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Seanad Éireann debate -
Thursday, 11 Apr 1946

Vol. 31 No. 16

Turf Development Bill, 1945—Second Stage (Resumed).

Question again proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

I forget exactly where I left off last night, but it may be no harm if I repeat just a few of the remarks I made in Irish before we adjourned. I expressed my gratitude to the Minister for having brought in this Bill and I expressed my satisfaction particularly at the wording of the title to the Bill, namely, "An Act to make better provision for the development, in the national interest, of the production, distribution and supply of turf in the State." I look upon the Bill as another milestone on the road to national economic regeneration. It is a far cry now to the time when the old Dáil appointed a commission to inquire into the fuel and power resources of the country. It is a far cry also to the publication of the very interesting report issued about 1919 by that commission. Various views have been expressed here with regard to the aims of the Bill. It is welcomed on all sides but I do not think any two people so far have agreed as to what they consider the main import of the Bill. Some look upon it as likely to secure for us a reasonable degree of independence in the matter of fuel and power supplies. Other speakers consider that its main value is that it will provide us with a considerable amount of land reclamation.

Some of the Senators who spoke were anxious that they should be given some idea of the extent of bogland in the country and consequently the extent of possible reclaimed land that will be made available as a result of the work of peat development schemes. To what extent the calculations of the commission to which I have referred require to be adjusted now in the light of experience I do not know, but they calculated that of lowland bogs alone we had well over 1,000,000 acres with an average depth of about 18 feet. They also calculated that there were approximately 1,250,000 acres of mountain bog, this area, I understand, averaging somewhere between four and five feet in depth. Some Senators consider that the Bill will be very valuable in that it will provide for a considerable outlet for labour. Clearly that is an aspect of the Bill which is of great importance. Other speakers referred to its possible value in the direction of drainage. Clearly, if the bogs are to be developed, there must be a considerable development of drainage in consequence. It is clear also that there will be a considerable amount of work in the transport industry as a result of the development of the bogs. It will not, I expect, be extra work; what will be carried in the way of turf will probably replace coal to a considerable extent. In any case it is clear, no matter what way Senators have viewed the Bill so far, they were agreed that the Bill is a most commendable one.

I understand from reading the Minister's speeches in the Dáil—I was sorry to have missed most of the speech here—that it will be possible, if this board gets a fair chance, and gets the co-operation to which it is entitled, to produce fuel of good quality and at a price that will compare favourably with that of coal. In the light of these statements and the experience gained by the Turf Board since its establishment, and from its own reports, I, for one, believe that there is a considerable basis for this contention. I believe that, given a fair chance, and given, above all, the willing support and full co-operation of the workers who will be engaged on this scheme, in regard to quality and in regard to price, we shall have very little to complain of as a result of the activities of this board.

At the same time I should like to say that even if the new company did not succeed in producing a fuel that would compare as favourably with imported coal as one would wish, both in regard to quality and price, I would not be unduly disturbed. There are cases, especially in countries situated such as we are, where certain industries would be most desirable, but, as compared with similar or comparable industries elsewhere, they may not be able to reach just the same state of efficiency. We have experience in this country of certain branches of agriculture having to be subsidised both directly and indirectly, and, in my view, wisely subsidised in the national interest. There is a number of such industries to my mind which, if needs be in the national interest must be maintained even if it means subsidising them either directly or indirectly. At the same time I do not agree on the whole that the subsidising of industries such as those I have in mind should be considered unwise or a loss. We should look on such subsidisation not as a loss but as an insurance, and if only on these grounds, I think it a most important recommendation on the part of the Minister that this company should be set up and should be allowed to develop to the fullest extent the State believes it possible and practicable to do it.

While referring to that particular matter, it occurs to me that this is an opportune time to express publicly our appreciation of what has been done by the Turf Development Board and by its officials and workers in the years that have passed. Its work undoubtedly could have been much more effective if it had not been for the silly opposition and indeed the silly obstruction with which it had to contend on occasions. Those of us who tried to see its work at close quarters have no hesitation in paying tribute in the fullest measure possible to what has been achieved.

While paying that tribute I cannot help thinking that a tribute is also due to so many people throughout the country who for years have had to contend with a fuel of a rather inferior quality. Those who rallied to the defence services are entitled to all the praise that we can give them, but I know of districts, very intensive tillage districts, where woodland scarcely exists, where owing to the efficiency of the farmers no dead wood remained in their fences, and these people had no source of fuel other than whatever turf was sent their way. I remember very vividly in those years seeing people, especially the women folk, struggling to try to prepare, not only the meals for their families, but trying to prepare mash and feed for stock, on some of the worst turf that I ever saw. I think these people deserve our gratitude. They may have complained, but I think it is quite true to say that their complaints were not of the carping, critical type. Their complaints took mainly the form of a wish for the return of the days when they would be able to get something better in the way of fuel than they had been getting. The board is entitled to all the praise we can give it and the officials are entitled to all the praise we can give them, but the people who bore so largely the brunt of the really bad fuel conditions and supplies are also entitled to our gratitude and we hope as a result of the activities of the company to be set up under this Bill, as well as of the easing of fuel restrictions elsewhere, that the lot of these people will be eased as one would wish to see it eased.

Coming to the Bill itself, we will be interested mainly in those sections which deal with research. To me, at any rate, that section is of special interest. Research will, I hope, be of two kinds. One will be in the nature of laboratory research directed towards the getting of new products and the better utilisation of whatever products the company may make available. In referring to that matter, it is right that we should pay a tribute to the work of the members of the old Dáil commission to which I have already referred, and one in particular, the late Professor Hugh Ryan, whose memory is so fittingly honoured in his own university each year. At the same time, we might remember that good work has also been done in some of our university colleges, in Cork by Professor O'Reilly and in Galway by Professor Dillon.

Laboratory research will be very important, but there is another type of research I hope will be availed of, and which I hope is covered somewhere in the Bill itself, and that is research in regard to organisation and production, not alone in the areas to be worked by the board itself directly, but in those areas we may now describe as non-machine areas. The research that has been done so far covers fuel and power. But we also know, as a result of the work of the scientists, that gases can be derived from peat, and that absorbents and waxes of great value can be produced, and that also slabs and boards of different kinds can be produced from peat.

The laboratories have shown that these can be produced, but what we are up against now is whether they can be produced on a commercial basis. With regard to the second aspect of research, that of organisation, I am greatly interested in it and I want to bring it particularly to the notice of the Minister. Does he contemplate that the board will take full and active participation in the development of the conditions of the industry in the non-machine areas? I hope that something will be done with regard to easing the conditions for those who have to win turf by hand in these areas. As Davis once said, the aim of the Young Irelanders was to ease the burden on the heavily laden. We, too, would like to see the burden eased as far as possible on those who have to work under difficult conditions in the areas to which I am referring. I think that from what I have said and from what I have tried to develop that it might be possible that bogeys or conveyors of some kind could be developed in order to have the turf drawn quickly from the bogs to the roadsides and loading banks.

One can realise in these days when people are trying to produce turf for commercial purposes, what a great strain and what a great amount of delay there is in trying to get turf from the turf banks on to the roads by means of donkeys. I wonder to what extent will the board consider whether caterpillar tractors of some kind might be made available to these areas under some co-operative system so as to enable the people to get their turf off the bogs on to the roads and banks where they usually stack it. I also think it should be possible to develop some kind of light loading plant that could be run along these bog roads so as to speed up the loading of turf on to the lorries and the carts.

When one goes along the docks both here and across the water and sees the variety of light movable cranes it occurs to one that it ought to be possible, given the goodwill and given interested people, to develop something much of the same kind that could be used in these non-machine areas. I wonder, too, whether it will be one of the functions of the board to consider the question of the transport of people to the bogs. I am very familiar with areas in the west—in Connemara—and also in County Limerick and elsewhere where people have to go very long distances at a period of the year when they cannot afford much time for work in the bog. I have had experience myself of starting out early in the morning to drive by horse and cart a distance of 14 miles, get on to the bog and with the same horse continue to draw turf all day. One can realise, when the narrow wheels of the ordinary farm cart cut down into the bog, sinking down almost to the boxes of the wheels, the tremendous strain and difficulty that exist for people trying to get their turf out.

I am aware that certain types of workers—county council workers—may be taken in lorries to the bogs, but I am also aware that county council lorries have refused, and I am sure quite properly so, according to the conditions laid down for them, to take people who are not county council workers to the bogs. One can realise that coming at the end of the season, at harvest time, when farmers and their families want to get their turf out and bring it home, the tremendous loss there is in having to travel that distance by horse and cart, work all day with an unsuitable vehicle, go back the same distance at night, and repeat that day after day until the work is complete. These may seem very small things and it may occur to people that it is stretching the word "research" too far to suggest that they should come under that heading and that they should be attended to by the new company.

In the interest of the industry as a whole I hope that if it is not a specific function of the new company it may be possible to provide them with the power to engage in research of the kind I mention and if not that some other organisation should be set up to inquire into aspects of the problem such as those I have mentioned and see whether something can be done in connection with them. I would like to see something on the matter of research being done in regard to the type of fires, the type of grate or stove, and the type of flue that would be most efficient for the burning of turf. In England, I think, they have come to the conclusion that the ordinary grates must go; the wastage is so great that they cannot afford them very much longer. To what extent can we improve on the type of heaters we have and to what extent are people to be encouraged to drop the old type of chimney and use stoves with flues running, as far as possible, through the house before they are brought to the outside? Although I have no complaint to make myself and I have been a turf burner for a long time I have very often received complaints that the burning of turf is leading to considerable chimney difficulties. In fact, within the last few days I have taken with me some samples of the deposits that are accumulating in chimneys. I have taken them up in the hope that the new company will investigate their properties, and see whether they can suggest something that might lead to their melting or that would bring about such conditions that this type of deposit would not accumulate in the chimneys. The modern flues, apparently, are not suitable for turf. I do not know whether some chemical might be added to the turf so as to prevent these accumulations but I think these are matters that come properly within the heading "research" and I hope that they will be examined by the new company.

I would like to say much more on these matters but I must forgo a good deal of the time I would like to take up. I want, however, to refer to one thing before I close and that is the question raised yesterday by Senator Kingsmill Moore. I am sorry he is not here at the moment. It seemed to me that yesterday in particular he was in a very cranky mood. He used rather strong language and congratulated himself and us that his language was not stronger. I hope, for the sake of the dignity of the House that he will restrain himself somewhat more in future and that he will not go even as far as he went yesterday.

I could not help feeling that on the last few occasions on which he spoke in the House he was suffering from Cork Street fever. He raised the question of these semi-State companies and the nominations by Ministers to the boards of these bodies. There are two types of people, as far as I can make out who have been nominated to these bodies. There are the civil servants. I wish that people who are going to argue against these nominations would be a little bit more specific than they usually are. There is a number of boards now, quite a big number, I think, each having Civil Service representatives on its directorate. These men, so far as I know, are men of very high education. They are men, as far as I can judge, of very high capacity; they are men who, in very difficult times, have proved themselves very capable administrators; they are men who, given the opportunity, prove to be very progressive. Who, among these men, would we say is incompetent, is not worthy of his place on these boards?

I think what the Senator said was that it was a danger rather than an actuality. He was not criticising the competence of the members of existing boards.

There was an implication in the Senator's statement that there is no escaping, and I think it is time that the issue were brought to a head. I hold no brief for any of these men. My knowledge of them is gained in a very objective way; from a study of the work of the boards and the companies with which they are associated, and from statements by them on occasions at board meetings which appear in the newspapers. I would like to know to what extent is there any reason for uneasiness that these men are anything but men of the highest type, men of a type that one would wish to see on boards of any institution, corporation, or of any industrial undertaking.

The other type in question would be what one might call Government lay nominees. The question is what should be the qualifications for membership of a board? But firstly there is one thing that I think we ought to make up our minds about, and that is if the Government is to be responsible to any extent financially for the affairs of these boards and these institutions, that it must have the right to nominate people to the boards that are to control them. I think we have to agree that that is so. What then should be the qualification of membership for these boards? If it is possible to get men with technical qualifications we should by all means have them.

