the chairman should have power to say: "No: I veto that". I think that is eminently a case where the Minister might act almost as an arbitrator. He might send for the directors and say: "I should like to talk this over with you." As I see it at present, the chairman says "No" and there the matter rests. I am not altogether against this new method, this novel method of making nationalisation effective in the management of a company. In some ways I think it is rather ingenious. It is probably better than having a larger board, with a majority of Government nominees on it, but I do think we should consider the personal relations around the table, and I feel that those relations would be far more pleasant if matters were so arranged that there could be no overriding of the majority there and then. I think it would be far better if the chairman had to suspend decision until the Minister had been brought into the dispute.

I entirely disagree with Senator Sir John Keane that the board should have any power of interference with the management at all.

You mean the Minister?

I mean the board. I am saying what I mean. It should be completely left to the chairman. Our experience of directors' interference in management is not very happy, and for that reason I say that any decision which the chairman would come to would be a lot better.

What is the chairman?

It is the chairman I am talking about.

Is he not a director?

I want the directors to have no power of interference with the chairman in matters of policy. I do not mind their having something to say with regard to the financial aspect, but with regard to the running of the line I thoroughly disapprove of the directors having any power of interference whatever with the chairman. I say that from long experience of instances in which the directors interfered with the work of the management of the company. It was disastrous for everybody concerned, and any change that we make will be very much better than the method of which we have had experience.

I should say, in reply to Senator Sir John Keane, that the situation which exists on this board is, I think, not very dissimilar to that which exists on the majority of the commercial boards of this country, where there is one director, a chairman or managing director, who is himself either the largest shareholder or the representative of the predominant shareholders concerned, and whose word is effective unless he is persuaded by the other directors. I do not think it will make for lack of harmony in operation. On the contrary, I think that the knowledge that the board has the responsibility of coming to a decision or referring the matter to the chairman, and that there must be finality at that stage, will work the other way. I would disagree altogether with the idea that there should be an appeal to the Minister. I do not think the Minister should be brought into those affairs of management at all. The objection to the type of board which would be represented entirely by Government nominees, or to the administration of an undertaking of this kind by a Government Department would there operate—Ministers can be subject to political pressure. At any rate, it can be made embarrassing——

You could have Dáil questions on every single matter.

As Senator Hayes has mentioned, you could have Dáil questions and other references of a similar kind. On those affairs of management, I think the board should be the final authority, and the success of their administration judged by the results. If at any stage the Government is not satisfied that they are getting the service that is necessary from the board, or that the chairman is not directing the affairs in accordance with the lines that they think best, then they will have to deal with the chairman.

As this section is drafted in the Bill it looks very bad and it certainly has created a very bad impression abroad. If there was something done on the lines just indicated by the Minister it would allay a lot of suspicion abroad that this is an absolute dictatorship. It would, as he said himself, be possible for the chairman to have a meeting at his lunch and declare it a meeting of the board. That is the impression that the public have. Whether it is right or wrong I do not know but it is possible under that section of the Bill to have a meeting of that kind. Therefore, I suggest to the Minister that his intention in this matter ought to be included in the Bill.

I do not at all agree with Senator Sir John Keane's view on the matter. We know that a good many of the industries of the country are run by guinea pig directors—in other words, directors of the financial interests of the country and their ability to help the industry is very little. The feature that stands out in this Bill to my mind is this, that it is easier for the board of directors to put the onus of responsibility on the chairman for conducting the affairs of the new Transport Company. It will be very difficult to deal with the board of directors who will have power to do wrong, and yet it would not be within the power of the Oireachtas to remove them from office. If the Minister would go some distance to meet the objection which I have made and to clear the public mind, to show that this is not a dictatorship in the full sense; if he provided that the chairman can only act after reasonable notice has been served on the directors of the company, it would be a good thing. If it were included in the Bill that the chairman could only then act as a board, after this notice had been given, I think it would remove a good deal of the suspicion that is abroad in the country.

I think it may be overlooked that the ordinary meeting of shareholders can overrule any decision of any of the directors. That is provided for in Section 90 of the Act of 1845 and it is still the law under this Bill.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

I move amendment No. 23.

To delete sub-section (5) and substitute therefor the following sub-section:—

(5) Every decision of the board shall be arrived at by a majority of the members present: Provided always that no such decision shall have effect without the concurrence of the chairman unless two-thirds of the members present and voting declare themselves in favour of such decision.

In this amendment it will be observed that we are dealing with sub-section (5) of Section 37 of the Bill. That sub-section provides that no decision shall be made by the board at any meeting without the concurrence of the chairman. I have already expressed my view on this subject and the amendment which I have now moved does not take away substantially the power given to the chairman by that section, but what I am endeavouring to provide is that if two-thirds of the directors are present and vote in a particular way their view shall prevail. Otherwise the decision of the board would still require the concurrence of the chairman. That gives him a quasi-veto and I think it ought substantially to meet the case the Minister has in mind. After all, in this Bill we are providing for the election of directors representing the owners of the common stock of the company and we are making provision in the Bill to pay their fees. As the Bill now stands there is no limit to the amount of money that may be provided for the payment of directors' fees. If it is worth while to have a body of directors and, to make provision for the payment of fees and expenses to directors, it seems to me we ought at least to concede the point that if two-thirds of them take a particular view in opposition to the chairman that view should prevail.

I must confess that I am surprised to see this amendment tabled by a Labour Senator. What he is endeavouring to secure is that if there should be a conflict between the representatives of the public interest and the representatives of the private interest of shareholders, in certain circumstances the private shareholders' representatives should be able to determine policy even if that policy were contrary to the policy of the Government. I could understand that amendment being moved by Senator Sir John Keane, but I am astonished to see it moved by Senator Luke Duffy. I would have thought that the tendency of his Party would have been to propose that there should be such alterations in the constitution of the board that in no circumstances whatever would the representatives of the private shareholders be able to decide policy.

On a point of truth, the Minister is incorrect in describing Senator Duffy as a Labour Senator. Senator Duffy was elected on the Industrial and Commercial Panel.

That does not end his surprise.

Perhaps I should say that I am surprised to hear it from the former Secretary of the Labour Party. I would resist this amendment. I think we should maintain the principle in the Bill which is this: that if there should arise a conflict between public policy as expressed through the Minister for Industry and Commerce and the chairman of the company as appointed by him and the representatives of the private shareholders in the concern, then public policy should predominate over the private interest. It is only in such circumstances that a dispute should arise and I would not contemplate that in any circumstances would it be possible for the private shareholders to make effective a decision on policy contrary to the policy of the Government.

In this amendment we are trying to express the view that the Labour Party does believe in democracy. We are also trying to get away from the idea that there is a superman and that he is eternally right. On the last occasion the Minister made the extraordinary comment about the chairman that he had no assurance of eternal life. We never said that about the chairman, and we are not saying that in this amendment. We are endeavouring to preserve at least some degree of democracy in the Bill. If it is a question about having a suspicion that the board will work contrary to public interest then there is no case at all for the board. The board should go. I think the whole idea is wrong and that this section is wrong. Either you are going to get a number of people on whose judgment you can rely to do the reasonably right thing in the public interest, or else you should not have them there at all. I would prefer to have no board at all rather than to have a board with powers such as are determined in this section.

If Senator Duffy ever becomes Minister for Industry and Commerce he will not amend the Act to give effect to his present proposal.

I do not like the way the Minister always presumes that the board will act against public policy and that the sole guardian of public policy will be the chairman. I could well conceive circumstances in which the opposite would occur.

Certainly, and these various provisions are simply designed to provide safeguards against a situation which I do not contemplate will arise.

I do not like this section but I do not think Senator Duffy's amendment would be workable either. I think it would not be workable to have this proviso of two-thirds of the members present declaring themselves in favour of a particular decision. You could have 20 items on an agenda at each meeting of the board of the Great Southern Railways and I think it would be quite unworkable if you had to record whether every decision taken had a majority of two-thirds of the people present or not, in certain eventualities, if the chairman was not concurring. Although the construction of the section and the power of the chairman in the section are things I do not like, yet I believe that Senator Duffy's amendment would make business quite impossible.

Senator Baxter's speech is the most amazing I have ever listened to. He says on the one hand he is not prepared to support Senator Duffy's amendment, that two-thirds majority of the board should be required, and yet he says he does not like the chairman to have the power he is being given at all. What is the Senator getting at?

I did not say that I did not like this amendment because it requires a two-thirds majority. I said I did not like the circumstances in which you could have a meeting with about 20 items to deal with and if you had the two-third majority proposal in operation you could not do any business at all.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Section 37 agreed to.
SECTION 38.

I move amendment No. 24:—

In page 17, line 10, after the word "sums" to insert the words and figures "not exceeding £7,000".

In this section provision is made to pay the directors out of the funds of the company but I think there should be a limit to the amount that they can vote themselves. The figure of £7,000 related to previous amendments which are not now acceptable because at that time it was thought that probably the directors would have imposed upon them certain obligations and responsibilities. Very largely, however, they have no responsibilities at all. Their powers under the Bill are very limited—almost nil—and I think a total figure of £7,000 to cover the salaries, fees and remuneration of directors is adequate.

I understand that the chairman of the company is now paid £2,500. That was stated in the Dáil on the 4th March, 1942. Actually a question was put down as to whether it was a fact that this man would get £2,500 per annum for a part-time job. The Minister replied: "For discharging one of the most responsible positions in the country." The Minister's view was that £2,500 a year was not inadequate remuneration for a man when he was discharging one of the most responsible positions in the country. If that is so, it seems to me that what you have left after taking £2,500 from £7,000 should be adequate for distribution among the remaining directors. I would ask the Minister to accept some figure as a maximum distribution in the form of remuneration for directors.