If one were to take the new turf company, I wonder to what extent have we men in the country with full technical qualifications relating to turf. It is a new industry, and outside of the laboratory work, to which I have referred, practically no work has been done on the engineering side in the universities or elsewhere in regard to turf development. Again, it is unfortunately true that very, very often the scientist is a man who has very little wish to undertake the responsibilities of a directorship of a commercial undertaking. Generally speaking, scientists are men who lack, to a very considerable degree, commercial initiative and commercial enterprise. If men technically qualified can be found, men who fill the bill and are fully qualified in every regard, then by all means put them on these boards. I am sure that whenever men are being sought to fill vacancies on these boards the Minister or any Minister will go to the uttermost limit to see that he will get men of that particular type.

Apart from that, I wonder what general qualifications should we seek when we are searching around for people to fill positions as directors on these boards. Those familiar with the textbooks know that as many as 20 different qualifications are usually enumerated as being essential in the good business man or in the good director. I am not going to enumerate these, but I think one can say that the qualifications for a directorship in any company, society or institution would be that, firstly, the person's honesty and integrity would be beyond all question; and, secondly, I think that the person in question should have shown he is possessed of business ability. He should have had business training and business experience of some kind, if at all possible. It does not follow that you will not have men coming along from time to time who will not have had the opportunity of getting experience actually in business but who would make admirable directors or admirable executives if they got the opportunity. Listening to the statements that have been made so often, and especially on the other side of the House in opposition to the Minister taking the right to nominate persons to these boards, expressing their disapproval and trying to argue that it is unwise, dangerous and wrong, I could not help running my eye over the benches on the other side and asking myself: how many Senators there are on the other side occupying positions as directors, or as responsible executives of large companies or other bodies without being specifically qualified for these positions on the lines that these Senators have been arguing for so long—

Would the Senator be good enough to name the people he has in mind?

I do not mind. Senator Sir John Keane, for instance, has been for a long time a director of a bank and a cement company. I am not aware that Senator Sir John Keane is a qualified economist or a qualified statistician.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

I think it would be better to keep to the Bill and not enter into a discussion of personalities.

I want to ask the Chair if it is desirable to pursue these personal matters?

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

No, and I have already said so.

It would be a most unfortunate thing if we were to have recriminations of that kind.

I assure the Chair that I did not offer this information myself.

No. I led you into it.

I was asked if I could name any people who fitted the case that I was making. There are people in this House——

May I ask the Senator if he is making the case that a bank director ought to be an economist, because, if so, as a member of a university staff I feel that that is going on a line that would be most profitable for some of us.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

Senators should get away from personalities and keep to the provisions of the Bill.

I am making no such case. I am making the case that it is not essential at all that people should have either academic or specific technical qualifications in order that they might qualify as directors of boards, let these boards be State, semi-State or otherwise. That is the point that I am making.

It was not the point that you made a minute ago.

I am sorry if I did not make myself clear. I think the Senator anticipated that I was going to make the other case because he would find, I think, that he would come under the same heading if that rule were to apply, and would not be entitled to keep a certain position in a certain organisation which he most honourably fills at present.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

Senator Ó Buachalla should return to the Turf Bill.

I assure you that I do not want to press the matter but, if certain people make statements, then they are going to be met. I hold no brief for any man on any board. I want to have this matter examined objectively and I want to make this statement—that if there are men who, the Minister thinks, are suitable for the filling of offices such as these——

On a point of order, I have been named by the Senator, will he be good enough to state to the House the position I hold and for which I am paid to which he referred?

I did not state that Senator Sweetman was paid.

You implied it. The whole attack has been that the other directors are paid from State funds.

If I, in any way, implied that Senator Sweetman was paid for the office in question, I unreservedly withdraw any such implication. That did not occur to me at all.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

Better come back to the Bill.

The President of the Tourist Association is not paid. Everybody knows that.

I come to another matter to which reference was made— to what are described as "yes-men." We are told that members are appointed to these boards because they are what is described as "yes-men." I wonder exactly what a "yes-man" is. Would somebody be a little more specific and explain to us what those who speak of "yes-men" have in mind?

Would I be permitted, as the Senator has asked a question, to answer it? He has given us an example.

In the filling of positions on these boards, regard must be had to Government policy. It must be remembered, whether people like it or not, that, in truth and in fact, Government policy, while the Government is in office, is national policy—it is the policy of the people. Should men be appointed to those boards simply because they object to Government policy? Are men to be appointed to those boards because they may prove themselves critics day in and day out? In other words, are men to be appointed to those boards—State, semi-State or any other type of boards —because they are likely to be so active and destructive in their criticism that they will turn the boardrooms into cockpits? That is the issue.

On the contrary, it is an absurd statement of the issue. It is childish.

I shall be glad to leave the matter at that, in the hope that the question will be examined.

I shall give the Senator every opportunity on the Committee Stage.

In the public interest, it should be examined. To get up in the Seanad, time after time, and to shout "Yes-men", to state that civil servants are most unsuitable for offices of this kind, to accuse the Minister, who is responsible for seeing that these boards are properly manned and the business properly run, of acting in a way that is not in the public interest —is most unfair and unworthy. I, for one, would welcome an opportunity to have the whole matter discussed, so that the public might be properly informed as to what the true position is.

To include the Senator who made the references.

I was present when Senator Kingsmill Moore was speaking, and I am sure he did not make use of that statement. Senator Ó Buachalla has made an excellent speech up to a point, but I think he is making a mis take to base the conclusion of his speech on a statement which I do not believe was made by Senator Kingsmill Moore.

It would be better if Senator Ó Buachalla were allowed to finish his speech without this running commentary.

Senator Hearne has just come into the House.

I said a few minutes ago that the last point I wanted to make was in regard to statements made yesterday by Senator Kingsmill Moore—criticisms he made with regard to the personnel of State or semi-State boards. I have said what I wanted to say on that matter.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

And the Senator is not going to repeat it.

Certainly not. I have no intention of going any further into the matter. Apart from that, nothing remains to be said except that we wish this company God-speed in the work it is undertaking, in the terms of the title, "in the national interest".

In the first place, I wish to raise a point of order on which I do not ask for a ruling now. The last Senator who spoke, when opening his remarks, said he was about to repeat in English—I have not his exact word —what he said in Irish yesterday. I think that the right to repeat in one language what was said in another is a matter that might be referred to the Committee on Privileges. I understand that, in the Parliament of South Africa, certain rulings have been made on that point. I do not ask for a decision to-day but I think that it would be intolerable if we got to the position——

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

That matter, I understand, was considered some years ago by one of the Committees on Procedure and Privileges.

And there is a ruling?

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

I would think so, yes. The Senator, however, can put the matter down for consideration again by the Committee, if that is not the case.

It was very unfortunate and very wrong and totally contrary to Parliamentary tradition that Senator Buckley should attack Senator Kingsmill Moore the way he did. Senator Kingsmill Moore had a public duty to perform and I consider that he performed it with the greatest restraint and the greatest tact. His speech was, in my opinion and in the opinion of others, the very best speech we have had in this House for a long time. To deal with the matter on personal grounds—the Senator is, of course, entitled to do so—does lower and besmirch the dignity of this House. That is my opinion and I take the matter no further.

Before this Bill was introduced, the Minister presented the House with a document known as the Turf Development Programme. This document is a very imperfect and scanty statement when related to the introduction of a very important measure of this kind. It gives no estimate whatever of the contemplated earning powers under this scheme. When the electricity supply scheme was contemplated, very complete statements, with estimates of costs, were given considerably in advance of the legislation and the country had an opportunity of forming its own conclusions on the matter. Here, we have a document of the most amateurish kind, with no estimate of the cost of the production of the fuel, no statement as to the possibility of earning interest on the sum to be spent or of earning sufficient to repay the advances. I think the House has a right to know what the economic possibilities of this scheme are and I hope the Minister will be in a position, when he replies, to enlighten us on this matter.

The emergency experience in respect of turf has been singularly disappointting. I do not mean to say that as an emergency fuel people were not very glad to get it but those who used it in their homes, possibly for the first time, found that it was a very unsatisfactory type of fuel, very variable in quality. In some cases one might as well be burning paper, having regard to the rate at which it burned and the very unsatisfactory kind of heat it gave out. We know that there are various qualities of turf and that these remarks do not apply to all qualities, but a lot of the turf for which we had to pay a high price gave exceedingly poor value. Turf at £3 per ton, especially poor quality turf, if I might hazard a guess, is about equal to coal at £7 per ton. Does the Minister contemplate, having regard to present costs and wages, that we are likely to get turf in future at anything under the price we are now paying for it? Mind you, that price does not cover the entire cost of the turf because there is a very heavy subsidy from the Exchequer towards the price of fuel.

That said, I am prepared to admit that turf development is a good insurance, an insurance against the possibility of increasing costs and reducing quantities of imported coal. There is also the possibility of a further war and, in that way, I think we are justified in being prepared for it, but I doubt if the proposition is going to be in any way economic. In respect to this whole question of producing turf under Government control, there is the danger that the Government both because public moneys are sunk in the project and because of prestige, will be involved in the success of this venture and there will be a great temptation to force industrialists, and even domestic consumers, to use turf when other fuel can be obtained at a cheaper price and used much more efficiently. That suggestion is implicit in the section of this turf programme to which I have referred where the Minister says:—

"Factories using imported fuels and located in areas where turf is competitive in price with other fuels must instal turf-burning equipment as a condition precedent to the grant of State assistance in any form."

Of course the Minister will say that I am protected by the words "competitive in price and in quality"—price involves quality—but who is to be the judge of this? The Minister may not come along and say: "I consider that turf is equally efficient with other forms of fuel in your industry." The management may rightly say: "No, we do not agree." I consider that the views of the management should prevail, but the Minister holds the whip-hand. The Government hold the whip-hand because they have power to restrict the importation of fuel. I agree that that only applies to concerns for which there is Government assistance, but whether there is Government assistance or not, if the finished product is more expensive owing to the use of a costly fuel, native or otherwise, who pays that loss? Of course it is the consumer; it is passed on. There is this increasing tendency, under this policy of self-sufficiency, for reasons of Government prestige or in the name of support for local industries, to place new charges on consumers. To a certain limited extent that is inevitable. But it is a tendency that will grow and it is one in which this danger is implicit. The test should be the cost of the product to the consumer.

With regard to this new technique of Government controlled companies, I do not wish to repeat what Senator Kingsmill Moore said yesterday. He put the case admirably and I could not hope to improve on it in any way, but this is a matter for consideration—I go so far as to say it is a matter for anxious consideration—on the part of the Government. After all, we are all aiming at the same thing, the public good. When we get heated in debate, in wordy warfare between Parties, do not let us ever forget that we should be speaking and acting for the public good. What we want to see is the best results in that interest. The Minister must surely realise that there is a danger implicit in these companies which do not have applied to them what was called, in the past, a commercial test. In the old days when there was competition, there was not only the profit incentive, which you may decry, but at least it had the effect of making for efficiency; if there was not efficiency there would be collapse and bankruptcy.

After all the unkind and hard things you may say about private enterprise, there was at least an automatic test. If the thing was not efficiently run, in the long run it came to grief. Inefficient methods may creep in to these public boards or companies and the same corrective does not or cannot apply. What happens usually is that the inefficiency grows slowly and the taxpayer has to become "broke" so to speak, before there can be any collapse comparable to that which would take place in business in similar circumstances. All that happens is that the public companies become subject to a slow, creeping paralysis and nothing can be done.

This is a matter for consideration— frank, objective consideration—in the light of this new development. I am sure that the Minister in his own mind must feel anxious about it. Surely he is not content to say, just as if this were part of the set-up of socialistic experiment: "It will work all right. These men are carefully chosen; they can be trusted to do their best and things will be all right." I do not think the Minister can be as satisfied as all that. I do feel that either himself or his Department, or a body appointed to inquire into the matter, ought to try to devise some safeguard in the public interest to ensure the best management of these new boards. On the Railway Bill I raised this question of the efficiency audit as a safeguard. The Minister replied in a very convincing manner and I hope he will reply in an equally convincing manner on this debate. These efficiency audits are one of the few safeguards the public can get. I have read articles about this system lately and from what I can gather it is quite likely to be a new technique and a new defence for the public against these companies which have no outside control. I do hope the Minister will consider this matter objectively and with an open mind as to whether he could not have some form of periodic report by some expert and he need not necessarily be an expert on turf. Do not let us think that a man who knows nothing about turf could not give us a report on the managerial efficiency of a company producing turf. It is a question of management and it should be possible to get a person with great experience in management to come along periodically and say whether, in his opinion, such a company is giving the best service to the public.

The public could also get a certain protection through the means of unit costings. The ordinary profit-and-loss account and balance sheet will only go a very short way towards giving you a true picture of efficient management. I do not see how this company will ever show a satisfactory profit merely on the production of turf, but that remains to be seen. However, unit costings would give you a definite picture on the cost of the turf in its various stages, the production of turf on the bog, the cost of delivery and the cost of distribution and marketing. A product like turf, which is a single product, adapts itself quite easily to unit costings. Where you are making an article like cement or turf or Guinness's stout you can avail yourself of the technique of unit costings not as in the case of where you are producing several commodities. I propose to put in an amendment on the section that we should be given in the published accounts unit costings in respect of turf production. I again wish to emphasise this point that we should all get together to protect the public against the danger of monopolies which have no outside control or test of efficiency and let us try to devise some test of efficiency which will protect the public and all concerned. I hope the Minister will help in every way he can to ensure that object.

I did not intend to intervene in the debate on this Bill at all, but Senator Ó Buachalla has raised some very interesting points with regard to the general question of Government-controlled companies. This is a Bill for a Turf Development Board, but apart from details I do not think there is any difference of opinion on the principle at all if we think that turf ought to be developed. Turf development is definitely not an economic proposition for the private person and therefore it must be Government-developed. The question therefore arises by what method the Government will apply itself to this matter of turf development. One method is what is really the socialist method, that is, Government control solely, and another is the method of this Turf Development Board. I intend to be very brief on this matter, Sir, but I agree with Senator Ó Buachalla that the matter is one of the greatest importance and that we ought to discuss it calmly and clearly. We ought not to get our heads muddled by improper comparisons.

There is an immense difference, Sir, between the directors of a company nominated by the Government and the directors of a public company nominated by the shareholders. Senator Ó Buachalla referred to statements made by Senator Kingsmill Moore. I did not hear Senator Kingsmill Moore and I have no responsibility for any views that may have been expressed by him. I can only express my own views and speak for certain people here. There is no comparison whatever between the position of Senator Sir John Keane or anyone else who is a director of a public company in which he has invested his money and the shareholders of which have elected him a director, and the person who is a director of a company and appointed by the Minister. That does not mean that a person who is appointed a director of a company by the Minister is a dud or is a yes-man or that mud should be thrown at him, but there is no comparison whatever between the two and they cannot be judged by the same standards.

Neither can there be any comparison between the position of Senator Sweetman as President of the Irish Tourist Association, at which he represents the County Kildare, and a person who is appointed a director of the Turf Development Board or any other Government board. There is no comparison between the two and it was very unfair of Senator O Buachalla to mention Senator Sweetman when he was referring to Government patronage.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

But he withdrew it, Senator.

Yes, you can say something and then withdraw it and the remarks still remain.

I assured the Chair and Senator Sweetman that there was no such implication in my mind and that if such a meaning could be taken from my words, I most unequivocally withdrew them.

I entirely accept Senator Ó Buachalla's withdrawal and his statement that he does not accuse Senator Sweetman of anything wrong, but there used to be a Latin tag in my school days that the written word remains.

There is no comparison between the President of the Tourist Association and a person nominated by the Government to be a paid member of any board. That is all I want to say and I think it is very unfair to compare the two things.

There is also the question of civil servants. I do not know what Senator Kingsmill Moore said about civil servants, but I have had plenty of experience, probably more than Senator O Buachalla of intimate personal contact with the higher Civil Service, and I know that they are quite capable of doing the work that is normally theirs. However, with regard to the question of Government boards the Minister knows, and we all know, that it is a matter of public discussion in Great Britain and France at the moment as to whether the civil servant is the appropriate person to run a concern which is not in itself a Civil Service concern. You can say that much at least without saying that civil servants are incapable or incompetent in any way.

There is one other point, Sir, which I would like to refer to. If you will give me a few minutes additional time I will be able to conclude. I do not want to resume at seven and to get my second wind, and become more boring than I am now. The question as to whether the Electricity Supply Board or the Turf Development Board or the sugar beet company or the Tourist Development Board is the proper sphere for a person with a Civil Service training is a debatable question. That is a debatable question, and I do not want for the moment to go into the merits or demerits of particular people or of particular classes of people, but at any rate it is not attacking the Civil Service for any person to have the view that there are limits to what they can do, and that is all that that view means.

One other point I want to mention, I did not say myself in this or in any other debate, I think, that yes-men were appointed to these boards. There is surely a via media, a middle course, between appointing copper-fastened, politically-known supporters of the Government to a board, and the dilemma which Senator O Buachalla suggests. Senator O Buachalla suggests this dilemma; what is the Minister going to do, he represents national policy. Of course, when the Government puts a proposal before the Houses of the Oireachtas and gets Parliamentary sanction for it, that then becomes legal national policy, but no member of the Oireachtas and no member of the public in this country so long as it remains a democratic country, governed in Parliamentary fashion, can be deprived of the right of saying that what the Oireachtas did was impracticable or wrong; that it should not be done and is capable of being amended.

What has been national policy has in the lifetime of the same Government been amended in many respects and many times. There is no use in anyone coming here and giving us the view that once you have come to a conclusion on national policy no dog can bark; that the Minister can say: "This is national policy" and nobody can say it is not right. As Senator O Buachalla's speech implied, on the coming into operation of the details of national policy, any number of administrative difficulties may arise which it is the business and duty of this House to criticise from time to time. Senator O Buachalla says you must appoint people who are following national policy. What he means is that you must appoint members of Fianna Fáil branches.

The dilemma he put is that you must appoint someone who is in agreement with the Minister or you will reduce the board room to a cockpit. Now, is not that the greatest foolishness? Has not Senator O Buachalla presided at university debates where students have put up that kind of dilemma and surely he will agree there is a middle course between the appointment of a copper-fastened politician and——

Absurd only in your mind.

Apparently, running commentaries apply to more than Senator O Buachalla. I am going to demonstrate, if I am let, that the dilemma is an absurd one. He suggests that if the Minister does not appoint his own followers the board rooms will become cockpits and they will be full of criticism. Surely, an absurd situation is envisaged there. Surely the Minister can appoint, and I may say the Minister has on occasion appointed, people who were not copper-fastened political supporters of his own and who did not turn the board rooms into cockpits. Surely Senator O Buachalla is wrong in thinking that you must appoint Fianna Fáil supporters or if you do not you will get no work done.

No. I made no such suggestion. That is an exaggeration on the part of the Senator.

It is the ordinary meaning of your words.

That is the way it appeared to me. I found the speech interesting but what is interesting about it is his naïveté and the implicit faith he places in the Minister. He has the most absolute and complete trust that when the Minister says something it must be true.

I am in agreement with the vast majority of the people on that.

I am as much in agreement with the national authority as anyone in this House.

I did something to assert national authority in this State. No one can taunt me with having any disregard for the national authority. I am breast high for it, higher for it and greater for it than Senator O Buachalla. My regard for the national authority does not depend on whether the Minister is a member of my Party or not, but I do not agree with Senator O Buachalla and he is quite wrong in asserting that when you have a national authority you must not criticise it.

I made no such suggestion.

He is outlining something like that—a body which dare not criticise the Minister. It is one of the difficulties of this kind of board contemplated by the Bill, and by other Bills, that there is that human and very understandable temptation for the Minister, whoever he may be, to select the kind of people who will give most agreement. We all know that. I do not think Ministers are superhuman. I never did and I had plenty of opportunities for observing them. All I want to do is to discuss this matter on a proper basis. I do not know what Senator Kingsmill Moore said but I do know that this turf development scheme is to be run on this semi-Government control basis, that there are very great dangers in it and that those who discuss the dangers must not be accused of abusing civil servants or of slinging or throwing mud at certain people. The system contains very serious difficulties, and if I might repeat myself, there is no comparison whatever between directors of companies appointed by the shareholders and people appointed as a matter of patronage by the Government. It would be interesting to see in the case of those people what the actual qualification for the particular job is, as distinct from their actual qualifications by way of what Senator O Buachalla called agreement with the Minister. They are two different things.

Having said that I would like to say this about Senator O Buachalla's speech: he made a very interesting and a very sound speech on a great many points, but as usual when anyone criticises the Minister Senator O Buachalla literally sees red, loses his common sense, and loses his sense of perspective.

I am afraid all the common sense was lost on the other side.

And he loses his knowledge of economics and does not see where he is going. I speak merely for the purpose of setting Senator O Buachalla right.

Business suspended at 6.15 p.m. and resumed at 7.15 p.m.

As far as I could gather from the discussions here, every member of the House is in favour of the Bill. Some question was raised in connection with the constitution of Bord na Móna. Senator Kingsmill Moore and, I think, Senator Sir John Keane would prefer that the company to be set up under the Bill would be a commercial company, either public or private. They seem to think that such a company would carry on the business much better than the company that is to be appointed under this Bill. Senator Michael Hayes said that there was the greatest difference in the world between the directors of a commercial company and the directors of a company established by law, such as this. My experience of commercial companies is that the largest shareholders are appointed the directors. Very often, they know very little about the business, and very often they run the business to destruction. Senator Sir John Keane says that their object is to make a profit, and that that makes for efficiency. It does make for efficiency, but efficiency for what? For the making of profit. This House, or the Oireachtas, does not want to establish a company that will make profit at the expense of the public. This company is established for the public good, not for the good of the company, and it is the kind of company that we want established under this Bill. I do not know how there can be any argument or discussion about that matter.

Senator Michael Hayes very graciously said that, possibly, the directors to be appointed would not be duds. Well, the people to be appointed will be appointed by the Minister, who is responsible to the Oireachtas for the carrying out of the work intended under the Bill, and he, naturally, for his own sake, will appoint men who will be most efficient. If they are not efficient, he has power to dismiss them. To suggest that he will appoint people who have not knowledge of the subject is, I think, perfectly ridiculous. That is the difference between the directors of a private or commercial company and the directors of a company such as this. Under this Bill, people with expert knowledge of the cutting, saving and transport of turf are the people to be appointed, and no other person.

Senator Kingsmill Moore thought that the powers that are being given under the Bill are too wide. I do not think they are. Again, for the public good, certain powers have to be given, and they are being given in this case; but no power can be exercised without the permission of the Minister. Senator Kingsmill Moore objects to the power that is given in Section 32 which provides that "no action shall be taken". That is a very common form of sub-section to be put into a Bill, where the Bill provides that compensation will be assessed in a certain way.

The section that I referred to was Section 22, sub-section (4), paragraph (a).

That paragraph provides that

"No compensation shall be payable under this Act or otherwise to such canal undertaker in respect of any loss of traffic suffered or likely to be suffered by such canal undertaker after such bridge has been erected by reason of the erection thereof".

Here again no right can be taken without the permission of the Minister. The Minister is responsible for the transport of this country. He is the man who is to see that no canal is interfered with. It is his duty to see that it cannot be interfered with, and will not be interfered with. I think that that in itself is a sufficient protection against this condition. I am very doubtful if there is any canal in this country that could possibly be interfered with in the development of bogs.

Section 32 also mentions that no action can be taken where compensation can be provided for:—

"No action shall lie at law or in equity against the board, or any contractor, or any officer or servant of the board, or of any contractor for, or on account of any act, matter, or thing in respect of which compensation is payable by virtue of this section."

It is very natural to put in that section. We are not going to establish a board against which numerous lawsuits can be brought. All its revenue would go in defending cases of that nature. It would be a good thing for the lawyers but it would be a bad thing for the board and, possibly, for the persons whose land would be interfered with. It is much easier for them to go before the arbitrator and have compensation fixed and everything settled by that means. There will be no great waste of time in that way. When compensation is fixed, they will get it in the ordinary way. That is done in several instances where rights are given to a government to take up land or to take rights-of-way over land for particular purposes.

Senator Kingsmill Moore suggested that the time fixed in Section 33—12 months from the date of entry on the land—was too short. I think that that is not a good sub-section. I agree with the Senator that another time limit should be mentioned. It would be very hard to assess compensation before the works were completed and I think we should add to that provision "or until six months after the completion of the works."

Or manifestation of the damage.

I do not like Section 30 (5):—

"Where, for any reason, the envelope mentioned in sub-section (4) of this section cannot be addressed in the manner provided by that sub-section, that envelope may be addressed to the person for whom it is intended in either or both of the following ways—(a) by the description ‘the owner' or ‘the occupier' (as the case may be) without stating his name, (b) at the land or the situation of the property to which the notice contained in the envelope relates."