I do not want to say that any figure is too much or too little to provide for directors' fees. What I do say is that we should not decide that at all ourselves. It is a matter for decision by the company. Nobody will pay the fees except the shareholders of the company—the ordinary shareholders—and to the extent that they provide for the fees of the directors they are diminishing the fund available for the payment of dividends to themselves. This matter is the concern of the shareholders of the company only and I do not think we should interfere with the rights of these shareholders in that regard any more than we interfere with the rights of shareholders in any other company, either in respect of directors' fees or with the extent to which they may decide to provide them out of the funds available for that purpose.

I think it would be very wrong to assume that the directors of this company will be merely figureheads with no duties or responsibilities to perform. Actually the reverse is the case. The management of a very big undertaking of this kind involves a very considerable amount of work on the part of the directors. I remember that when the 1924 Act was going through it provided for a board of 12 for the Great Southern Railways and amendments to reduce the size of that board were resisted by the then Minister on the grounds that a smaller board would not be able to discharge all the work devolving on it. Subsequently the board was reduced but the reduction in the numbers meant that the members had to give considerably more time and carry more responsibility. Ordinary routine work alone involves a great deal of time and committees of the board are set up to discharge it apart from the work which must be discharged under statute by the full board. I think it would create a wrong impression if it were to be stated that these men had to come along merely to listen to the chairman putting forward propositions. They have a great deal of duty to do and so far as their remuneration is concerned I propose that we do not interfere with that matter but leave it to the company as the Bill proposes. I think the House can be assured that shareholders will not be concerned to inflate that remuneration unduly because the fund out of which it will be paid is the fund available for the payment of dividends.

That is perfectly all right if one could visualise a shareholders' meeting at which six, seven or eight shareholders would be present —holders of common stock—but it is not the position that provision is made here that one person may be a shareholders' meeting if he carries sufficient proxies? What happens in many instances is that a shareholders' meeting of a big concern may be held in the company's office into which you can only fit 20 people. These people at such meetings will carry proxies sufficient to put through any motion. If there is a motion, for instance, suggesting that the shareholders should increase the remuneration of directors by 50 per cent. proxies can be taken out to implement that resolution.

The Senator assumes that shareholders give out proxies automatically. A shareholder gives a proxy to another shareholder to represent him if he is satisfied with the way that shareholder will represent him or with the management of the company up to date. The extent to which directors can get proxies is the extent of the confidence of the shareholders in them and if they abuse that confidence they will not get any proxy.

If a bank holds £1,000 of common stock in the company and the director of the bank is also a director in this company that director carries £1,000 proxies.

If such a situation exists.

The circumstances of the bank in that case are governed by a cestui que trust. The beneficiary has the “say” if he wants to.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Section 38 agreed to.
SECTION 39.

I move amendment No. 25:—

In sub-section (3), page 17, line 23, after the word "conditions" to insert the words "as to remuneration, emoluments and other conditions of service".

What is proposed here is that the information which the Minister will furnish will be in somewhat more detail than is mentioned.

I think the Senator may be looking at the wrong amendment. The amendment is to sub-section (3) of Section 39. It relates to the appointment of the chairman. The effect of the amendment would be to require the Minister to fix the chairman's remuneration and conditions of employment. We are not proposing to do that. The chairman will be remunerated out of funds voted by the company for the payment of directors, and we do not propose to fix his remuneration except in circumstances in which the company did not vote him anything.

Or not enough.

Or not enough.

You will see that he gets enough.

The Minister takes power later to increase the salary of the chairman.

We had to contemplate a situation in which the company and the Government would come into conflict and the company would say: "We will show our disapproval of the action of the Government by refusing to vote any remuneration for the chairman." In such a case, we had to take power to prescribe minimum remuneration for the chairman. That situation is not likely to arise. In ordinary circumstances, we are not proposing to decide what the chairman's remuneration should be. We are leaving that to be fixed by the company. The procedure of the Great Southern Railways Company is to vote a lump sum, the distribution of which is determined by the directors themselves. Presumably, that situation will be continued, in which case I think we can leave the provision in the form in which it appears in the Bill, where we do not take responsibility for the remuneration fixed.

I may be wrong or I may take a rather low view, but surely the chairman might, through the machinery provided under this Bill, acquire for himself a salary of £20,000 a year?

The company would have to vote that.

The board of directors will decide that and it will only come before the shareholders at the annual meeting. Would that be a satisfactory way of dealing with the matter? The salary will be fixed by the board of which the chairman is dictator. If he wishes, he can have any salary he likes fixed. Then, what is going to happen? A year afterwards, on the report, an agitation would arise amongst shareholders who might refuse to pass the accounts on the ground that the chairman's salary was too high.

That is not the procedure. Before any remuneration can be paid, the company must meet and vote a sum for the remuneration of the board. Out of that sum, all the members of the board are remunerated, in accordance with the decision of the directors, but the total remuneration of all the members cannot exceed the sum voted by the company.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

I move amendment No. 26:—

In sub-section (7), page 17, line 37, after the word "shall" to insert the words "as soon as may be".

No time limit is provided in the sub-section as it stands. I hope the Minister will accept the amendment in the spirit in which it is proposed. I do not propose to tie the Minister down to any particular date, but I suggest that the words "as soon as may be" be inserted.

I do not think that the words proposed are necessary. If circumstances were to arise in which the chairman had to be removed by the Minister, the Minister would, certainly, be concerned to get a new chairman appointed as quickly as possible, so that the business of the company could be carried on, and it is extremely improbable that any Minister would take that step before notice of the removal of the old chairman had been laid before the Oireachtas.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

I move amendment No. 27:—

To delete sub-section (9) and in lieu thereof to insert the following sub-section:—

(9) The Minister shall by Order remove the chairman from office if:—

(a) the chairman or his wife (if any) shall within three months from the date of the appointment of such chairman, fail absolutely to sell or otherwise dispose of all common stock or any interest in any trust fund which includes common stock and which either of them may own or be interested in for their own benefit;

(b) if the chairman or his wife (if any) shall within three months of any common stock or any interest in any trust fund which includes common stock becoming vested in either of them by will or succession for their own benefit fail absolutely to sell or otherwise dispose of it or their interest therein or in such trust fund;

(c) the chairman or his wife (if any) shall for their own benefit purchase, take or become interested in any common stock or in any trust fund which includes common stock.

I entirely agree with what the Minister will say in regard to this amendment— that we must assume the chairman will be an honest man and that matters of this nature must depend on his honesty.

At the same time it is desirable to set down in black and white as much as, within reason, it is possible to do in connection with this question. This amendment has been switched round from the way the Minister had dealt with the matter for the reason advanced against several of Senator Duffy's amendments by the Minister-that no sanction was provided. While one could understand that, in the original Bill, the chairman could be directed to do or not to do certain things, I do not see how one could provide in respect of a trust fund, in which the chairman might happen to be interested only to a fractional extent, he could be forced to sell all the common stock included in the fund —perhaps to the benefit of the other beneficiaries. From that point of view, it did appear to me that the original provision was a bit loose.

I agree that the Bill does not provide for the automatic removal of the chairman if he fails to observe the provisions of the sub-section. The Central Bank Act, which had a similar provision, did provide that the governor of the Central Bank would be automatically disqualified from holding office as governor if he retained, purchased or acquired an interest in any share in any bank. We might introduce a similar provision here. In practice, I think the effect would be nil because the chairman who would not comply with the direction in the Bill, would, I think, inevitably have to be removed by the Minister under the powers conferred upon him. I do not like the idea of bringing in the chairman's wife.

I do not like it either. It is following the precedent in Section 41 of the Land Act of 1933.

If the chairman desires to evade that particular obligation by having shares held on his behalf by some other person and if you eliminate his wife, why not eliminate his uncle, children or aunt?

I entirely agree with the Minister. I thought he would say that and I wanted to get the admission in respect of the other Act.

If there is a feeling that we should strengthen this sub-section, I should be prepared to produce an amendment on the next stage which would have the same effect as the corresponding provision of the Central Bank Act and which would provide that the chairman would be automatically disqualified if he failed to dispose of, or retained or acquired or purchased any of the shares of the company. When I framed the Bill originally, I did not think that such a provision was necessary. I could not conceive circumstances in which it would be necessary. The case was made in the Dáil that, as the chairman was the representative of the public interest, as opposed to the stockholders' interest, he should not be himself a stockholder. I accepted that view and I put in this amendment to give effect to it. It does not provide for automatic disqualification and it would be stronger if it did. If there is a view in the Seanad that we should strengthen that sub-section, I shall produce an amendment providing for disqualification in the circumstances I mentioned.

I am interested in the question of a trust more than anything else. I agree that, if the chairman bought stock, the Minister would be entitled to remove him. However, I am much more interested in the situation in which the chairman might be left one-third of an interest in a trust fund, that part of the portfolio in the trust fund being common stock in this company. I do not think that you could possibly remove the chairman within the present section in that event. The chairman would be entitled to say: "I cannot force the trustees to do anything about it."

Supposing he had an insurance policy and that the company issuing the policy held common stock.

That would not be a trust fund.

I shall consider the introduction of an amendment on Report Stage.

I am not satisfied as to why the chairman is disqualified from holding common stock only. There is an interaction between the two, and I could quite understand that certain decisions with regard to the debenture stock could have a very distinct reaction on the common stock. I do not attach much importance to the section, in any case, because I have been brought up in a school which regarded it as desirable that the directors should have an interest in the company, but if you are going to be a party to disassociating the chairman from any financial interest in the company you cannot effect that merely by precluding him from holding common stock. It may very well be that his holding of debenture stock has reactions on the common stock, and I think if you are going to be logical you should preclude him from either holding debenture or common stock.

The debenture is a fixed interest stock and the returns on his investment which the chairman or anybody else can get, cannot be influenced by his actions, whereas the dividend payable on the common stock could be influenced by his actions. It is for that reason that it is regarded as desirable that he should not be a holder of common stock. I think there is a substantial difference between the two kinds of stock. I do not think it is important, but, in so far as there is a principle involved, it is the principle that the chairman appointed by the Government should not have a similar interest with the other directors as representatives of common stockholders.

I cannot see what happens if the sub-section is not complied with.

I mentioned that we were putting in a clause to provide for automatic disqualification.

I cannot agree with the Minister that no principle is affected, if the chairman holds debenture stock. For instance, the whole policy of the Redemption Fund has distinct reactions upon the debenture stock. According as you build or do not build up the fund the whole market value may be affected.

The debentures will be redeemed in any event.

Only the substituted debentures.

The company is obliged to build up a fund but if it does not build up the fund, the debentures will still be redeemed out of money provided by the State.

The new debentures need not be.

I do not think the matter is of much importance but the section is not watertight in the way it stands.

A provision of that kind could not be completely watertight.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Section 39 agreed to.
Business suspended at 6.05 p.m. and resumed at 7 p.m.
SECTION 40.

I move amendment No. 28:—

In sub-section (1), page 18, line 24, after the word "board" to insert the words "with the sanction of the Minister".

This section deals with the appointment of a managing director. It is contemplated that the board may appoint one of their number to be a managing director, and they fix his salary and appoint his duties. The question seems to me to be one of some importance because it is conceivable and, I think, contemplated that many of the functions of the board would be transferred to the managing director. Having regard to the constitution of the company, I think it is only fair to suggest that there ought to be some consultation with the Minister regarding the appointment. The only provision that is being suggested here is that the appointment will be made with the sanction of the Minister. It is not suggested that the Minister will sanction the actual appointment itself or the person to be appointed. All that is provided is that the Minister will be consulted before the decision to appoint a managing director is taken. One of the things that can arise here, of course, is that a managing director might be appointed at a salary far and away beyond anything that is contemplated so far. While the shareholders have, at least technically, the right to apportion a lump sum for the payment of directors' remuneration, no question at all arises, so far as the shareholders are concerned, regarding the remuneration of the managing director, and, I think, therefore, that the provision suggested here is not an unreasonable one.

I think the Senator may take it that in practice the Minister for Industry and Commerce will be consulted by the board before they propose to exercise their power in this regard, but in so far as the appointment of a managing director is an affair of management, I doubt if it is wise that they should be required to receive the sanction of the Minister. I have endeavoured to frame the Bill in such a way as to ensure that the Minister would not interfere at all in affairs of management except where those affairs overlapped matters of policy. I think it is extremely improbable that circumstances would arise in which the board would not discuss with the Minister for Industry and Commerce any proposal to appoint a managing director, but I should not like to have it a legal responsibility on the Minister to sanction such an appointment. It could be held and, possibly, would be argued that in so far as the Minister sanctioned such action by the board, he accepted some responsibility for the actions of the managing director subsequently.

Would the Minister be satisfied to incorporate the words "after consultation"?

I think they will be entirely unnecessary because, while that is almost certain to be the practice, nevertheless I think we should endeavour to maintain the theoretical position, at least, that this is a function of the board and that the board, including a chairman appointed by the Government, are entitled to make the arrangements they think best to ensure the efficient administration of the company's business. That is why I should prefer that there should not be an obligation on the Minister in that regard, realising that, in practice, he is likely to be consulted.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

On behalf of Senator Douglas I move amendment No. 29:—

To delete sub-section (2).

We do not understand the sub-section in question. It seems to us to be saying what is obviously a fact anyway: that if a managing director ceases to be a member of the board he immediately ceases to be a director. In addition to that, we were not quite happy in that, possibly, there might be a conflict with Section 86 of the 1845 Act, which the Minister has brought in, and the other clause which he has not brought in. The Minister has brought in Section 86, and there is just a possibility that this appointment of a managing director might be considered an office of profit, which would automatically exclude him from the board under Section 86.

I think it is correct that the managing director automatically ceases to be a director if he ceases to be a member of the board. I assume that there must be some legal reason for saying that if he ceases to be a managing director he ceases to be a member of the board.

I agree that it is correct, but we were wondering why it was put in.

I am not quite clear as to that myself, but I gather that the legal people considered that it was necessary to provide for it.

Perhaps the Minister would look at it in relation to the other section I have mentioned.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

May I suggest to the Minister that the introduction of outworn Latin tags does not look well in a Bill of this Kind? He used the word "automatically" himself automatically.

Section 40 agreed to.
Section 41 agreed to.
SECTION 42.

I move amendment No. 30:—

To delete sub-section (2).

The section deals with the compensation payable to certain stockholders' directors, and provision is made in the first sub-section for the payment of compensation on the basis of two years' remuneration to members of the board of the dissolved company who do not take office in the new company. Sub-section (2), with which this amendment deals, provides for the payment of compensation equivalent to two years' remuneration, to those who do take office in the new company, but it also provides for the payment of double compensation, that is to say, if a director concerned in sub-section (2) of the Great Southern Railways was also a director of the Dublin United Transport Company, the basis of his compensation would be the equivalent of the fees and remuneration he drew for a period of two years from the two companies.

I think there may be some case for paying compensation to directors who are displaced by this Bill, but I do not think it is reasonable to pay compensation to those who decided to take office in the new company which is being established under the Bill, and then in certain circumstances, to pay them compensation equivalent to the remuneration from both companies. I think it is far too generous and I move that the sub-section be deleted.

I also tabled this amendment, because the Minister himself in the Dáil (Vol. 94, Col. 2336) said: "He will get no compensation at all unless he resigns" and as it did not appear to me to be the position under the sub-section, I wanted the matter further clarified. In discussing this amendment, I find it a little difficult, in view of the line taken by the Minister here, to see that he does not propose to discuss at all what the fees for directors of the new company would be. I would have thought that in the case of Córas Iompair, as it is going to be a more important concern than the Great Southern Railways or the Dublin Transport Company, the presumption at the back of the Minister's mind was that a director of Córas Iompair would receive more than he would have received as director of either of the two dissolved companies. He would be going into a better job and it does not seem to me equitable that he should get compensation for taking that better job.

I do not contemplate that the amount voted by the shareholders of Córas Iompair Éireann for remuneration of directors will be substantially different from that provided by the stockholders of the Great Southern Railways Company for the remuneration of the directors of that company. We are dealing in sub-section (2) with the case of an individual who is a director of both companies and we shall try not to be unfair in this regard. Throughout this Bill we have acted on the principle that wherever, as a result of our action in effecting this amalgamation, persons lose their employment, lose financially, or are worsened in their conditions of employment or in their prospects, they should be compensated.

I think that principle should apply to the directors of a company as well as to its officers, and in this particular case it is clear that of the individuals who are directors of both companies there is only one who will suffer pecuniary loss in that regard. The purpose here was to provide in that case that the compensation, payable in any event to a director who resigned, would be payable in such a case to that director if he did not resign. That is, he would receive the corresponding compensation in respect of the fees he previously earned as director of the Dublin Transport Company. It is clear that an individual will suffer pecuniary loss as a result of the change, and if we maintain the principle we have embodied in the Bill, he would get compensation for that loss on the basis laid down.

Is the Minister clear that what he wishes will be the accomplished fact, that the directors of Córas Iompair will not be paid more than the directors of the Great Southern Railways?

As I explained, it is not a matter in which the Minister has any function.

Not directly, I agree.

But I would be extremely surprised if it was not the fact.

I am quite satisfied with that.

There is one point about depriving people of remuneration or prospects under this Bill. You must have regard to the ages of the persons concerned. If it be a question of a man being a director of two or three companies and, at 45 or 50 years of age, looking forward to holding these offices for 25 or 30 years more, I do not think the point arises. In fact, some of these men are 80 years of age, and I wonder if it is reasonable to pay them compensation, having regard to their prospects? Surely they would not be able to carry on?

Oh, no. While we must discuss this section in the knowledge that only one individual is affected, we are framing legislation for individuals who are not named and which in the future might be quoted as a precedent. I think we might not take the blindfold from the eye of justice to look at one individual. We should assume that it applies to any individual.

I agree with the Minister if he agrees that the remuneration of the directors of Córas Iompair is going to be the same as that of railway directors.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Section 42 agreed to.
SECTION 43.

I move amendment No. 31, standing in my name and that of Senator Kyle:—

In sub-section (1), paragraph (d), page 19, line 38, to delete the words "closing of railway lines".

This section is one of great importance because it affects a large number of people. I do not know the exact figure, but there are probably 20,000 people in the employment of the two companies. All of them are not concerned in this section but a very substantial number of people are concerned.

The proposal in the section is that compensation will be payable under two headings. All those affected by the first sub-section would be entitled to pensions, and those affected by the second sub-section would be entitled to lump sums. I am concerned with the first sub-section. That provides that if a person's office is abolished directly and solely in anticipation of, or as a result of amalgamation effected by this part of the Act, and if certain other things do not operate, he shall be paid by the company compensation calculated in the manner set out in the Bill. He will not be entitled to compensation under paragraph (b) if the abolition of his office or situation is shown by the company to have been caused by a decrease of traffic, a reduction of renewal or maintenance work and so forth, the closing of railway lines, or other economic causes.

With regard to the closing of railway lines, I should say that that is covered by another Act which the Minister himself introduced in 1933, and provision is made there for that situation, the closing of lines. I gather that the Minister is of opinion that its introduction here makes no difference to the law. I have been consulting with representatives of the men concerned, and I have asked them to get legal opinion on the matter. I do not profess to be an authority, and I do not suppose the officials can be cited as an authority on the interpretation of a statute. The Minister has resources at his disposal for finding out the effect of his legislation, and I thought it would be reasonable to ask the people concerned to get an opinion on it. Here is the opinion, in part, at any rate:—

"We have examined all the principles of statutory interpretation relative to this question (that is, the question of the closing of railway lines, the subject I am dealing with at the moment), and we are forced to the conclusion that an arbitrator might readily hold Section 9 of the 1933 Act to have been impliedly repealed pro tanto, by Section 43 of the Bill, or, in other words, that a person who would be otherwise entitled to compensation under the 1933 Act is not so entitled if his redundancy is caused by the closing of a line resulting from the amaglamation of the two companies concerned.”