You could address an envelope to 30 Merrion Square or to 30 Kildare Street and have it delivered, but I do not think you could safely address it to the owner of portion of the bog of Toombeola. It would be very difficult for the postman to know to whom he should deliver it. Probably, he would give all the envelopes to one man and walk away. I do not think that that is the proper way to provide for the addressing of these letters. No provision seems to be made for personal service at all. Some amendmment to that provision would be required.

I should like the board to have greater powers. Under Section 20, they have power to erect buildings, but the section does not state that they have power to lease or rent buildings. I think that that power should be included. It may be necessary to rent houses or offices near bogs.

Under Section 8, I think, the board have that power.

Under that section, the board may sell or lease any land vested in them but the section gives them no power to take a letting. That is an important point. I was in a case on one occasion in which we resisted a claim for possession by the Land Commission. The High Court decided in our favour because they held that the Land Commission had no power to take a letting of a house at all. With regard to Part IV, I had hoped that the board would have got more power with regard to transport. I thought that they would get power to transport turf for sale. That might interfere with Córas Iompair Eireann but it would be a very good thing if they had that right. Turf might be sold more cheaply if they had such power. If they were to put it on the lorries and take it off directly it might be more economical than leaving it on the roadside and having a second cartage.

Under Section 17 (e) I think there is such power.

I think it is very doubtful that they would have that power under that section. If people are making the huge profits that Senator Sweetman, in his excellent speech, mentioned, it would be a very good thing to put a stop to it. I know of an instance where a certain disgraceful course of conduct was pursued by certain officials of Córas Iompar Eireann who were making money out of the carriage of turf. I hope that that will not occur again. I am sure it will not. If the board had power to carry turf themselves, I think that the price of turf would be kept down.

There are only a few points to which I should like to draw attention in connection with this Bill. It has been praised as a substantial contribution to a policy of self-sufficiency with regard to fuel. I agree that it is a contribution to such a policy but I deny that it is a substantial contribution. In the White Paper, "Turf Development Programme," I see that 1,000,000 tons a year is set out as the target figure of production by this board when it gets going. The normal import of coal, when we can import coal freely, is of the order of 2,500,000 tons a year. The question is how much of that normal import will be replaced by an increased national production of turf of 1,000,000 tons a year? The answer to that question depends on what, in terms of calorific value, you regard in turf, as the equivalent of a ton of coal. Officially speaking, I think it is claimed that two tons of turf are equal to one ton of coal. Speaking from my own experience and, I think, from the experience of about 500,000 citizens in Dublin who have been using turf during the past six years, I should say that, in terms of calorific value, it takes about four tons of the turf we get to equal one ton of the coal we used to get and that I hope we will get again before long. If I am right in holding that that is the real equivalence of turf and coal, then this 1,000,000 tons of turf which we hope to produce will replace only 250,000 tons of imported coal—about 10 per cent. of our normal import of coal. When, further, this 1,000,000 tons of turf is produced by such improvement in the technique of production as to encourage people in the country to use more of this product and take less trouble themselves to produce turf by the old, primitive, hand-won methods, then part of this new addition to our turf output will be offset by a reduction in the output of turf by the more primitive methods. To that extent, even a smaller reduction will be made in our requirements of imported fuel.

The Senator has made an extraordinary statement. I should like to know whether he is prepared to give the figures on which he bases the case he is making.

I am not discussing whether it is economic or not. If you must have some views on that subject, I would say that it would be economic to produce and sell turf at £3 per ton, if the alternative were to have to pay £12 per ton for imported coal. That is merely a personal opinion. I hope the quality of the turf which it is proposed to produce by the new technique will be such that it will be economic to produce and sell that turf at £3 per ton in competition with imported coal at £6 per ton. My own experience with turf is partly emergency experience, partly experience gained during my boyhood when I was brought up in a turf-consuming portion of the country, and partly an experience derived from recent visits to the country where turf is the only and obvious fuel. From the point of view of that experience, I would divide turf into two categories, which I might call country turf and town turf. For country turf I have the utmost respect and admiration, but I have nothing but contempt and loathing for the kind of turf with which we were cursed in the towns and cities for the past six years. I was down in Tipperary recently on a farm in which I am interested, and I spent some intervals in the kitchen of the farmhouse during some hours of assisting at the obstetrics of a sow. I was amazed at the heat which was given out by the turf used in the range, and at the small quantity of turf which was necessary to generate that heat, as compared with my own experience in Dublin. In the official definition of turf, we have what is called hand-won turf and machine-won turf, and unless my ears misled me yesterday, we have now a third variety known as emasculated turf.

A Senator

Macerated turf.

That is mostly the variety of turf we get in Dublin. I do not want to stress that point further, but I do want to suggest that the most valuable elements in this Bill are, not so much the provision for adding to the quantity of turf in the near future, but the provision for further research and experiment in the various uses of turf which might possibly lead to the discovery of uses for our vast reserves of turf which have never yet been dreamt of or attempted. It may be, perhaps, that the most economical method of using our turf resources would be to exploit them on the spot and turn them into their various chemical constituents, some or all of which might have a considerably greater industrial value than anything we are likely to get by burning turf in the present crude and unscientific fashion.

I had the curiosity to look up the information to be derived about peat from the Encyclopxdia Britannica, a publication with which the Minister is familiar in part of his working hours, and which, at all events, in the circles in which he moves, enjoys a very considerable authority. I gathered from that source that one of the possible ways of using turf which has been adopted in Germany, Russia and elsewhere is what is called carbonising turf, and that when turf is carbonised, not only do we get about 70 per cent. charcoal and various other products, which I have not noted down, but you also get the following by-products which I should like to put on the records of the House. This is derived from Encyclopxdia Britannica, 14th edition, volume 17, under the heading of Peat: Per 100 tons of air-dried peat you get ammonia sulphate, 900 lbs.— Senator McGee will appreciate that— acetate of lime, 1,320 lbs.; methyl alcohol, 65 gals.; light oils, 280 gals.; heavy oils, 95 gals.; paraffin, 715 lbs.; creosote, 3,100 lbs.; asphalt, 40 lbs. I do not know whether it is commercially feasible and profitable to acquire all these valuable industrial materials from turf, but I do know that it might be well worth while for the Minister to double or even treble the amount proposed to be expended on chemical research and experiment if the result were likely to be some far-reaching discoveries, which would make available valuable raw materials for chemical uses and industrial development.

On this need for research, I happen to have in my hands a publication by a Swedish Bank called "The Forests and Forest Industries of Norrland". I am not going to talk about forestry, but I am going to say this: the Swedish Forest Industries have made considerable progress, as we know, through the ages, and they are, in their present form, the result of the most successful application of scientific recoveries search and scientific knowledge. This publication says in relation to the Swedish forest industries:

"The Swedish forest industries' economic future is, and will remain, essentially dependent upon scientific research on their many problems; that the Swedish forest-products industry is at present one of the industries in the world most in need of scientific research, that the State must, to a greater extent than hitherto, accept responsibility for ensuring that this research can make proper progress with the aid of all modern technical equipment, and that the industries themselves must invest larger sums for this purpose than hitherto. The question is not only what research work we can afford to undertake, but perhaps, above all, what research work we can afford to neglect."

If that be true with reference to the Swedish forest industries, which are themselves a scientific development, then a fortiori how much more true is it of the vast turf resources of this country, which have never yet been the subject of scientific research? I want to urge upon the Minister to give at least a high priority to expenditure on scientific research in connection with our turf resources and not to be in such a hurry to invest such a large sum as the £3,000,000 contemplated, until we are quite certain that the scheme embodies proposals that offer the most nationally advantageous results from our turf resources. It may be that our hitherto largely undeveloped—from the scientific point of view—turf resources may mean as much in our economy as the forest products mean in the economy of Sweden. Apparently you can get from forest products anything from sausage skins to silk stockings, synthetic glass and many other valuable commodities. It is not impossible that we may one day get similar products from our turf resources.

In my youth I was devoted to a certain amount of study of organic chemistry. I do not remember that I learned a lot about it, but I do remember that in matters of organic chemistry everything is nearly the same as everything else. In other words, it is all a question of the various ways in which the molecules and atoms of carbon, oxygen and hydrogen are strung together. In that way we may regard turf and vegetable matter as another kind of timber. It is not impossible that scientific research would one day discover ways and means by which we may get even sugar, to mention the most improbable thing, or even the material for making silk stockings from turf. These things may sound quite absurd, and I would ask the Minister to regard them as important. I know imagination is one of his strong points, but I would ask him not to ignore the possibility, that by the imaginative use of scientific research, you may get marvellous results in the future and not so very many years ahead, I hope. If I may quote again from that Swedish publication, it says:—

"It is said that we stand on the threshold of the era of great molecules. This is no empty phrase, seeing that synthetic materials compounded of these macro-molecules are already so widely used that they form a characteristic part of our surroundings. These new materials are no war-time novelties; they are in many respects superior to those which the human race has hitherto used since time immemorial, above all, wood, metals, stone, pottery and glass. They can be spun out of threads finer than the finest natural silk, rolled to thin transparent sheets, moulded into piping, formed into cog-wheels and bearings, pressed to form motor-car bodies and aircraft fuselages. They can be made transparent or of any desired colour and form. They insulate against heat and electricity and are hardly affected by acids and alkalies."

That is true of forestry products. It may turn out to be equally true of the various products of our bogs. So once again I would urge on the Minister to go full steam ahead with scientific research with regard to the products of our bogs even if that means going not quite so fast with regard to the actual development of turf from our bogs.

Those who have thought well to direct to this Bill that intensive criticism which they think is necessary, and the excessive alkalinity of anything emanating from the Government have not, I think, found fault with the subject. Now, its objects seem to be so objective and patently desirable that the Government would deserve blame if it did not set out to try to achieve them. I do not propose to weary the House by stressing the objects of this Bill. They have been covered very efficiently by various speakers. I will only speak of a few points in which I take the woman's point of view. That is, of course, a very important view in turf, because so much of our life is spent burning turf. Three things, it seems to me, stand out in the objects of this Bill as desirable. One of these is, that it is, as Senator Sir John Keane and others have stressed, a necessary protection, an insurance against being caught out, as we were on the point of being caught out in the last war. Fortunately, the present Government that is in power for some years carried out a policy based on the three cardinal virtues, beet, wheat and peat. Fortunately, all these were going fairly well when the war broke out. Of course, the Government did not know very much about peat. There were very many mistakes made, perhaps, too, by the Turf Development Board. For myself, I have a long experience of turf. I was reared in a turf district. Even at the time when it was pre-historic, when one could get a wagon of turf for £8, I never was without turf in the house. Therefore, I am really, what you might call, a turf addict. I was told that an ordinary range would not burn turf satisfactorily. Then the Turf Development Board was wise enough to see that that was an objection; that the ordinary range that somebody described as a miracle of efficiency in regard to the fuel it was supposed to burn could cater for turf or coal. They gave us a very good turf-burning range and with good quality turf, which I know how to use, I do not care whether I see a lump of coal in my natural life again. It took some time to get that done. We hope this Bill will carry that further. On that experience, gained during those years of trial and error, they may be able to start a programme that will give us a satisfactory fuel comparable with coal.

Another thing that this Bill commends itself to me for, is the amount of employment it gives. It seems to me that the great problem we have is the problem of employment and this fuel promises to give healthy employment in the production of an essential asset of national value. One of the things we suffer from about the production of coal, which would make dangerous our utter dependence on it, is the condition under which coal-mining must be done. Well, turf production can be carried out in very healthy and wholesome conditions and so we can plan a considerable range of employment based on turf productivity and the development of the bogs. I did not think of it myself until it was suggested by Senator Baxter in an admirable speech where he described this material as covering up to a sixth of the surface of the country. The contemplation may have a psychological effect on our people. Padraic Pearse once referred to Ireland represented as the Shan Van Bocht—the poor old woman. He would like to see her represented as a vigorous young man. Perhaps, we may see a vigorous young man working to develop one of the greatest natural resources for the country's national needs under Bhord na Mhóna on the bogs.

I do not propose to detain the House very much in speaking on other things that have been extensively covered. I would ask the Minister to reconsider his decision as to not allowing Dublin to have turf briquettes but to depend on hand-won turf. Hand won turf is no trouble to me. We get most excellent hand-won turf in Galway at a moderate price and we have adapted our range and sitting-room fires for its effective consumption. In Dublin, however, I do not suppose that they get as good turf as we get. Indeed you would pity the people who have to use some of the turf that is supplied them. A good many people who rent houses cannot make the changes necessary to get the utmost good out of the defective turf supplied them. For this reason, and because it would mean a great deal for the happiness of the people, I would ask the Minister to reconsider his decision.

Coming up to Dublin last week I met a Galway woman. She was living in Dublin but she had kept up her Galway ways in Dublin and she was speaking about turf. She said that all her people had the 'flu because they had not a proper way of burning turf in Dublin. The Minister should consider whether it would be possible to allow Dublin to have briquettes. In that regard I may speak for the small hotels. The hotel industry means a great deal to this country and it has developed in Dublin to an extent that was never contemplated. The hotel where I stay turns dozens of people away every night. They have not much capital and they carry on with the old range they have but it is very difficult to cater and to carry on a hotel in that way. I think in the interests of the great industry that has developed in the City of Dublin that the question should be considered sympathetically of allowing briquettes to be used at least for small hotels that have not been able to get Esse cookers or the necessary fuel for them. That is a question the Minister should consider sympathetically.

Coming from a turf-producing county I welcome any proposals which would give us better turf production or better fuel. I have a good deal of experience of the turf scheme in Kildare and, while giving all credit to the Government for encouraging these schemes of turf production, we must admit that they have not been satisfactory. There has been discussion here about the fuel position in Dublin. It is rather unfortunate that in Dublin and other towns turf is very unpopular as a fuel. All the people in those places are looking forward to getting coal again. As Senator Sweetman said yesterday, in our county for generations people have been producing turf for their own use and for sale, and bringing this turf to Dublin. Even when coal was cheap they were able to sell this turf in the city. It was turf of much better quality than the people of Dublin are getting to-day and the people of Dublin bought that turf even when they could get coal.

These people of whom I speak carried on the work of turf production for generations and, I suppose, not only in Kildare but in other counties. I think great credit is due to them. We often hear the term "bogman" used and indeed these people lived in poor circumstances working and developing their bogs. They got no State grants and no bog drainage was done for them. No roads were made for them, but they carried on that work and produced turf and sold it here in Dublin. There are several reasons why turf is unpopular in Dublin and other towns. There is no doubt that people have got bad turf. Senator Fearon stated last night that the Minister had said they expected to turn out turf of 30 per cent. moisture. If it was a dry summer, turf might be produced of 29, 28 or 27 per cent. moisture. Would they have to water it, then, in order to get turf of 30 per cent.? We have heard rumours during the emergency about unscrupulous dealers watering turf. I believe that is true, and that that is the way the people of Dublin have been treated.

In Dublin and other towns storage is a great difficulty. People cannot store turf in these places. They have to buy turf in hundredweights and buy it every day, and as a result it is very unpopular. Because of storage and because of the cost, those of us who live in the country in the turf areas and who are getting our turf at a cheap price as compared with Dublin know that turf is a dear fuel. I do not agree with Professor Johnston when he suggests that it would take four tons of turf to equal one ton of coal. I do not agree that only two tons of turf would equal one ton of coal, but if turf is turned out at 30 per cent. moisture two tons might be worth one ton of coal. Even in the rural areas where we get good turf I would say it would take two and a half tons of turf to equal one ton of coal, and in the case of a lot of turf which is not of good quality it would take three tons to equal a ton of coal. In the case of turf also you have the question of waste. The Minister stated that in relation to the turf brought from the country to Dublin waste in some cases amounts to 20 per cent. Any of us who know anything about turf know that every time we remove it there is a certain amount of waste and turf mould. It is a big loss to have 20 per cent. of turf wasted when it is moved from the bog to the road, later on to the Park, and then to the fuel yards. In the case of machine-won turf you will not have the same wastage. It is hard, and of better quality. Even in Dublin, however, it will take up a lot of space but there will be less waste. Nevertheless it is not a satisfactory turf for a city like Dublin or a big town where the people have no storage accommodation.

I agree with Senator Sweetman and Senator Summerfield that in relation to turf, transport has been a racket. I think the chief cost of the turf to the people of Dublin has been the transport cost and I hope that the new board will see to it that that racket is stopped. There is no doubt about it that producers and consumers are paying for the expense of transport and that goes a long way towards the expense of turf in Dublin.

People have had ranges and grates suitable for coal and it is only in the last couple of years that ranges have been adapted to burn turf. I hope, in the future, that in houses built by public bodies ranges will be introduced to suit turf, especially in the turf areas. Senator Sweetman has some idea of what happened in Kildare over the ranges. There is no doubt, however, that on the whole the Government must get credit for the scheme started in Kildare which was the forerunner of bigger schemes. Ten or twelve years ago they initiated this scheme to encourage turf-development and to encourage people who were dealing with turf for generations, to get into turf production. When the emergency came and when we could not get enough coal these people were ready to step in and help. In the case of the County Council in Kildare some big schemes were carried on, helped by men who were used to turf all their lives. That did not happen in other counties, which were in a very different position. In Kildare we had the men trained to the work for generations, and because of that we were able to carry out the turf schemes. Apart altogether from turf production, these schemes gave a considerable amount of employment in the laying down of bog roads and in making of roads leading to the bogs. A large amount of money was spent on these roads and on bog drainage. All these schemes gave a considerable amount of employment in our county and in areas where turf camps were erected. All that brought about a certain amount of prosperity to the areas in North Kildare, where the camps were erected. In view of the fact that Kildare is so near Dublin, the circulation of that money also helped Dublin.

There may have been complaints about the turf, but still the people in Dublin were lucky to have the Kildare bogs so near them to be able to get a supply of fuel. While I believe that there will be an improvement in the machine-won turf, I hope, at the same time, that it will not interfere with the production of hand-won turf. There are people in Kildare and other counties who have been producing hand-won turf for generations. They find now that it is a good industry, and that they are able to live out of turf production. During the past few years thousands, who might otherwise have had to leave the country, as so many others had to do during the emergency, found employment at home in turf production. I hope that the scheme in this Bill will not interfere with the hand-won turf.

Senator Sweetman referred to the question of housing. That is a rather important matter in connection with this industry. I do not believe that the public bodies in the County Kildare, or other counties, should be forced to build houses for the workers on this new scheme. In Kildare we have carried out huge schemes at a very big cost to the ratepayers. I think that this new board, or any such board, should build houses for its employees and not expect the ratepayers to do it. We are told that this scheme may last only 30 years. It seems strange to start an industry that will last only 30 years, and it is hard to believe that this one will last only for that period. In Kildare we are doing very well under the new scheme. There are seven bogs to be mechanised, there is a peat works there and a briquette factory. Senator Sweetman also referred to the peat moss factory at Edenderry. During the first world war we had a peat moss factory in the County Kildare. It was run by a Northern firm and gave good employment for some years. It closed down when the war was over because it found that it could not meet foreign competition. The output of that factory was greater than that which is anticipated in the White Paper circulated in connection with this Bill. As regards the briquette factory, it has to be said, of course, that the briquettes would be admirable for storage. They would occupy less space than even the machine-won turf. At the same time, it must be said that briquettes would be a sort of a luxury and might not suit the general public. This Bill proposes to develop the resources of the country—we have the bogs and it is a good thing to develop them—and therefore, I welcome it.

Is léir ón díospóireacht agus na tuairimí a luadh anseo inné agus inniú go bhfuil an Tigh ar fad ar aon aigne i dtaobh an Bille seo a bheith ionghlactha. Ní hionadh sin, mar gurb é tuairim atá ag cách gur gnó riachtanach é atá beartaithe faoí théarmaí an Bhille agus go bhfuil riachtanas ann córas soláthartha móna a cheapadh agus a oibriú le cur in ionad an ghléas a bhí ann le sé nó seacht de bhlianta faoi choinníoll práinne agus ná raibh ach ina ghléas práinneach— agus cuid de lochtach go leor. Molaimse glacadh leis an mBille seo agus do chomhairleoinn go gcuirfimís deireadh leis an díospóireacht anois agus caoi a thabhairt don Aire freagra a thabhairt ar na ceisteanna agus na tuirimí atá luaite. Beidh caoi go leor an mion-scrúdú a dhéanamh ar gach alt den Bhille nuair a bheidh sé á phlé ag an chéad céim eile.

Bíodh go bhfuilim lán tsásta gur rud cóir é an Bille seo tá roinnt nithe b'fhearr liom in easnamh ins an tuarascáil do thug an tAire dhúinn inné agus sa léiriú atá i dtéacs an Bhille fhéin. Tá sain-mhíniú tugtha ar théarmaí agus ar fhocail áirithe sa Bhille, ach níl sain-mhíniú ar bith tugtha ar an bhfocal "turf". Is dóigh liom gur trua nár chuimnigh an tAire míniú a dhéanamh a léireodh cad é an cineál móna atá beartaithe sa Bhille seo chun bheith le fáil ag an bpobal de bhárr na milleon púnt seo atá an pobal chun a íoc chún gléas soláthartha móna a chur ar bun. Do b'fhearr dá mbéadh ann leid nó tuarascáil ar chaighdeán cinnte éigin móna. Do tráchtadh ar thriocha faoin gcéad de fhliuchras a bheith i móin mhaith. Cad chuige nár cuireadh teora éigin den chineál sin i sain-mhíniú an fhocail "turf", ionas go mbeadh sé mar chuspóir ag Bord na Móna le sroisint ina gcuid saothair agus a bheith ina chaighdeán ag an bpobal ar an saghas móna a bhéas acu le fáil ar na cánacha a íocfaidh siad ar a shon agus ar an airgead a íocfaidh siad go díreach ar son an méid móna a cheannóidh siad.

Do réir an Bhille seo, tá sé le hachtú go mbeidh deire leis an Turf Development Board agus na hoibreacha a bhí ar siúl faoi na comhairlí contae, is dócha. Le sé nó seacht de bhlianta, tá scéimeanna logánta ar siúl ina lán áiteanna ar fuaid na tíre atá i gcómhgar móna. Do luaifinn mar shampla ar a leithéid sin Uíbh Ráthach, Gleann Chárthaigh, Gleann Beithe, An Ráth Mhór agus Priuthas. Bhí obair na móna le roinnt blian in a thionscal tábhachtach sna háiteanna sin. Bhí na mílte tonna de mhóin tirm á gcur amach uatha go Corcaigh, go Luimneach agus go dtí na bailtí eile ar fuaid iarthair Mumhan. Ábhar ioncaim ar bhfiú cuid mhór é ab ea tionscal na móna don mhuintir na náiteanna sin. Tá súil agam nach é toradh a bheas ar bhunú Bord na Móna faoin mBille seo anois na tionscail sin a chur ar ceal agus na daoine a bhí ag brath orthu a bhochtanú. Ní dóigh liom fhéin gur féidir déanamh anois in éagmais an méid móna atá á soláthar as na háiteanna sin.

Do réir gach cuntas atá le fáil, ní dóigh liom go mbeidh gual le fáil sa bhflúrse sin sna cathracha agus sna bailte móra a fhágfadh neamhspleách iad den mhóin atá ag teacht chúcha óna portaigh. Is dóigh liom nár mhiste dhúinn, leis, níos mó eolais a fháil ón Aire ar bhunús an dóchais a mhúscail sé inné ina óráid, nuair a shamhlaigh sé go mbeadh gual le fáil arís i gcóir na gcathrach seo. Muran bréagach iad na scéalta atá ag teacht chugainn ó Shasana, beidh blianta ann sar a mbeidh gual le fáil chomh flúirseach san againn uathu—ná béidir a ndóthain le fáil acu fhéin i gcóir a gcuid riachtanaisí. Tá sé áirithe ag an Aire gur milleon tonna móna a bheidh de thoradh as an gléas soláthartha móna atá á chur ar bun anois faoin mBille seo. Is gairid le dul milleon tonna móna i gcoinne an dá mhilleon go leith tonna guail a háirítí a bhíodh ag teacht go hÉirinn. Béidir go bhfuil eolas ag an Aire a thug air an chaint dhóchasach adúirt sé inné a rá, ach níor thug sé dhúinne é. Is deacair dúinn a chreidiúint go mbeidh milleon tonna guail le fáil ó Shasana againn chun an bhearna a bheidh i soláthar na móna a líonadh ar fad, má cuirtear aon chose leis na scéimeanna logánta atá ar siúl faoi láthair i gcéad áit ar fuaid na tíre.