The opinion also states:—

"It may be argued that persons dismissed as a result of the closing of a line caused by the amalgamation are only precluded from receiving compensation calculated in the manner set out in the Fifth Schedule to the Bill and this exception is limited only to compensation so calculated and cannot, therefore, affect a person's rights under the Act of 1933."

The legal opinion goes on:—

"In this connection the arrangement of the section and the position of the words objected to are of considerable importance. The section first sets out in positive terms the circumstances under which a person is entitled to compensation and then lists a series of specific exceptions which preclude a person from recovering compensation where the circumstances giving rise to such person's dismissal come within the scope of these exceptions. It is clear that with regard to the exceptions other than the closing of railway lines, the principle implicit in the arrangement and wording of the section is to deny the right to compensation, not to deny the right to some particular form of compensation. It is difficult to find adequate grounds to show that the exception, ‘closing of railway lines,' is not used in the same order of ideas to which its associated exceptions belong. In other words, anybody reading the section must inevitably come to the conclusion that the phrase ‘closing of railway lines' has precisely the same significance as ‘reduction of traffic' or ‘reduction of renewal or maintenance work'."

Then the legal authority adds:

"To support what appears to be the Minister's argument, the word ‘compensation' must be at all times regarded as inseparable from the words ‘calculated in the manner set out in the Fifth Schedule.' In other words, the compensation payable under the Bill is to be conceived as a particular type of compensation only identified and distinguished by the method of its calculation. It is true that the words ‘method of calculation of the prescribed compensation' will always be associated with the manner in which it is to be assessed, but we find no words in the section to warrant the assumption there that the method of calculating compensation forms part of its definition. If the Minister's argument is correct, an absurd position can arise. For instance, two men, A and B, join the service of the Great Southern Railways in the same year and historically their careers are similar. Both are dismissed following amalgamation, A as a result of the closing of a line, and B, for some reason other than the exceptions to Section 43. A would claim under the 1933 Act, and B under the Bill, but the two Schedules differ in certain respects and to this extent, the results even in the case of success might work out quite differently. For instance, under the Second Schedule to the 1933 Act, paragraph 5 (b), it is provided that where an employee was absent from his employment for a period of less than one year on account of the closing or partial closing of a railway or section of a railway in consequence of the civil strife in the years 1922-23, such absence shall not be deemed to have caused an interruption of his employment if otherwise continuous, but shall not be reckoned or included in his period of service for the purpose of calculating compensation under this Act. Presumably, if he has been absent for the reasons stated for one year or more, the continuity of his service is interrupted, and he is only compensated as if his service began for the first time on the date of resumption after the interval of absence. That would be the basis upon which employee A would be compensated. It might mean cutting off ten, 20, or more years from his service for compensation purposes. Then we come to B, and we find under the Fifth Schedule, Part 2 (d), page 64, that ‘if that person was by reason of disruption of railway services due directly to civil strife in the years 1922, 1923 or 1924, temporarily absent from his employment with the former transport undertaking, such temporary absence shall be included in the period of his pensionable service.'

In this case there is no limit to the time during which he may have been absent in the years 1922-3-4 and the period of such absence shall count for pension. As stated, in the 1933 Act only the years 1922-23 are provided for; the absence must be less than one year and it shall not count for pension purposes. Then there is in the 1933 Act no provision such as that included in the Fifth Schedule, paragraph 2 (c), page 64, of the present Bill. A number of railwaymen do, in fact, come within this sub-section (c) of the present Bill, but if they are made redundant under the Railways Act, 1933, they are deprived of the benefit of it. The Minister argues that it would not be proper to have two different rates of compensation for railwaymen dismissed because of the closing of railway lines, seeing that the 1933 Act applies to all railways within the State. On the other hand, he sees no inconsistency in paying two different rates of compensation to railwaymen working for the same employer, as will unquestionably happen if this Bill remains unamended. It is inequitable, and can be monstrously unjust, to have two employees with equal rights, morally and otherwise, treated differently, as can happen under the Bill."

I do not like to interrupt the Senator, but, on a point of order, I ask for a ruling as to whether it is in order for a member of the House to quote at length from a document which purports to be a legal opinion, without naming the author?

The Senator has stated that he is quoting from an opinion by Counsel. He is entitled to quote in support of his argument and is not required to name Counsel.

I want the Senator to bear in mind that I am not trying to create any difficulties. I am trying to inform the Minister of the opinions given to the representatives of the men, and I do feel, from what the Minister has said himself, that he is anxious to see justice done to them. The only question which arises then is whether the information at his disposal is as good as the information at mine. At least he is entitled to be told what I have been told by legal people.

You may proceed, Senator. It is quite in order.

This is the last paragraph of the opinion:—

"The argument that the 1933 Act applies to all railways is no argument at all, seeing that the present Bill applies to the Great Southern Railways conditions not applicable to the other companies. There is, of course, nothing simpler than repealing Section 9 and the Second Schedule of the Act of 1933 as far as they apply to the Great Southern Railways."

It seems to me that, if that opinion is substantially sound, the employees transferred to the new company who are dismissed because of the closing of a line, even though that closing has been brought about by amalgamation, would be deprived of compensation under both Acts. That is substantially what this opinion amounts to—that the application to them of the 1933 Act is repealed by implication in the present Bill. I do not believe for a moment, and I am not suggesting for a moment, that the Minister intends that. I read his speech on the subject in the Dáil and I am perfectly satisfied that his intention is that those who are dismissed because of the operation of this Bill will get compensation under whatever scheme of compensation applies to them. I am urging that there is no need to retain those words in the Bill. I do not think there is any need whatever for them. Paragraph (d) refers to the position which arises when "the abolition of the said office or situation is not shown by the company to have been caused by decrease of traffic, reduction of renewal or maintenance work, introduction of improved methods of working ..." There seems to me to be no reason why those words in relation to the closing of railway lines should be inserted if there is a danger that the men may be prejudiced and will not have the advantage of receiving compensation under the 1933 Act.

The instructions given to the Parliamentary draftsman in framing this Bill were intended to ensure that railway workers who lost their employment by reason of the closing of branch lines under the 1933 Act would continue to be entitled to the compensation provided for in that Act. When this question was raised in the Dáil I had the legal advisers of the Government re-examine the question, and again they assured me that they could see no reason why a worker disemployed by reason of the closing of a branch line would not continue to be entitled to the compensation provided in the 1933 Act. To test the matter fully, I put the specific question as to whether the closing of the Bray line, following the amalgamation, because of a decision of the new company to provide transport services to Bray exclusively on the road, would involve the employees dismissed in consequence of the closing of that line not being entitled to compensation under the 1933 Act, and their answer was that those disemployed would be entitled to compensation under the 1933 Act, not under this Act —that the closing of a line which is excluded from this section would nevertheless be fully covered by the provisions of the 1933 Act.

I gather that Senator Duffy and his colleagues have got a legal advice which casts doubt upon that opinion. If the Senator will be good enough to send me a copy of that opinion, I will arrange to have it considered by the law advisers of the Government, because I am anxious to ensure that there will be no mistake made here, a mistake which, if made, would involve additional legislation, because I state specifically that it is my intention that a worker who is disemployed by reason of the closing of a line will get the compensation contemplated in the 1933 Act. The Senator has, however, drawn attention to the fact—those who prepared the opinion also mentioned it— that the Schedule to this Act is now somewhat different from the provisions of the 1933 Act. That is so now; it was not so when the Bill was introduced, and I should not like the fact that I improved the provisions of this Bill in relation to one particular aspect of the matter for workers who may be disemployed as a result of the amalgamation to be used as an argument in favour of the exclusion of the employees of this company from the provisions of the 1933 Act in respect of the closing of branch lines. I think there is force in the contention that the 1933 Act, which applies to all railway companies, should provide for uniform treatment for the employees of all railway companies in the same circumstances. It is quite true that we could exempt the employees of the Great Southern Railways Company from the provisions of the 1933 Act, and make them subject to the provisions of this Act, but I think that would be wrong. If there is need to modify the provisions of the 1933 Act to bring them into accord with the new provisions of this Bill, then I think we should amend the 1933 Act and give the benefit of the improved provisions to railway workers whether employed by Córas Iompair Eireann, by the Great Northern Railway or the Donegal Railways, who become disemployed by reason of the closing of branch lines.

The changes are not very substantial. They will affect a very limited number of cases. The calculation as to service with the company, and the determination that the period during which the worker may have been disemployed by reason of the cessation of transport in consequence of the blowing up of bridges or other destructive activities in 1923, does not constitute an interruption of the service can affect only a very limited number of those who may have a claim for compensation either under the 1933 Act or this Act. In fact, there may be no such cases. If there were any number of such cases to an extent requiring the attention of the Government, then I would propose to deal with it by amending the 1933 Act rather than by special provisions in relation to the employees of Córas Iompair Eireann. The 1933 Act provided uniform conditions for all railway workers, and I think we should maintain that. There is no dispute between Senator Duffy and myself as to the intention here. The intention here is that a worker who is disemployed by reason of the abolition of his office in consequence of the amalgamation will get compensation in accordance with the provisions of this Bill.

The worker who is disemployed by reason of the closing of branch lines will get compensation pursuant to the provisions of the 1933 Act. If there is any doubt as to the interpretation as a result of the consideration of the information that Senator Duffy will be good enough to send me, I will have an amendment introduced. If, despite the opinions now held, the workers whom we intend should get compensation should be deprived of it because of a different interpretation being put on the matter by the courts, we will have amending legislation introduced to deal with it.

I heard the Minister speak on this sub-section this evening and I have read what he said in the Dáil on the Report Stage of this Bill. I have considered this sub-section and by reason of the fact that I happened to be a standing arbitrator for 11 years, having had to interpret analogous sections of the Railways Act, 1924, and the Railways (Existing Officers and Servants) Act, 1926, I think I have some idea as to the probable effect of this sub-section. This sub-section will be interpreted and construed by an arbitrator. It was laid down by the High Court that the standing arbitrator under the Railways Act, 1924, was exercising judicial power and that it was part of his duty to construe sections of an Act as a matter of law. I would earnestly ask the Minister, for many reasons, to reconsider this sub-section. The intention of the sub-section is to provide compensation for an officer or servant whose office or situation is abolished as the direct result of amalgamation. For that purpose paragraph (d) is unnecessary, because paragraph (c) provides as follows:—

"That person's office or situation is abolished directly and solely in anticipation of or as the result of the amalgamation effected by this part."

Stop there, because there you get what you desire. Then the sub-section goes on, and I say that paragraph (d) is a travesty of a similar paragraph in a different context in the Third Schedule to the Railways Act, 1924, as amended by Sections 3 and 4 of the Railways (Existing Officers and Servants) Act, 1926. Paragraph (d) says:-

"the abolition of the said office or situation is not shown by the company to have been caused by decrease of traffic, reduction of renewal or maintenance work, introduction of improved methods of working (other than methods which would not have been feasible for either dissolved company), closing of railway lines or other economic cause."

Paragraph (d) has no meaning unless you read into that paragraph the words "as the result of amalgamation". It would thus read:-

"The abolition of the said office or situation is not shown by the company to have been caused by decrease of traffic as the result of amalgamation, reduction of renewal or maintenance work as the result of amalgamation, introduction of improved methods of working as the result of amalgamation, closing of railway lines as the result of amalgamation, or other economic cause as the result of amalgamation."

Why should paragraph (d) be there at all when paragraph (c) is quite sufficient for all your requirements? Therefore the effect of this sub-section, in my opinion, will be that the railway company can go before the arbitrator and say "we have closed this railway line"—in a moment I will deal with the loose use of the word "closing"— and they can say: "It was due to the closing of the railway line as the result of amalgamation that the office or situation was abolished and so there is no claim for compensation".

Paragraph (d) was taken from the Third Schedule of the Railways Act, 1924, as amended by Sections 3 and 4 of the Railways (Existing Officers and Servants) Act, 1926. But in that Third Schedule as amended you have a different provision:

"Every existing officer or servant who under paragraph (2) of this Schedule relinquishes his office or situation within seven years after the passing of the Principal Act, and every existing officer or servant whose office or situation is abolished under the said paragraph (2) within such seven years on account of his office or situation having become unnecessary in consequence of changes of administration due directly to the amalgamation and absorption of companies effected by or under the Principal Act and not shown by the amalgamated company to have been caused by decrease in traffic, reduction of renewal or maintenance work, introduction of improved methods of working (other than methods which would not have been feasible for the amalgamating or absorbed company by which the officer or servant was formerly employed) or other economic cause.."

You have in that paragraph a provision that the company have to show that the changes in administration were not caused by decrease in traffic and so on. That view is set forth in the decision of Judge Davitt as standing arbitrator in the Kerins case which was referred to by the Minister. This is what the judge said:-

"The words ‘such changes of administration as aforesaid' relate back to the first part of the section where the words ‘changes of administration' are qualified in two ways. They are qualified first in a positive manner thus:

‘Changes of administration due directly to the amalgamation and absorption of companies effected by or under the Principal Act'.

and secondly in a negative manner thus:

‘and not shown by the amalgamated company to have been caused by decrease of traffic, reduction of renewal and maintenance work, introduction of improved methods of working (other than methods which would not have been feasible for the amalgamating or absorbed company by which the officer or servant was formerly employed) or other economic cause'."

Therefore the changes in administration were qualified in a positive and negative way in the Act of 1924. Here in this Act the abolition of offices is qualified in a positive and negative way. I would ask the Minister to reconsider this whole sub-section because so far as compensation is concerned it is, in my opinion, worthless. It will be only necessary for the company to say that an office or situation was abolished by decrease in traffic as the result of the amalgamation and so forth. Therefore I would suggest to the Minister it would be far preferable to delete paragraph (d) altogether.

I come to this particular amendment which is before the House, namely, the deletion of the words "closing of railway lines". The Minister has told the House that he has had legal opinion on that and that where railway lines are closed the employee who suffers can get compensation under the 1933 Act. In the first place I would like to say that the word "closing" in this paragraph has no legal ancestry. I have read the section in the Railways Act, 1933, on which the Minister relies. But what does that section deal with? It deals with the discontinuance of train services. Under the Railways Act, 1933, an officer or servant is entitled to compensation as the result of an Order made by the Minister giving a Railway Company authority to terminate wholly a service of trains over a specified railway line or a section of a railway line or to reduce the service of trains over a railway line or a section of a railway line. There is not a single mention in Section 9 of the Act of 1933 of the phrase "closing of railway lines". Section 110 of this Bill deals with the "abandonment" of railway lines.

What is the arbitrator to do when faced with the necessity of construing the words "closing of railway lines"? The word "closing" is ambiguous. Does it mean partial discontinuance of trains or a total discontinuance of trains, because Section 9 of the Act of 1933 provides that lines shall not be closed? Section 9 (4) (b) provides that an Order of the Minister giving liberty to a railway company to reduce its train service

"shall not relieve from or affect any liability of such railway company to maintain all bridges, level crossings, fences, drains, and other works constructed and maintained for the use, accommodation or protection of the public generally or of any section of the public or of the owners or occupiers of particular lands".

Since provision is made for the maintenance of bridges and fences, the closing of the railway line cannot have been contemplated. Under Section 110 of this Bill, it is provided that, after the Order under Section 9 of the Act of 1933 has been made, the railway company may obtain an abandonment Order from the Minister which will entitle it to deal with the local authority as regards bridges and to sell the land to adjoining owners. The suggestion that the closing of railway lines as a result of amalgamation entitles a disemployed man to compensation under the Act of 1933 is, I contend, unsound.

I also ask the Minister, if he intends to retain the phrase, "closing of railway lines", or the idea, to amend it by inserting the words "closing or partial closing". In the Act of 1933, mention is made in clause 5 (b) of the Second Schedule to a closing or partial closing of a railway during the years 1922 or 1923. That is the only mention of it in the Act of 1933. There is no mention of it in Section 9. In my opinion, the phrase "closing of railway lines" is ambiguous and indefinite, and may enable the company to say "we have closed this railway line as a result of amalgamation". That will entitle the arbitrator, if the sub-section stands, to refuse compensation to a worker whose situation has been abolished as a result.

Enough has been said on this section to show that there can be a number of views held as to the correct interpretation of the drafting and as to its perfection or lack of perfection. I understand that the Minister has already consented to refer the matter back to his legal advisers and to the Parliamentary draftsmen. I would respectfully suggest that, in doing so, there should be not merely a communication to the Minister's advisers and Parliamentary draftsmen of the legal opinion which has been obtained on behalf of the Labour Party but that there should be direct consultation with them. The reason I say that is that, last week, I was engaged for a whole day in a case in which counsel on all sides were agreed that practically the sole object of a statute was to obtain a certain result and they were also agreed that it was very doubtful that the Act had obtained that result. The court decided that it had not. That was a piece of what I might describe as atrocious drafting. I have not studied this section in the way my colleague, Senator Ryan, has done, but it is obvious that there are a great many matters at issue. Perhaps the Minister would say that, in considering the legal effect of the section and its redrafting, he would allow direct consultation between his advisers and those who take a contrary view on the question as to whether the section gives the result which, apparently, everybody intends it to have.

I undertook that, if Senator Duffy would be good enough to send me the legal opinion which he quoted, I would have it considered with a view to ascertaining whether an amendment of the section was necessary or not. I find some difficulty in dealing with the points raised by Senator Ryan because I am not sure that I grasped them properly. I can see no objection to the use of the phrase "closing of railway lines". It is a commonsense phrase which is understood by everybody. To add any words to it would only create confusion instead of removing it. I do not think that any arbitrator or court would have the slightest difficulty in deciding when a railway line had been closed. They might have difficulty in deciding when there had been "cessation of traffic" over it. The closing of a railway line comes at that period when signalmen, plate-layers, gangers and other employees of that type cease to be required in connection with its operation. For various reasons certain lines have had no services over them for the past year, but they have not been closed. I submit that there is a substantial difference between the closing of a railway line and the cessation, for a period, long or short, of services over it.

I cannot understand the reference made to paragraph (d). Nor do I think the representatives of the railway workers will have any objection to an arbitrator interpreting the provision as if the words "as a result of amalgamation" were put after each phrase therein. It would be a comparatively easy matter for the company to show that an employee had been disemployed by reason of a decrease in traffic. It would be a difficult matter to show that he had been disemployed by reason of a decrease in traffic as a result of amalgamation. Clearly, if the arbitrator chooses to interpret the section in the manner suggested, it will increase, not decrease, the prospects of workers in disputed cases getting verdicts in their favour. As regards the closing of railway lines, leaving out of account for the moment the applicability of that term, there is obviously a misunderstanding. The company does not escape the obligation of paying compensation if it shows that there was a closing of a railway line as a result of amalgamation. I tried to explain that, whether the line is closed as a result of amalgamation or not, the obligation to pay compensation to disemployed workers arises under the 1933 Act. The sole purpose of excluding workers disemployed as a result of the closing of a railway line from compensation under this Act is to maintain the position established by the 1933 Act. The 1933 Act, as I explained, applied to all railway companies and it provides for compensation, upon the closing of a railway line, to the workers disemployed as a consequence.

When I inserted in the Schedule the amendment to which Senator Duffy refers, the amendment which brought the provisions relating to compensation in this Bill out of accord with the provision of the 1933 Act, I appreciated that that might be used as an argument for bringing under this Bill rather than the 1933 Act, employees of Córas Iompair Éireann who may in future be disemployed as the result of the closing of railway lines. I felt, nevertheless, that I should proceed in that manner but I explained to the Dáil that while I was doing that I wished to preserve the position that workers disemployed as the result of the closing of branch lines would continue to get compensation under the terms of the 1933 Act and if there should appear at any stage need to bring the provisions of that Act into accordance with this Bill, it should be done by an amendment of that Act which is applicable to all companies and not merely to the Great Southern Railways Company or Córas Iompair Éireann.