Mholfainn don Aire spéis a chur sa scéal sin, ar son dhá abhar: an chéad rud, chun go mbeadh flúirse móna ann agus ná béadh riachtanas le ciondálú tearc, dochraideach a thuille; an dara rud, chun go bhfanfadh tionscail saothraithe móna sna háiteanna a bhfuil siad bunaithe le sé bliana, agus go bhfuil tuillimh agus sochair dá réir le fáil ag na daoine ann dá bhárr.

I welcome this Bill. It is very important and very necessary that we exploit the bogs to the best possible advantage. I hope that this Bill will do it. I do not share the fear expressed by other Senators that patronage will interfere with production and distribution. I leave it at that. I do hope that the Minister will not be influenced by the address of Senator Johnston. He called on him to use his imagination. Senator Johnston let his imagination run riot. He was very concerned about silk stockings. We are concerned about fuel—and fuel of the best possible kind. That is our immediate problem. That is why the Bill is here. The spending of considerable sums of money on scientific research has been advocated. Our immediate need is fuel. That is the important thing, and that need will remain, in my opinion, for a very long time. Some Senators complained about Government interference. Some of them are very fond of looking across the water for their ideas, and lauding things that occur across the water. They have nationalised the mines there, and nobody has any fears that patronage will destroy the mines or hamper the distribution of coal. It will, certainly, be costlier, because the rights of the miners will be recognised for the first time under the nationalised scheme. Unfortunately, our Minister cannot see his way to include a section in the Bill to ensure that the people closely associated with the turf undertaking pay standard or trade union rates of wages. He may be influenced here to do something in that connection.

My principal purpose in rising was to make a suggestion to the Minister which Senator Smyth referred to in a brief way. He said that, in Dublin, we are getting very bad turf, and we certainly are. It is doubly bad in the case of a city such as Dublin where there are so many tenement houses with grates entirely unsuitable for burning turf. People living in tenement houses have to fag this poor class of turf up to the second or third storey and then to fag down nearly as much in the ash. That is responsible for the destruction of many souls in Dublin. I suggest to the Minister that machine-won turf is the only suitable turf having regard to the grates in use in Dublin. I wonder if he would discriminate and ensure that tenement-dwellers would get machine-won turf. Old age pensioners, widows and unemployed are entitled to a certain portion of turf but it is very bad turf——

Old age pensioners are getting machine-won turf and so are the unemployed.

All the machine-won turf is going to the free fuel scheme.

The Senator is not living in Dublin.

He does not get the turf.

The Senator is not in touch with the tenement houses.

Not being on the poverty line yet, I have not the advantage of these things and I do not covet them. I have seen little boys and girls fagging turf all over the city and I know one place where they are not getting machine-won turf. They are getting the old stuff, which is almost rubbish. Senator Clarkin who, I am glad to know, is here, says that machine-won turf is provided for those people. I welcome the Bill and I hope it will confer benefits on the people in general.

One thing that strikes me is that the Local Government Department at present seems to be going all out for better roads. I understand that the Cork County Council are not going to cut very much turf this year, and I am also led to believe that they will probably employ a lot of the men, who were formerly engaged on the bogs, on the roads this year. I think turf is more needed than anything else. The turf left over from other years has now been used up and even in districts near the bogs it is very hard to get turf. One has to pay a very high price for dry turf. In Cork I am sorry to say there is no machine-made turf at present and if the bog workers are transferred to work on the roads, the prospect will not be very promising. There was a bog inspector down there lately. I am led to believe that there are about 4,000 acres of bog available for development but I do not know if anything has been done about it. I do hope that the board will see that the county council will be asked to produce as much turf at any rate as last year. Private producers will, if they get the necessary help, produce as much as they possibly can.

Senator Sweetman opened the debate on this Bill by complaining about the inadequacy of the White Paper circulated prior to the introduction of the Bill in the Dáil. Senator Sir John Keane made a similar complaint. Both these Senators appear to be under a misapprehension as to the purpose that the White Paper was intended to serve. It was printed and circulated with the aim of giving members of the Oireachtas information concerning the scheme to be implemented by the Bill which could not be obtained from reading the provisions of the Bill itself. It is I think a completely false analogy to compare that White Paper with the report published by the Electricity Supply Board in connection with the rural electrification scheme or the documents that were published prior to the introduction of the legislation which inaugurated the Shannon Scheme. In the case of the Shannon Scheme the experts reported on what was a comparatively simple matter, involving the carrying out of one single work of construction for which detailed plans had to be prepared and for which a firm contract price was quoted by the firm who undertook it.

It is always possible where one piece of work is undertaken to give specific details as to what is to be done. Where, however, the proposal is to set up a commercial undertaking and to give it the necessary capital and powers to carry out a specific type of production, it is impracticable to set out in detail in advance precisely what they are going to do. Apart from its being impracticable, it is entirely undesirable because any board of this character must be given considerable latitude in the adaptation of its plans to circumstances and it would feel unduly restricted if it was compelled to adhere strictly to some predetermined line of action published in a White Paper.

In the case of the rural electrification report, there were fundamentally different considerations involved to those which arise here. The Government proposal to the Oireachtas was that the rural electrification scheme should be heavily subsidised out of public funds. The Bill which was introduced, and which facilitated the rural electrification scheme, contained no reference to it. No person reading that Bill could have assumed that it made any provision for the rural electrification scheme, except in one section authorising the Government to defray half the cost of the expenditure undertaken by the board. It was, however, considered desirable to make available to the Oireachtas the report which the Electricity Supply Board had prepared at the request of the Government so that full information would be available to Senators and Deputies as to the work to be undertaken and so as to justify the proposal of the Government to subsidise that scheme to the extent intended. I do not know if it is desired by the Oireachtas that the practice of circulating White Papers and explanatory memoranda in connection with Bills should be continued. It has only recently been adopted as a more or less general practice. I think that most members of both Houses would desire it to continue but if Senators are going to demand and expect to receive elaborately detailed reports containing a great number of statistics and—if I am to consider Senator Sweetman's suggestion seriously — as large and as heavy a tome as that produced by the Vocational Education Commission then the practice will become impossible.

I think it is obvious also that many Senators confined their reading to the White Paper, and had taken no trouble to examine the very full report containing a great deal of information published by the Turf Development Board. It is quite obvious that Senator Sir John Keane did not even know of its existence. He asked for unit costs and other statistics all of which are available, in so far as the activities of the board have extended up to date. The report published gives not merely general information concerning the working of the board and the financial results of its operations, but gives information in detail in relation to each specific bog on which its activities have been carried out. The intention is that the board will fulfil its statutory obligations in the same very full manner in future.

For each bog?

For each bog.

Senator Sweetman also queried the advisability of undertaking a heavy capital expenditure upon the construction of electricity generating stations fired with turf, having regard to the limited life of each of these bogs. It is, of course, the standard practice to regard the life of a turbine, boiler and other equipment in a steam generating station as an average of 20 to 25 years and even in the case of a coal-fired station it has been the practice to provide for amortisation within that period. The buildings which will be constructed will be of the lightest possible type and the only part of the construction which need be very strong is the foundation. In any event, the whole finances of electricity production from the turf plant have been based on the assumption that the entire capital invested in the generating station will be recovered within the life of the bog. It is assumed that on that basis that electricity can be produced from Clonsast Station, assuming turf available at 20/- a ton, at .725 of 1d. per unit and if turf is 25/- per ton at .810 of a penny per unit. At the present time electricity is being produced at the Pigeon House at 1.516 pence per unit. The prewar cost of production at the Pigeon House was .6632 but any Senator taking note of that figure must remember that the Pigeon House stands at nothing in the books of the Electricity Supply Board, having been acquired by the board from the Dublin Corporation without compensation, so that even if we have to provide for the amortisation of the turf-burning stations, within the period in which the bog can supply turf to them it is still an economic proposition.

Much the same consideration applies in connection with the building of houses for workers who will be employed in mechanised turf production. I mentioned that on the scheme contemplated in the White Paper some 3,400 workers would be employed permanently and another 3,400 employed seasonally. Those who are employed seasonally will be housed in hostels or camps similar to those which the Turf Development Board operate now in connection with the hand-won scheme. The other workers who will be employed permanently will have to be permanently housed so that they can reside with their families. It is, I think, unwise to attempt to look too far ahead, or to assume it is uneconomic to construct houses for these workers, because the particular work upon which they will be engaged will cease, in that form, in the course of 25 or 30 years. It is not possible to forecast with accuracy what conditions will be like in 25 or 30 years' time or what the housing needs of these areas will be at the end of that period. I want to point out, however, that the fact that turf production, in any particular area, may cease with the exhaustion of turf resources, does not mean that nothing will remain. For example, in the case of Clonsast bog it is estimated that there will be left behind 4,000 acres of land suitable for agriculture or afforestation.

Quite a proportion of those engaged in turf work, therefore, can be given permanent occupations in the area when the work of turf production has ceased. Senator Sweetman had a great deal to say about briquettes. I think his remarks were, in the main, irrelevant on this Bill. As I explained in introducing it, there is nothing in this Bill relating to briquettes. The Turf Development Board is at present operating Lullymore briquette factory, but no part of the funds provided in this Bill is designed to extend briquette production. There are technical problems to be solved before an extension of the briquetting process is practicable. We are producing briquettes at the moment. We are producing them more efficiently than any other country operating the same process is doing, but we cannot say that it is practicable, apart altogether from the question of cost, to extend the production of briquettes until certain highly-involved problems have been resolved.

The process which is being worked at Lullymore is not, as many Senators know, an Irish invention. It was tried in other countries as well, and is at present being operated in other countries. The actual machines used in the process had to be adapted to the circumstances of Irish bogs. They were found by the original private company which operated the process here to be unsuitable. In fact, the failure of the original company was, to a very great extent, due to the fact that a high proportion of its capital was invested in machinery which could not be operated in our circumstances. The Turf Development Board gained by their experience and was able to adapt the machinery so as to make it work, more or less satisfactorily, but there is still a number of problems to be solved before we can hope to undertake a large scale briquette scheme of a size likely to make a substantial difference to our fuel situation.

I propose to deal with the points raised in the debate in the order in which they were raised, not in the order of their importance or of their relationship one to the other. The next note I have here concerns a complaint made by Senator McCabe relating to the obligation upon creameries at the present time to use turf instead of coal. That, of course, is an emergency situation. We have not got the coal to give them and, consequently, they must maintain their activities on turf just as many other industries have to do. It may be that boilers or other fuel burning equipment installed in the creameries or other factories were not designed to use turf and cannot, therefore, give maximum efficiency with turf. That was one of the major problems we had to face during the war, that in all our houses, ranges and grates were designed to burn coal, that in all our industries and creameries, the equipment was designed to burn coal, and because coal was not available, and because they could not be easily adapted to give maximum results with turf, many of the industries had much higher fuel costs than might otherwise have arisen and some of them could not operate with reasonable continuity or efficiency at all.

Senator Sir John Keane referred to the paragraph in the White Paper which indicates that the Government proposes to require industries established in the turf areas in the future to instal equipment suitable for the burning of turf. He read that as an intention to require them to use turf. That is not stated in the White Paper. It is intended that industries that receive Government assistance, established in these areas are to be equipped to use turf. We certainly do not wish to contemplate another emergency situation in which industries fostered by the Government through protection or otherwise in turf burning areas would be capable of using coal only. That would be, obviously, a short sighted policy. It is clearly indicated in the White Paper that the obligation to instal turf-burning equipment will only arise where it is cheaper to use turf and I am sure that very few people will object to the Government insisting on industries protected by or otherwise assisted by it using the cheapest fuel available to them. There are, as many Senators will appreciate, certain prejudices still to be overcome. Not everybody will believe that turf is an efficient industrial fuel which will give uniform performance in all circumstances. We will overcome that prejudice in time, but in the meantime, we cannot allow that prejudice to operate to our disadvantage, particularly in the case of industries which are assisted by the State in any way. I want to make it clear, so far as creameries are concerned, that they are not mentioned there, and if at any time in the future, a creamery wants to use coal it will be free to do so as far as this legislation is concerned. I expect, however, that the members of the co-operative societies will have something to say to a creamery manager who insists on using coal in a place where it would be cheaper and more efficient to use turf.