The wording of paragraph (d) could hardly be described as a travesty of the corresponding provisions of the 1926 Act. They are in fact exactly the same words as appear in that Act, modified only to bring them into accord with the context of this section. I think these words should be retained. I think it is desirable to have it clearly understood by the workers concerned that we are not guaranteeing to them any definite employment in future or compensation on the loss of such employment. I think we should make it clear beyond doubt, and not merely leave it to the chance that an arbitrator will decide in that sense, that if in future a worker is disemployed for any of the reasons set out there—a decrease in the traffic available to the company, a reduction in the amount of maintenance and renewal work, the introduction of new methods of working which either of the amalgamated companies could have adopted in any event or other economic cause—and by "economic cause" I mean a variety of possible circumstances of which in the Dáil I gave certain illustrations; they may not have been very good illustrations but they will serve to indicate the type of circumstances I had in mind—compensation will not be payable. I instanced the possibility of the cessation next year of deliveries of coal or petrol which would make it impossible for the railway company to operate either rail or road services and consequently to earn revenue from them. In such circumstances the company should not be under any obligation to pay compensation to workers disemployed, whatever other provisions might be made in relation to them. The arbitrator under the 1926 Act indicated that these words had to be related to a decline in revenue and that if there was a development in future which caused a substantial decline in the company's revenue, say a repetition of the circumstances of the economic war which might make it impossible for the company to operate on an economic basis, and in which they would have to contemplate the possible disemployment of workers, in such cases compensation would not be payable to them. If we were to establish the principle that the workers employed in this new company were to be compensated in circumstances of bad trade or of bad times, then we could not contend that workers in other occupations, even in occupations equally vital to the country, would not have a similar right.

My argument for retaining paragraph (d) is to ensure that there will not be in the minds of the persons concerned, that is the employees of the amalgamated companies, any misunderstanding as to what is intended. It is intended that if a worker becomes disemployed as a result of amalgamation, by reason of the fact that there will be now two people to do one job where there were two jobs before, or some corresponding circumstance, he will be compensated. If in future, however, he loses employment because the company is unable to get sufficient traffic, or there is a decline in the amount of work he has to do or because there are substantial improvements in the methods of working—circumstances which may arise in any occupation—then the worker will have no more right to compensation than other workers would have. There will probably be agreements made between the unions of which these workers are members and the company, agreements which will determine the order of priority or the circumstances in which they may be released, but these are matters which would be outside legislation. I, therefore, propose that paragraph (d) should be retained. I think it is important to retain paragraph (d). It is intended that the insertion in that paragraph of "the closing the railway lines" will not operate to deprive workers of compensation on the closing of railway lines, in the belief that these workers are covered by the 1933 Act. As, however, doubt has been cast on that by the opinion received by Senator Duffy, I shall have the matter re-examined and if it is clear that there is a necessity for an amendment to remove that doubt I shall have an amendment prepared. If, after having amended the Bill, it is still felt that we have failed to protect the workers in that respect, then I give the assurance that if we find that workers disemployed by reason of the closing of branch lines are deprived of the compensation provided under the 1933 Act, by some interpretation put on this Bill or that Act, we shall introduce amending legislation to make the position clear.

There is just one matter to which I should like to refer. Perhaps I did not make myself clear as to the functions of paragraph (d) in this section. Paragraph (d) does not come into operation at all unless and until the condition required by paragraph (c) has been first fulfilled. In other words, the worker claiming compensation must prove that his situation was abolished directly as a result of the amalgamation effected by the Act. The Minister referred to the difficulty of getting coal or petrol next year as coming under the heading "other economic cause". Firstly, if a worker is disemployed as a result of failure to get coal or petrol, he is not disemployed directly as a result of amalgamation so, therefore, the coal and petrol stage would never be reached under paragraph (d) because he did not prove that his dismissal was due to the direct result of amalgamation. I say, therefore, that paragraph (d) has no function whatsoever except the worker first proves that his situation was abolished as a direct result of amalgamation. When he has proved that, paragraph (d) comes into operation. In other words, paragraph (d) is governed solely by the wording of paragraph (c).

When the Senator talks of proof, the necessity for proof will first of all arise if there is a dispute. We make it the law that the company will pay compensation to workers who are disemployed as a result of amalgamation. If a worker claims that he was disemployed and not compensated, then he may appeal to the arbitrator. If the company wants to contend that he was disemployed for other causes the company must prove that. The function of the section is to put the onus of proof on the company.

The worker has to prove that he was disemployed as a direct result of amalgamation, but even though he proves that his situation was abolished as a direct result of amalgamation, he still will not be entitled to compensation if the company can prove that his situation was abolished as a direct result of amalgamation caused by decrease in traffic or caused by a reduction of renewal or maintenance work. In other words, it is a loophole for the company to get out through even though an employee's situation has been abolished as a direct result of amalgamation. Let us say, for instance, that there is a decrease in traffic as a direct result of the amalgamation, the worker will not get compensation if the company can show that his office or situation was abolished on that account, even though it was a direct result of amalgamation. In other words, it is not sufficient for the worker to show that his situation was abolished as the direct result of amalgamation, because there may be certain causes of the abolition of the situation, due directly to the amalgamation, which will enable the company to escape having to pay compensation, and these causes are set out in paragraph (d).

Personally, I am very much obliged to the Minister for having promised to go into this matter further because I think that, on examination, he will find that there is room for doubt, and if there is room for doubt, it means that there is room for arbitration. Unfortunately, however, the history of arbitration, in relation to similar legislation at an earlier date, has not been very happy, so far as I understand. I am informed that a certain case, which was taken before one arbitrator, was decided in a particular way, and that the effect of the decision of that arbitrator was the depriving of 400 or 500 men of compensation to which they believed they were entitled. These people felt that there was no use in going to that arbitrator for a further decision, but in the meantime the arbitrator was changed and, although the circumstances were similar, the new arbitrator gave a ruling which was quite opposite to that of the previous arbitrator. May I say that the first arbitrator was Judge Davitt and that his successor was the present President of the High Court? Now, the difference between them was in the interpretation of a section somewhat similar to this. The result of the latter decision was that the then Mr. Conor Maguire benefited 300 or 400 men, because his decision was the very reverse of what had been laid down by the previous arbitrator.

Now, I want to show here that there is a great need to examine this carefully, so that the Minister's intention may be carried out. The Minister, for instance, mentioned the closing of the line from Dublin to Bray. Now, that will throw a great number of people out of work.

No. I did not want to suggest that that was intended. I merely mentioned it as a striking illustration of what could happen as a result of amalgamation.

And it could very easily happen. For instance, let us suppose there is a closing down of the line from Mallow to Fermoy.

That would hardly be as a result of amalgamation. In this particular case, the only lines affected would be over-lapping lines, which would be mostly in the vicinity of Dublin. I think that it would only affect the Dublin railways.

While the Minister wants to make an alteration on the lines I have indicated, there is still the question, which he himself acknowledges, of the distinction between the compensation payable to two classes of people who may be dismissed or disemployed because of this. Let us assume that when the two companies are amalgamated they find that they do not want a head office for both the Great Southern Railways Company and the Dublin United Transport Company. Both of these companies have separate head offices at the present time, and there may be other such offices throughout the country. Let us assume that as a direct result of amalgamation it may be possible to bring about economies in that respect. The people affected in that way will come under this Fifth Schedule, but if, let us say, the Dublin-Dun Laoghaire services are closed down as a result of amalgamation, the people there will come under the 1933 Act, at best, and my contention is that they have no remedy, or that the only remedy they have is under the 1933 Act and not the Fifth Schedule of this Bill.

The Senator will admit that it is long odds against such a case arising as that in which somebody who is entitled to compensation under the 1933 Act would have done better because of that additional provision having been put in. However, I do not want to be caught in the dilemma that because I improved this Act in the matter of length of service I should depart from the principle I laid down originally: namely, that compensation for the closing down of branch lines should continue under the 1933 Act and should be uniform for all companies. However, if that situation should arise, we shall consider it, but I think it is important to bear in mind that the anxiety of the company to fight cases will be much less than it was in the case of the 1924 Act. It must be remembered that that Act affected 26 railways, and it led to a huge surplus of workers over and above the number required for the economic working of the system. There was a great deal of redundancy, which was directly due to the amalgamation, and if the company had to pay compensation to all the workers who were disemployed, it would have run into a very big sum. Some time after the amalgamation was effected, the company, under the driving of this English director, to whom I referred earlier to-day, proceeded to impose ruthless economies, by closing lines, by singling lines, by eliminating halts and signal posts, and by effecting other reductions of that kind. So that you had, side by side, disemployment resulting from amalgamation and also disemployment attributable to the striving for economy, and the company, therefore, were disposed to fight every test case, because hundreds of cases depended upon each decision.

In this particular case the total number of people affected is not likely to run into three figures, and it is improbable that the company will take the same belligerent attitude in relation to cases that may arise as the Great Southern Railways Company did in the years after 1925.

I take it that the point made by Senator Ryan will be carefully examined, because it seems to me that it is a very big point.

Certainly.

I am particularly concerned with regard to what the Senator says as to the effect of paragraph (d).

Amendment No. 31, by leave, withdrawn.

I move amendment No. 32:—

In sub-section (1), paragraph (d), page 19, lines 38 and 39, to delete the words "or other economic causes".

Already some reference has been made by the Minister to this amendment with regard to the effect of the retention of the words in the paragraph. I should like to suggest at the outset that the incidents to which the Minister adverted are already covered in the earlier words of paragraph (d), dealing with the possibility of a decrease in traffic. A decrease in traffic, of course, will be caused if there is no coal or if we do not get a sufficient supply of petrol.

It is not so much a question of a decrease in traffic but of a decrease in the capacity to handle traffic. One can contemplate a position where there might be plenty of traffic available but not sufficient facilities to handle it or, on the other hand, where plenty of facilities would be available but there would not be sufficient traffic. There are the two possibilities to be considered.