Senator Fearon appears to have some illusion concerning the efficiency of the machinery now being used by the Turf Development Board. There is nothing whatever experimental in that machinery. It is fully developed and it has been used for many years in Germany and on the Continent in the production of macerated turf. It has been used by the Turf Development Board and is quite satisfactory. Some difficulty arose in Clonsast in the use of that machinery because Clonsast bog was found, after it had been developed to contain a quantity of timber. I mentioned, in introducing the Bill, that one of the problems which the board has to face in the future is to find a method of economic production that can be employed easily in bogs containing timber. The Clonsast bog contains timber and it was the experience gained by the board in Clonsast which revealed the possibility that many of the bogs that were mapped out for development would be unsuitable for this process because of the timber in them, that led the board to undertake a very detailed survey of these bogs for the purpose of marking off those that could be developed by the methods now employed and those that contain timber and would have to be developed by other methods. In the case of Clonsast, the amount of timber there is not such as would make it impossible to extend production to the extent originally contemplated.

Senator Fearon appears to be under the impression that there is some element of doubt as to the moisture content at which machine-won turf may be made available. There is no doubt. The moisture content may vary between 28 and 31 per cent., according to the weather during the production season, but there is no element of risk that the turf can only be produced and sold in some circumstances at a very high moisture content which would make it unsuitable for industrial use.

The hand-won turf which was produced and sold during the emergency is no indication at all of what is practicable by machine-won methods. That turf was produced by road workers, many of whom had never produced turf before, directed by county council staffs diverted from their ordinary duties for this purpose. It had to be produced in great quantities without a systematic organisation to handle it and it had to be transported in wagons not designed for the purpose and stored in Dublin in the course of a few months of the year so as to be available at all months of the year.

Some Senator referred to the cost of storage and the loss in the dumps. The circumstances that required the construction of these large dumps in Dublin and other towns in the eastern areas would not arise at all in normal circumstances.

The need for these dumps arose out of our transport problem and the fact that we had to make transport available for turf during a limited number of months of the year. It was in these few months that all the turf required for the whole year had to be brought into the non-turf areas and stored there by the end of August or the middle of September. When the grain harvest, and beet harvest came in, transport facilities had to be turned to the movement of these foodstuffs and could not be made available for turf transportation at all. It was for that reason that the dump schemes became necessary. In normal circumstances, with adequate transport facilities, the proper place to store turf, if it has to be stored, is in the vicinity of the bog, and the proper method of disposing of it is to move it into the areas where it is to be sold as it is required.

I should like to congratulate Senator Baxter on his speech. It was one of the most encouraging and sensible speeches I heard in the Seanad on this Bill or on any other Bill. He asked if there had been a systematic survey carried out of our bog resources. There have been many surveys of the bogs of Ireland and many memoranda published by the Geological Survey and other authorities on Irish bogs. The Turf Development Board have carried out a survey, a survey of 200,000 acres of the most likely bogs, for the sole specific purpose of determining their suitability for machine-won turf production. The preliminary survey extended over 200,000 acres and the detailed survey extended over 77,000 acres. Of the 77,000 acres which were surveyed in a detailed manner, both as to the suitability of the bogs generally and the timber content of the bogs, 70,000 acres were deemed by the board to be suitable for development.

Perhaps I had better deal now, because it is the next note I have on the list, with the suggestion that there has been some form of ramp in connection with the transport of county council turf during the emergency. I am sure Senators will understand that the one major problem that arose in connection with the emergency turf scheme was the provision of adequate transport facilities for the turf. In determining the rates to be paid to private hauliers and the owners of private lorries for the transport of turf, Fuel Importers, Limited, and the Government Departments concerned, had to remember that all transport facilities were restricted and these rates had to be sufficient to induce public hauliers and private lorry owners to use their lorries for turf in preference to any of the other purposes they could be used for. The public hauliers had many people pressing business on them and we had to induce them to use the petrol allowance they received for their lorries at all times for turf in preference to other business, just as the private lorry owners had to be induced to use the petrol for that purpose instead of for their own businesses.

But it was only issued to them for the purpose of turf.

First of all, we had the public hauliers and they were given substantial petrol allowances for the public carriage of goods. They had to be induced to carry turf in preference to other goods, but the bulk of the turf was carried by contractors who engaged privately-owned lorries for that purpose, the restrictions in the Transport Act on the transportation of goods for reward other than by licensed carriers having been modified in the case of turf. The rates to be paid were very carefully considered. The late Mr. Hugo Flinn, who was in charge of the turf programme in 1941, in consultation with the transport branch of my Department, went very carefully into every individual item of lorry operation costs and on the information obtained as a result of that survey, scales were constructed on a ton-mile basis and put into force in the 1942 season to replace the daily hirage rates which operated in 1941, the first year of the scheme.

That was the first step: the determination on the most scientific basis possible of what were reasonable ton-mile rates for the haulage of turf. The contracts made by Fuel Importers, Limited, were on the basis of competitive tenders. Advertisements were published in the newspapers and the conditions of the tenders were that quotations were to be enclosed in sealed envelopes and delivered at the head office on or before a certain date. The tenders were opened in the presence of one director and at least two senior officials of the company.

A detailed minute was completed of all the tenders received and a copy of the minute and of the scheduled rates was forwarded to the Secretary of the Department of Industry and Commerce. Fuel Importers, Limited, informed me—I made inquiries from them after the matter was raised here—that they were able to obtain rates for turf haulage which were substantially lower than the rates fixed as a result of a survey made by the Turf Controller and the Department of Industry and Commerce in 1941. It may seem queer, despite the enormous volume of business available and the limited transport facilities, that, in fact, the tenders received from contractors were, in all cases, lower than the rates which we had, as a result of an examination of the probable cost, considered to be reasonable. It was explained that that was due to the fact that many of the contractors had petrol pumps and were able to get an additional profit by the sale of petrol through these pumps to their hired lorries. All the contractors used hired lorries to a major extent. In addition, they had profits on the repair of the hired lorries. Frequently they had arrangements with garages on the line of route on which they were operating and confined their drivers to these garages as a condition of their employment, and in many other ways they were able to make additional profits over and above those resulting from the actual haulage contract.

It is, of course, true that a number of them made substantial profits, but they were engaged in the business of turf haulage in a very substantial way. It is necessary to remember that the quantity of turf to be hauled in any one year was between 500,000 and 600,000 tons. That is a great quantity of any material to be moved in the course of a very limited period. A number of people with organising ability went into that business, and, undoubtedly, made substantial profits, but I think there is nothing in the evidence which I have been able to extract to indicate that there was anything in the nature of a ramp, or of any person getting any privileges, concessions or rates which were not generally available.

The whole business of turf haulage was awarded on the basis of competitive tenders, and a rough and ready check showed the reasonableness of the tenders received. There is the fact that Fuel Importers, Limited, were able to report to me that their rates for turf haulage were uniformly below the rates which an official examination had considered would be reasonable. In 1945 the freight paid by Fuel Importers, Limited, for turf haulage by road amounted to £269,000. I mention that sum to indicate the dimensions of the business involved in turf haulage last year and the previous years. The average length of the haul varied from 12 miles to 120 miles, and the average cost per ton was £1 0s. 6d.

Senator O'Reilly referred to the conditions in the turf camps. There is no good trying to refute statements that the conditions in the turf camps are bad. The only way in which one can effectively dispose of such statements is to invite any Senator who wishes to do so to visit the camps. The Turf Development Board will be very glad to arrange for a visit to the camps by any members of the Seanad who desire to go there, and will entertain them there without cost. If they get a meal equivalent to that received on the average working day by the workers in the camps they will be very well fed. I mentioned last night, in the course of a speech in another place, that the average daily diet of the Irish people, as revealed by the figures published in the White Paper on National Income, is about 3,200 calories, and that 100,000,000 people in Europe are living at the moment on daily diets of 1,500 calories or less. An examination of the Report of the Turf Development Board will show that the average daily diet received by the workers in the camps is 5,800 calories, so that there can be no suggestion that they are not fully fed.

I want to deal now with some points that were raised by Senator Kingsmill Moore. We are undertaking this turf development as a State enterprise. I think that Senator Kingsmill Moore was justified in drawing attention to the dangers that may be associated with a State enterprise of this nature, but I think it is undesirable that these dangers should be exaggerated. I am sure that, on consideration, he will agree with Senator Hayes that there is no alternative to a State enterprise in this particular instance.

I do not think that anyone would contemplate the possibility of this turf development scheme being carried out by private enterprise. I do not know that, even if private enterprise was likely to be interested, we would allow them to engage in this work because although it might be theoretically possible to have it carried on, on a competitive basis, in actual fact you could only allow one firm on one bog, and it would have the exclusive privilege of exploiting that bog and of employing workers in connection with its exploitation.

There are certain dangers in State enterprise, but it must be admitted, I think, that they are far less than the dangers associated with private enterprise. That is my personal view. One suggestion made was that we may get as directors of State companies persons who are not the best people to direct them. I am sure that directors are often appointed to privately owned public companies who are not the best people to direct those concerns, but I think there is far less risk in the case of a State corporation or of a State company of this kind that unsuitable people will be appointed as directors than there is in the case of a private company. It may be that the Government will select directors who have much the same view as it holds as to the desirability of the enterprise. I do not think any Senator, no matter what his politics, would regard it as reasonable to request the Government to appoint on the Turf Development Board, or any other corporation operating under State auspices, people who did not believe as firmly as the Government did in the advisability of undertaking that particular operation.

Senators

Hear, hear.

The Government, every time that it undertakes an operation of this kind, is giving a hostage to the electorate. It does not matter whom it appoints; it does not matter whether it pleases its political supporters or displeases its political opponents in the selection it makes, what is ultimately going to matter is the success of the enterprise. That is what is going to tell when the Government has to go before the electorate, and, therefore, there is every reason why the Government in choosing directors should choose men because of their personal qualities, because they can be relied upon to make a success of the undertaking, and should get rid of them if they do not.

It is not usual to publicise the occasions upon which the Government decides to change the directors of some of these undertakings. All the changes that have taken place were not due to personal deficiencies in the individuals concerned. I can assure the Seanad that the Government is always particularly alive to the political dangers involved in an adverse report on the activities of any of these concerns which it launches, and for the successful operation of which it is responsible to the public.

There has been talk of patronage. I take it that by patronage is meant the selection of persons to remunerated posts in the service of these companies, not by reason of their merits but because of their personal relationship, or political relationship, or religious relationship, or some other improper consideration, with the directors of the concerns or with members of the Government, or others in a position to influence the directors.

Again, I say that far more of that goes on in private enterprise than is very likely to go on in Government undertakings and it goes on with less risk of publicity. In that regard, I should like to draw attention to the provisions of Section 15 of this Bill which contemplates that the Turf Development Board will recruit its staff, where practicable, through the medium of the Local Appointments Commissioners. It is intended that all the permanent staff of the board will be recruited through the Local Appointments Commissioners. That principle cannot be applied to all staff, as the board will employ a large number of manual workers—some of them only for seasonal tasks. Where staff, the suitability of which can be determined by a competitive test, is concerned, the machinery of the Local Appointments Commissioners will be utilised. That is, I think, a reasonable assurance that no patronage is likely to be practised, apart altogether from the fact that the directors of this concern, like the Government, will have as their main consideration the necessity to get good men, so that they can make a success of their job.

It was put forward by Senator Kingsmill Moore, as an objection to this enterprise, that it will not be allowed to fail, that if it proves to have been wrongly conceived or badly managed, it will be supported by the State through subsidies or otherwise, so that failure will not be apparent. That may be so but I doubt very much that a statement so sweeping as that could at any time be true.

The example which Senator Kingsmill Moore gave is, I think, a bad one. He said that if this undertaking were started as a private enterprise and did not make profits, then it would be put into liquidation and the shareholders would get whatever proportion of their capital could be recovered from the disposal of its assets. I want to emphasise that the making of profits is not the primary consideration in this case. The primary consideration is the production of turf—and the production of turf at the lowest price that will recover the cost of production and the capital charges arising therefrom. If this undertaking should run into a bad period because of some technical difficulty or climatic problem or other unforeseen snag affecting the success of its operation, it is desirable that it should be supported until we are convinced, if we can be convinced, that it is not practicable to exploit our peat resources by mechanical means so as to meet the country's fuel requirements. It is precisely because it is desirable that an enterprise of this kind should be given full support until various methods of operation have been tried out and some one successful method demonstrated, that it is necessary to have it carried on as a State enterprise rather than as a private concern.