I agree, but I see the aspect of the question where you put in a provision for a decrease of traffic, but in any event I should like to say that this is another matter, which has given a lot of trouble and about which there has been a good deal of argument amongst those who have, I think, the same object in mind but differ as to how it could be applied. Information was obtained for me in regard to this matter also, and I should like to read it for you, if I may.

"The rule of legal interpretation is that, where general words follow particular words, unless there is something to show that a wider sense was intended, the general words take their meaning from the particular words and are assumed to comprehend only things of the same kind as the latter. It will readily be seen how the application of this rule gave rise to elaborate and lengthy arguments in previous arbitrations. The Minister in the Dáil said that the words would react against the company because the onus is upon them to prove the existence of such cause."

This is the advice that has been given:-

"The scope of the defence permitted is, however, material and if couched in ambiguous terms capable of a variety of constructions, the advantage must lie with the person making the defence. This is, in fact, what has happened in the past: the company's counsel has made an elaborate, ambiguous statement, the bulk of it in general terms, impossible to contradict, but difficult to associate directly with the case under discussion."

In the course of his judgment in the Kerins case, Judge Davitt said:-

"These considerations induced me to hold that the company are entitled to rely upon the decreased revenue occasioned by the modified scale of charges as an economic cause...."

That does not imply a reduction of traffic. He is referring to a reduction in the receipts, "brought about by a decision of the Railway Tribunal reducing the charging power of the company". Judge Davitt continued:-

"But if I were to hold with Mr. Duffy (Mr. Gavan Duffy), the company would escape liability because the dismissal of his client was caused by the reduction of renewal and maintenance work, whatever was the occasion of such reduction."

Dealing with a somewhat similar case, Mr. Conor Maguire said:—

"I am unable to agree with Mr. Phelps (appearing for the company) by holding that a decrease in receipts from traffic is in itself an economic cause. It may be, and very probably is, to some extent at least, the result of economic causes."

There is clearly a conflict of views. Judge Davitt said that it was an economic cause if the company could show that they suffered a reduction in revenue. Mr. Justice Conor Maguire, as he now is, said that he was firmly of opinion that it was not an economic cause. It seems to me that that conflict between two arbitrators suggests that there is a danger in retaining these words. I do not think there is anything I desire to add to that because the Minister himself has dealt with the situation on this and the previous amendment.

I think I could give quite a number of illustrations of economic causes other than those mentioned here. What we intend to provide is compensation for the persons who lose their employment because of our action in amalgamating these two concerns. Persons who lose their employment through the economic causes will not have a statutory right to compensation under this Bill. It may be argued, as has been argued here, that we can leave the matter as it stands at the end of paragraph (c) but I think there is good reason to indicate the type of economic causes we have in mind, that disemployment by reason of economic causes does not entitle a person to compensation. That term was interpreted by Judge Davitt as having relationship with the saving of money. It could have a wider interpretation, but even taking it on that basis, the circumstances in which there would be a heavy increase of taxation on the company or such an extraordinary increase in the cost of material they had to purchase for the operation of their service that they could not maintain their net revenue without effecting substantial economies in working. These are other economic causes which might arise in any business and that is precisely what I had in mind in the wording of paragraph (d), that circumstances which arise in any business if arising in the Great Southern Railways should impose no further obligation on the company as an employer than on any other employer. The obligation to provide compensation arises as a result of something we are doing here, something we are imposing on these companies and it would not have arisen if we had not enacted the legislation.

I would ask the Minister to consider the deletion of these words from the paragraph, assuming that the paragraph has any meaning at all, because they will never be construed in any decisive way unless they are construed by the High Court. Different arbitrators may take different views as to their meaning. Judge Davitt found difficulty in construing these words "or other economic causes" and his successor, Mr. Conor Maguire, now President of the High Court, said in his judgment in the Peate case:-

"I agree entirely with Judge Davitt as to the difficulty of classifying the particular words under any definite genus. In the Kerins case, Judge Davitt did not decide that the words ‘economic cause' were to be construed ejusdem generis with the preceding words. It was not necessary for him to decide the point in that case as it was decided on other grounds. He does indicate, however, as his opinion that the causes enumerated in the preceding words almost defied classification under any genus. In this I fully agree.”

And, now, with the addition of "closing of railway lines" the genus will be more confused than ever, and I am satisfied that these words will never get a satisfactory interpretation because there will be different views as to their meaning. The words "other economic causes" have been referred to by the Minister. He cannot divorce the words in this paragraph from economic causes due to amalgamation. The example which he gave as to the shortage of petrol or coal is an economic cause, but it is an economic cause that has nothing to do with amalgamation and accordingly has nothing whatever to do with this sub-section.

So, therefore, if it means anything, it means that the railway company will be able to defeat the claim of a worker whose situation has been abolished as the direct result of amalgamation, provided the company can show that the employee's situation was abolished owing to a disposition on the part of the railway company to save money as a result of the amalgamation. I think myself that these words which originally came into the 1926 Act, not the 1924 Act, have some peculiar origin which I have never been able to trace. They are not in any English Act and I do not know how the words came to be inserted when the Railways (Existing Officers and Servants) Act, 1926, was going through the Oireachtas.

At all events I think it would be wise for the Minister at this stage, having heard the difficulty which the retention of those words might cause an arbitrator, to delete them altogether. Nobody here, I respectfully say, could give any tangible reason why they should be retained. It is very difficult to see what "other economic cause" could result in the abolition of the situation of an employee as a direct result of amalgamation. I think it is unwise to persist in retaining in an Act of Parliament words which have proved difficult of interpretation in the past.

In view of the point raised by Senator Ryan, I think it is well to understand the origin of those words "other economic cause." As I understand it, they are of very extraordinary origin. They were not in the 1924 Act, when, as the Minister very properly said, 26 companies were being amalgamated. Large numbers of people were becoming redundant and large numbers were applying for compensation under that Act. One case did arise which seemed a bolt from the blue. An applicant for compensation under the Act was a servant of the old Great Southern Company, who was 69 years of age. The company did not plead that they had a retiring age limit. If they had, they could have got rid of him at 65, or if they got rid of him at 69 on the ground of age he would have had no claim for compensation. The company for some reason did not plead that. That may be sinister, or it may be due to incompetence; I do not know. He succeeded in his application, with the result that the company rushed to the Minister and said:

"We have 400 or 500 applications pending from all kinds of strange people who normally would have to go anyway, and who have no case at all under the amalgamation Act. We want you to bring in an amending Act."

The then Minister was impressed by the fact that those claims which he regarded as entirely outside the scope of the Bill as drafted would have to be provided for. He introduced the Bill of 1926, and in order to make sure that there would be no loophole he jumbled into it any words that came into his head, including the words "other economic cause," which were assumed to be a good defence against any claim for compensation, and so for many years they remained in operation until the present President of the High Court became arbitrator and took the view that the words had no meaning at all, and therefore governed no further cases. Briefly, that is the history of the introduction of those words. They were introduced as a period of panic when the Minister saw claims for compensation arising from hundreds of people whom he in his judgment believed should not be entitled to compensation.

I have no knowledge of the origin of those words, but I have some knowledge of Ministers of various types and some knowledge of the drafting of Bills, and I am prepared to lay a very heavy bet that in 1926—indeed, I will go so far as to say, in compliment to the present Minister, 1936—no Bill was drafted by a Minister in such a panic that he put into a section a jumble of words which came into his head and which included the phrase "other economic cause." Therefore, Senator Duffy's explanation as to the origin of those words I am perfectly certain, and I am sure the Minister agrees with me, has no authority of truth whatever in it.

The matter was argued for the greater part of ten days by senior counsel.

They are the boys for the words.

It was discovered at the end that what Senator Ryan says was true, that those words have no meaning in this particular context, and we think the Minister would be doing a good job for the railway workers if he would delete them from the section, or give us the promise which he gave us in regard to the other amendment —that he will enter into consultation with his advisers to see if there is any other way of carrying out what we know is his intention but which the lawyers may construe to the detriment of the workers. Masefield once said that the trained mind ousts the upright soul. We know that the Minister——

Has an upright soul.

We know that the Minister's intentions are sound in this respect, but we want to see the Bill become an Act with the Minister's intention enshrined in such words as will give the workers the advantage the Minister wants to give them. We contend that, with those words in, the workers will be deprived of the benefits the Minister wants them to get.

I do not think so.

I should like to say in reply to what Senator Hayes has said, that I have heard expressed the Minister's view on this section, but I am not at liberty to quote it. It certainly does not bear out Senator Hayes's impression of Ministers drafting Bills.

Ministers do not draft Bills at all.

The intention is that any worker who loses his employment because of the amalgamation of those two companies will be compensated. I think it is desirable to make clear, because I know there is a great deal of confusion amongst workers, that those who lose their employment in the future for reasons that might have operated even if we did not pass this Bill will not be covered by its protective provisions. It is desirable that that should be understood, because there is a great deal of misunderstanding. In fact, in connection with the amendment to which Senator Duffy referred, I have received a volume of letters from people who retired from the railway company 20 years ago and think they are now going to get compensation under this Bill.

I take it the Minister will consider the position?

The Senator will, I presume, send me that opinion as he promised, and I will have it considered.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

I move amendment No. 33:—

In sub-section (2) (c) (ii), page 20, line 7, to add at the end of the sub-section the words "or may relinquish his office or situation, in which event he shall be paid compensation calculated in the manner provided in the Fifth Schedule to this Act".

The object here is to provide in certain circumstances that a person may receive a pension rather than a lump sum as compensation.

I think the amendment is designed to enable a person to retire voluntarily on pension.