I turn now to deal with some of the specific points raised by Senator Kingsmill Moore. They can be discussed in Committee but, perhaps, I can obviate the putting down of needless amendments by referring to them now. Section 17 was referred to by the Senator. That section does not give power to the board to interfere with any person's rights. It sets out the duties of the board in much the same way as the purposes for which a company is formed are set out in its memorandum of association. That is all that is contained in Section 17. The powers which the board will enjoy are set out elsewhere. It is given no powers, in the specific sense of the term, in that section. The Senator related that section to other sections and, particularly, to Section 22 (4) (a). That paragraph provides that a canal company will not be entitled to compensation because of loss of traffic resulting from the fact that a bridge is erected.

I want the Seanad to be quite clear as to what is intended. If the bridge interferes with the canal and makes it less easy to operate, if it slows down or otherwise creates difficulties in the movement of traffic on the canal, compensation will be payable. But the mere fact that a bridge is built and that, because of the building of that bridge, persons decide to send their goods in future by road and not by canal, will not entitle the company to compensation.

The subsection does not make that clear.

It may be necessary to alter the wording. The mere fact that the canal loses traffic by reason of the construction of the bridge, leading people to avail of other means of transport, will not entitle the owners to compensation. This issue arose in a specific case. Many Senators may know that Lullymore can be approached only by boat over the canal. The only road runs on the far side of the canal and the only way to get briquettes out of the bog is by the canal. The only places to which briquettes can be sent is where the canal runs. If a bridge is built over the canal, as a result of which briquettes are sent to other centres, and the traffic on the canal in respect of carriage of briquettes is reduced, there will not be a claim for compensation. But if the bridge interferes with the property of the canal company or impedes traffic over the canal, then compensation will be payable. I shall have that paragraph examined to see that the meaning is quite clear.

Senator Kingsmill Moore referred to Section 51, which deals with certain Orders made under the Emergency Powers Act which are to become part of the permanent law. Ordinarily, I might regard that section as in undesirable form but it is necessary to take note of what these Orders are. They were two Orders made to empower the Turf Development Board to build railway sidings—one at Clonsast and the other at Glenties. The sidings have been built and the matter is finished. There might be some doubt as to what the position would be if the Emergency Powers Act under the authority of which the sidings were built expired, and that is the reason the section is there.

Whatever land was necessary was acquired and the railway lines have been laid. The only purpose of making these Orders part of the permanent law in this form is to avoid any possibility of contention as to the future of these railway sidings when the Emergency Powers Orders cease to operate. Complaint was made that these Orders had not been printed and published. I cannot answer as to that. I understand that copies were available in the Stationery Office in neo-style form. They were not printed because it was considered that they were not of public interest in the sense that the public were not affected by them. Only the Turf Development Board and a limited number of persons over whose property the railway sidings were to be built were concerned. They received copies of the Orders and any other person could have received copies on application to the Stationery Office.

If they are to become part of the permanent law, they should be printed.

They are spent. In so far as power was given to build sidings, that power has been exercised and the sidings have been built.

Through the courtesy of the Minister, I have been supplied with copies of the Orders. Previously, I had tried to get the Orders and I was told that they were not printed.

Would the Minister consider putting the Orders in a schedule to the Bill? There is difficulty in interpreting the Bill without them.

They are very long Orders and they do not affect the Bill. The only purpose of this provision is to avoid any possible doubt as to the position of these sidings when the Emergency Powers Orders cease to operate.

If the Minister had to leave off reading a Bill in order to chase up references, he would see the necessity of making these matters easier for Senators.

Could the Minister not give the effect of the Orders in the Schedule?

The Turf Development Board are being given full power to erect new railway sidings, if they require them, and it is desirable to avoid any possibility of its having to take up existing sidings because of some question about the validity of these Orders, they could lay them down again under the provisions of this Bill. Senator Kingsmill Moore also referred to a provision in the Bill which states that no right of action will lie in the courts regarding the assessment of compensation for property acquired. That is in standard form. The Bill provides that compensation shall be determined by agreement and, if there be not agreement, by arbitration. Because the Bill makes provision for arbitration, the possibility of action in the courts is precluded.

I was referring to the possibility of an injunction if irreparable harm was going to be done.

The provision does not relate to that. It relates to the determination of the amount of compensation to be paid.

I am not disagreeing with the Minister but these things require to be cleared up.

Senator O'Dea referred to Section 33, which provides that a claim for the price of property acquired or for compensation in respect of interference with property shall be made within a year. It does not require that the amount of the compensation due should be assessed within a year, or paid within a year.

I am quite aware of that, but it seems to limit the time from the commencement of the year.

In which the claim can be made, but the amount of compensation does not have to be agreed or determined within the year.

A man might not like to make his claim until all the damage was done.

Most of the claims will be in respect of land acquired and it will be only a matter of determining the price to be paid.

I referred to a case in which there was a subsidence in a canal and the claim could not be made until 18 months afterwards.

I presume that in that case there would be an action in a court of law. I shall have the point examined however.

I merely raised the point so that the Minister might look into it.

Senator Summerfield expressed the hope that the marketing of the products of the turf board would be carried out through established retail traders. I want to make it clear that the board will be free to market its products in whatever manner it likes. It will be subject to no restriction that is not imposed on any other turf producer and if it finds that it can give a better service by selling its products direct to consumers, it will be free to do so. If the board finds it more convenient to make a contract with some distributing organisation it will be at liberty to do that also.

In so far as the acquisition of bogs is concerned, the intention is that the bogs will be acquired at the value of the bogs as such. It is certainly not intended to give either an undue price for them or to take into regard the value of the bogs to the Turf Development Board. If the price is not acceptable to the owner, the value will have to be determined by arbitration.

Senator Ruane inquired why Mayo was left out of this scheme. I indicated in my opening statement the considerations which led the board to select the bogs named in the White Paper, namely, that they had to be suitable for the type of mechanical processes contemplated in this scheme, that they had to be situated in areas in which arterial drainage had been, or was about to be, undertaken and that they had to be located in areas where the board had a reasonable prospect of finding a market for the turf produced. None of the Mayo bogs conformed to these conditions; at least they did not conform to the conditions on the basis on which the present scheme was formulated. I stated that the board is now conducting a more thorough survey of bogs in Mayo and Cork with a view to determining their suitability for exploitation by this or some other process which the board might decide to operate in the future.

Perhaps I should make it clear that the board will have no responsibility for hand-won turf. The intention of the Government is to continue to give every assistance to the producers of hand-won turf by providing funds for the construction of bog roads and the carrying out of drainage, but applications for such assistance must be addressed to the special employment schemes section of the Board of Works.

You will not try to displace hand-won turf?

Certainly not. Arising out of the remarks of Senator Smyth, perhaps I might mention, to correct any false impression that may have been created by an observation I made in reply to a question from Senator Hayes that in the case of the Kildare bogs, it is possible that some of the machine-won turf produced there will be sold in Dublin. We are putting on the Turf Development Board no obligation in normal circumstances to sell their turf in Dublin or elsewhere, but, as I mentioned earlier, the sale area will be an area of between 30 and 40 miles from each bog and it will be clear that Dublin is within a radius of 30 or 40 miles of some of the Kildare bogs. There will be, however, no element of compulsion to purchase turf even in circumstances in which full coal supplies are available. They will sell their turf in Dublin, if they can get a market in Dublin, at its economic value. It may be that a large proportion of the turf produced in Kildare will be used in electricity generation.

I can assure Senator Foran that the position at present is that all the machine-won turf produced is distributed under the free fuel scheme. It was decided that the very best fuel available, because of the facts to which he referred—that the inability of the people benefiting under the scheme to adapt their ranges or their grates to the use of turf—that they should get the best fuel available. Persons who had to rely on hand-won turf produced by the county councils or at the turf camps could make a better effort to adapt their equipment for the use of that type of turf. The whole of the machine-won turf is distributed to those benefiting under the free fuel scheme. It is, however, hoped that there will be some surplus over and above the requirements of the free fuel scheme in this year, in which case the balance will go for industrial purposes. At the present time the whole of the briquette production is used for industrial purposes.

Senator Sir John Keane referred to turf having to be heavily subsidised. Again, I want to emphasise that the emergency turf scheme has no relation to the project with which this Bill is concerned. It is true that the emergency turf produced by the county councils could be sold only at a heavy loss and that the Government has to make good that loss. If we had only machine-won turf to deal with, and all the turf supplied to Dublin was of the Clonsast type, not only could that turf be sold at less than 64/- but it could be sold without subsidy. There is no lesson to be learned from our emergency experience in regard to hand-won turf which is applicable to machine-won turf production. So far as I know the board will have under the Bill full power to engage in the transport of its own turf. It is certainly not intended that they should be under any restriction in that regard.

Senator Johnston said that this scheme does not provide a substantial contribution to our fuel supply. On the basis of his calculation, it would represent only 10 per cent. of our full requirement but his calculation was obviously inspired by a desire to disparage the scheme rather than by any attempt at fair criticism. However, on the basis of the ascertained calorific value of machine-won turf as against that of imported coal, we are aiming to replace imported coal to the extent of one-fifth or one-sixth of the pre-war imports. That may appear a small contribution to some people but the production of 1,000,000 tons of machine-won turf is a big job. If anybody has any doubts about it, he can offer his services to the Turf Development Board and they will be very glad to avail of them. We are giving a very big job to the board in asking them to step up production to 1,000,000 tons. It is true that we are not planning to secure a full degree of self-sufficiency as regards fuel, and that to safeguard the security of the State in circumstances in which no coal would be available, we should have to produce more than that.

We are giving them this target of 1,000,000 tons a year at the end of ten years. If they get 1,000,000 tons in three, four or five years and if they can report to the Government that they can do better than 1,000,000 tons a year, then the Government, irrespective of what Party may be in office at the time, I am sure, will be only too glad to review the matter. It may be that we will have a fuel problem for many years to come. I think that no one would attempt to fix a date upon which there was the slightest prospect of having coal in free supply, so that it could be sold without restriction of any kind. It may even be that habits of the people and methods of working in this country may be permanently changed and that not having coal and not having sufficient turf we may have to use fuel oil and perhaps electricity for heating and cooking purposes. Whatever the future may hold, I think we have got to effect the maximum possible production of turf in a permanent systematic way by mechanical methods.

I am glad you mentioned that, because the impression created in your opening remarks to-day was that some of the Senators were of the opinion that we are going to receive coal in the near future.

Certainly not. I have no illusions on the subject. Senator Johnston referred to the possibility of producing from turf a number of industrial raw materials. All the materials he referred to can be produced from turf in a laboratory. They can be produced as a scientific fact. They cannot be produced as an economic fact, at least, nobody has yet discovered a method of producing such commodities from turf economically.

I could, in fact, say that even suits of clothes could be made from turf. Yes and paper, even, as well as the commodities mentioned but at a cost which would be prohibitive.

There again at a prohibitive cost. Well, one private company as the House may be aware went into that business during the emergency.

It has a prohibitive taste too as far as that is concerned.

It did not make a success of it. It blew itself up periodically, which did not help its economic progress. I want to mention that the Turf Development Board did, as agents for the Emergency Scientific Bureau, go into the production of turf charcoal in a big way. They produced a very substantial quantity of turf charcoal at Turraun. The lesson learned from that enterprise, however, was that it was not economical and as soon as the petrol supply position improved it was stopped. These are the main points raised in the House in the debate. If I have omitted any point raised by Senators I apologise. I will be able to deal with it in the course of the discussion in Committee. I have tried to make available to the Seanad all the information it was possible to give. I would ask them to understand that we are embarking on a new enterprise here and that nobody can be wise enough to forecast, with any accuracy, precisely how it is going to work out. We can lay down a general scheme, give in rough outline the road to be followed, but, inevitably, problems we do not foresee and difficulties will emerge, or facilities will come to hand that we cannot forecast, and things may work out differently to what we are anticipating now. I ask the Seanad to consider this Bill and to take full account of these considerations. I ask the Seanad to give this board the powers which it is reasonable to expect they require and no more powers than they may reasonably require; to give them these powers, in such manner, that they may have a reasonably free hand to make a success of this enterprise having regard to the importance to the country its success will be.

Question—"That the Bill be now read a Second Time"—put and agreed to.
Committee Stage ordered for Wednesday, May 1st.
The House adjourned at 9.35 p.m. until 3 p.m. on 1st May, 1946.
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