There are circumstances in which an employee could have his conditions worsened, and under the Bill he is entitled to be paid a lump sum as compensation, to cover the worsening of his position, while still remaining in the service of the company. I was handed a document yesterday, which has nothing to do with the Bill, but is the kind of thing that could happen under it. It was the case of a man whose position at Killeshandra was worsened recently. He was employed as a head porter at 42/3 weekly, plus a bonus of 16/-. He was supplied with a uniform as well as being exempted from the payment of unemployment insurance. Three stations were closed down recently on that section of the line, with the result that the man has been reduced to the position of a helper on a lorry, his wages being reduced to 40/6, plus 11/-, representing a reduction in his income of 6/9 weekly. He has also lost permanency of employment, and is now subject to unemployment insurance. Under the Bill he is entitled to be compensated, but owing to his age he may not be able to continue as helper on a lorry, while being quite prepared to do his work as head porter. That work was quite different from that as helper on a lorry. It may be that he will have to leave the job. What I seek to provide in the amendment is that, in a case of that kind, a man might be permitted to resign and under the Fifth Schedule to take his pension. I know that the Minister does not want to encourage that procedure. Neither do I. I believe that such conditions should be availed of to a small extent only. I do not think they will be widely availed of. My information is that this provision existed in earlier legislation. Sub-paragraph (5) of the Act of 1924, as amended by the Act of 1926, states:—

"Every existing officer or servant whose office or station is abolished ...shall be entitled to compensation."

That is to say, he is entitled to relinguish. I think the Minister ought to consider continuing that provision, having regard particularly to the case of a man advanced in years who might be shifted from a job for which he was able to one that would be unsuitable and from which he would be obliged to resign. One could imagine that happening at a head office where clerks who, for years, might be with the Dublin United Transport Company would be obliged to leave and to go to the country to take a position for which they were not suited. The reasonable thing is to permit them to resign their posts and to take their pensions.

I would not agree with that at all. This provision appeared in the Act of 1924. I think there was a provision by which any worker of the amalgamated company who resigned before the amalgamation would be entitled to get compensation. The intention at that stage was to get as many people as possible to retire. It was known that there was a surplus of workers, and that there was going to be a problem of redundancy, so that the more that retired the simpler would it be to handle the redundancy of workers. That does not arise now. There is no reason why we should encourage people to resign. If they are not required in the service of the new company, or if their office is abolished on amalgamation, they will be compensated. If they are required, there is employment for them. That is reasonable. To give them the option of resigning or what is described as Article 10 rights, would, I think be preposterous in the circumstances of the times generally. The Schedule to this Bill provides exceptionally favourable retirement terms. Where a person is compulsorily retired we add to the years of service certain additional years to compensate him for the compulsory element of retirement. It is quite obvious that elderly people who are approaching their retirement age would jump at the chance of getting the favourable pension terms which the Bill provides for those compulsorily retired. We can, in relation to all the employees of both these companies, with the exception of a limited number who may have to be compulsorily retired, offer employment in transport as in the past. That is a fair offer. If the employment they get is not as good as the employment they had, if there is a worsening of their position or prospects, there will be compensation in a lump sum. As long as the company can offer employment, there should be no question of giving them pensions if they voluntarily retire.

Will the Minister take cognisance of the case I mentioned?

It is by no means clear that the case mentioned would come under the Bill.

If that case arose under this Bill, and if a person was transferred from existing employment to other employment, obviously unsuitable, then, undoubtedly, he would have a claim under sub-paragraph (2), and would, probably, get substantial compensation under the terms of that paragraph. I should, certainly, imagine if he could prove that the employment he was given was such as, in his physical condition, it was impossible for him to discharge, the arbitrator would decide very definitely in his favour.

In the case I mention, the man was at a loss of 12/- a week. I accept it that he would be entitled to a lump sum of about £30 a year and if he got ten years' compensation he would get £300. I suggest that instead of giving him £300, that man should be allowed to resign his position and to take the pension to which he would be entitled. I am not thinking of the case of a young man, but of an elderly man, who would not be able to carry on in new employment if it differed radically from his previous work.

That is a different type of case. Most cases that will arise here will arise with persons in the clerical grade transferred from one job to another, required to transfer from Dublin to Cork, or who suffer some other disadvantage.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

I move amendment No. 34:—

In sub-section (4), page 20, lines 18 and 19, to delete all words after the word "section" in line 18, and substitute the words "subject to and with the right of appeal to the High Court on any question of law".

I want to provide the right of appeal to the High Court on a question of law. We had an illustration this evening from lawyers which goes to show how widely legal men can differ amongst themselves on the interpretation of a statute. Under this Bill the arbitrator need not be a lawyer. I assume that he will be a lawyer, because I cannot imagine that the Chief Justice would appoint somebody who is not a lawyer. I do not know what is going to happen. It is quite possible that a person without much legal experience would be appointed and, in that case, you are going to hand to a person without wide experience in the construction of statutes, the task of determining the fate of a man's livelihood under this Bill. The arbitrator could go astray on a question of law. Nobody is challenging the finality of his ruling on questions of fact. What I am trying to do is to preserve the right of appeal to the courts on questions of law. I do not know that anything we do will preclude an applicant from reaching the courts. Under the Constitution, access is given to the courts but it will be an expensive process. It will, probably, be within the competence of aggrieved applicants to take their case on appeal to the courts but the man who belongs to only a small group may be penalised if the arbitrator goes wrong on a question of law. I do not think that it is unreasonable that we should make provision for appeal in the ordinary way.

This provision is similar to that in the 1924 Act, which did not provide for any appeal from the finding of the arbitrator. It is, as Senator Duffy said, possible for any citizen to go to the courts for interpretation of a statute, but I think we should make the decision of the arbitrator final. Senator Duffy considered this matter merely in relation to a worker who was an unsuccessful applicant and who felt that he should have the right to go beyond the arbitrator to another tribunal in the hope that he would get an award in his favour.

On a question of law only.

On a question of law. But you could not have a one-way traffic. If you give to the worker a right of appeal from a decision unfavourable to him by the arbitrator, you must give the company a right of appeal also from a decision favourable to the worker. It is reasonable to assume that the company would exercise that right much more frequently than would individual applicants who came before the arbitrator. I think that it is better, from the point of view of everybody, including the workers, that the arbitrator's decision should be final. Under the 1924 Act, the decision of the arbitrator was final, and we are not altering that. If any question arises as to the interpretation of the statute, it will be open to a citizen in this case, as in other specific cases, to go to the courts for an interpretation.

When the words "shall be final" are used, then, even on a question of law, an appeal will not be allowed. There is a provision in the Constitution dealing with the position as regards decisions of the courts, but if you had a decision against you from an arbitrator and desired to bring it before the courts, I do not think you would be able to do so. Nor can you go to the courts and ask for interpretation of a statute in the abstract. A large number of legal principles stand in your way. If anybody were to go to the courts and ask for an opinion as to how a statute ought to be construed in the abstract, he would not get it. You will not get a declaratory judgment of that kind. I do agree with Senator Duffy that it should be open to either side—subject to certain limitations, perhaps—to go before the courts. It is not always the fact that an appeal will be taken that is of importance. The important thing is that an appeal can be taken. The experience of most lawyers goes to show that a judge gives a much better decision, both in law and in fact, if he knows that he can be appealed from. Even arbitrators are human, and if there is no chance of appealing from them, there is a tendency to look for the easiest way out. The arbitrator or the court which knows that a decision can be questioned in the courts tends to be a very much better arbitrator or court, as the case may be. I think it is the right of every citizen ultimately to have the decisions of lawyers, and, if necessary, of the best lawyers and the best courts on any matter in which his rights are attacked.

As regards this amendment, I think there might be difficulty in providing a suitable form of appeal to the High Court on questions of law. It might be done by a special case stated, by consent, by the arbitrator for the opinion of the High Court. There are provisions in the Courts of Justice Act, 1936, entitling a circuit judge to submit a case stated to the Supreme Court on a question of law. The machinery provided in the Courts of Justice Act, 1936, in this regard, might be considered in this case. Of course, there is nothing contrary to the Constitution in this form of legislation, empowering a person who is not a judge to decide questions of law, because Article 37 of the Constitution provides:—

"Nothing in this Constitution shall operate to invalidate the exercise of limited functions and powers of a judicial nature, in matters other than criminal matters, by any person or body of persons duly authorised by law to exercise such functions and powers, notwithstanding that such person or such body of persons is not a judge or a court appointed or established as such under this Constitution."

Therefore, it is quite competent for the Oireachtas to appoint a person to deal with a question of law who is not a judge. The question of the proper form of appeal to the High Court might be considered on the basis of a case stated to the High Court by consent. That would enable the parties, if there was a difficult question of law involved, to have it determined, by agreement, by the court. I may say, however, that the arbitrator is subject to the control of the High Court because, in proceedings in which I myself was named as respondent, I was prohibited by the High Court from dealing with a certain case. The High Court held that a standing arbitrator was a judicial tribunal to which prohibition would he. In other words, if the arbitrator exceeds his functions, the High Court can intervene and prevent him by order of prohibition from going beyond his jurisdiction. If the Minister were to yield to this amendment, I think he could get over the difficulty of the form of appeal by providing for a case stated by consent of the parties. The facts are stated in the case and the question of law involved is submitted for the opinion of the High Court. The High Court remits the case back to the arbitrator, who decides according to the law as laid down by the High Court or Supreme Court, as the case may be.

I agree with the Minister that, if there is to be an appeal, it must be an appeal by either party. That is what the amendment provides. There is no question of giving to one side a right not accorded to the other. With regard to the suggestion of Senator Ryan, I am in this difficulty, that if there is to be an application to the court on a case stated by consent, one party can prevent the other from getting to the courts by refusing consent. That is not satisfactory. I think that a citizen is entitled, on a question of law, to have recourse to the highest court. That principle is important in this case because we have knowledge of two arbitrators interpretating a provision similar to that in this Bill in fundamentally different ways, showing that there ought to be some authority to decide what the law is and to have that decision binding in all cases. No arbitrator feels that he is bound to follow a decision given by his predecessor. We had a case in which the present President of the High Court took a view opposite to that of his predecessor.

I move to report progress.

Progress reported; Committee to sit again to-morrow.
The Seanad adjourned at 9 p.m. until 10.30 a.m. on Friday, 10th November.
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