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Seanad Éireann debate -
Thursday, 13 Jan 1949

Vol. 36 No. 6

Agricultural Loans and Grants—Motion (Resumed).

When I listened to Senator Robert Burke proposing this motion yesterday, I wondered on whose behalf he had brought it forward. Had he behind him the support of any organised body of farmers or was he merely speaking for some local group who have need of greater facilities for credit in his area? I asked the Minister last night when he was speaking on the matter would he define for us what was a credit-worthy farmer. Instead of defining what a credit-worthy farmer was, he suggested that a farmer who would be backed by two other farmers would be acceptable to the lending body, whoever they might be; so that when I asked him to define one credit-worthy farmer, it turned out to be three farmers and yet I do not know what a credit-worthy farmer is.

I happened to be looking up statistics this morning and I find that we have 384,563 agricultural holdings in this country or had in 1944. Of these, two-thirds, or 242,671 holdings, were under 30 acres. Now if anybody needs credit in agricultural Ireland it would be the small farmers, the 242,671 farmers with small holdings. But they are the least likely to get credit if they apply to the Agricultural Credit Corporation, to the banks or to anybody else. The man who needs credit most has the least hope of getting it. The farmer who has a big farm well-stocked, and with modern machinery, will have no difficulty whatever in getting a loan if he applies for a loan. The man who requires the loan is the man who may have only a few head of stock, obviously only a few acres, possibly a large family and he may already be in debt. If some of his cattle die, he needs a loan for re-stocking. What hope has he of getting it? He has very little hope of getting it from the Agricultural Credit Corporation. Although I am a city man, I have had some experience of rural people and of their problems. If you are a credit-worthy farmer, as that term would be defined by the Agricultural Credit Corporation, you would be a man who would not need any credit from them. The Minister suggested that the problem was not that of providing more loans but of getting people to take more advantage of the loans and of the grants that are available. I think that is the real problem. There are a great many loans available for which farmers do not apply. A good many grants, too, which are available are not taken up—possibly because of the conditions which hedge round them. In order to get a loan for farm improvement or for any other purpose for which the loan may be available, a man must have some money of his own. He must have money in reserve to make up the difference. If he has no reserve the problem of getting or of using a loan becomes too big for the small farmer to tackle.

The Minister attempted to overcome the existing difficulties by setting up in Bansha a sort of parish agricultural society. An official of the Department of Agriculture is living there, and the farmers and other rural people can discuss their problems with him. Through a parish council or through any other organised body, the requirements of the parish in general and the needs of any particular farmer can be ascertained. In that way, it may be possible in the future to induce farmers to take more advantage of the available facilities. If that is done, no new arrangements for the granting of loans to farmers should be necessary. I know some small farmers who would not go to a wealthier neighbour and say "I am in great difficulties. I have no money in the bank. I want a loan. Will you guarantee me either to the Agricultural Credit Corporation or to anybody else?" Rather than do that, they would let their stock dwindle; they would let their farm get into a greater state of neglect; they would even half starve themselves rather than let their neighbour know how badly they need the loan. However, if the matter concerns the parish as a whole, it then becomes quite different. If the parish council or any other organised body discusses the need of the parish in regard to lime, drainage, farm building improvements, water supply and so forth, the subject then becomes a general parish matter. The facilities available, and how best to use them when they are got, can be explained to the people in general. If one farmer finds half a dozen others in much the same position as himself, more advantage will, I think, be taken of the available facilities.

I do not think that Senator R.M. Burke is correct in his suggestion that the problem is one of lack of credit facilities. The credit facilities are there but the difficulties and obstacles in the way of providing the credit where it is most needed are the problem that has to be overcome. The amendment to Senator Burke's motion is a very astute amendment, but it does not meet the problems of the farmers who require credit. Senator Counihan's proposal, as I understand it, is to give every farmer who is purchasing his holding from the Land Commission a credit voucher, call it what you will, to the value of 50 per cent. of his holding.

On a point of correction, for the amount of the remitted land annuities, which is not 50 per cent. —it would not be more than 30 per cent.

Mr. O'Farrell

I see the Senator's point. A lot of the payment would have been made—we will say it is one-third. That bond would bear interest at the rate of 4½ per cent. per annum when lodged in the bank and it would be a source of credit to the farmer. He could, presumably, borrow money from the bank at 3½ per cent. interest per annum. The difference between what he would pay the bank and what he would pay the Government would wipe out his debt to the Government. He would get out of it very easily, in any event, but my objection is that the man with the large holding would get the biggest bond and that the small farmer, who needs it most, would have the least to get in the way of a bond.

He has not the same security.

Mr. O'Farrell

I am not discussing his security. I am discussing his needs. When I hear of "credit-worthy farmers" I am reminded of the talk there used to be about "the children of the deserving poor". In the past there were societies and organisations to look after "the children of the deserving poor". Judged by modern standards, these children did not get such very good treatment from those societies, but the important point is that the children of those whom they would have referred to as "the undeserving poor" were most in need of help. If you must make a distinction, I think that the children of good parents were least in need of outside help as compared with the children of bad parents. It is always those who need it most who get the least assistance. The same applies to the farmers.

On the principle of getting loans, I am more inclined to say that the wealthy farmer, rather than the small farmer, avails of them. I should not like to think that anybody is going to make it easy for the farmers of this country to borrow themselves into destitution, because that may well be what will happen. If you make it too easy to borrow money, you do not make it any easier to pay it back. What is happening in places such as Dublin City may happen also in rural areas. Economic and other conditions in this city—housing conditions in particular— are making it absolutely essential for people in receipt of a weekly wage or a monthly salary, which may not even be as high as that which the weekly wage-earner gets, to cash in every possible asset they have in order to raise a couple of hundred pounds. They think that when they have got £100 or £200 together, they are well off. If they kept that £200 as a reserve, they might continue to say they are well off but, because they need houses, they are induced to put the money down as a deposit on a house. The moment they do so, they incur a debt of anything from £1,500 to £1,800 with some society or body which buys the house for them. For 30 years then they have tied a mill-stone round their necks. They pay 5 per cent. or 5½ per cent. on that borrowed money from the time they are 30 years of age until they are 60, that is, if they are able to continue the payments. If they cannot do so, their house will be sold and they will lose on the transaction because the house will have deteriorated in value. That, I think, is an example of what Senator Professor O'Brien called "dead weight borrowing" because it would be unproductive. The property is deteriorating year by year. It is even worse than that because, as soon as the buyer puts down his £200 and assumes responsibility for repayment of £1,500 or £1,800 at 5½ per cent. interest, he also undertakes to pay ground rent of £10 per annum and to pay directly, instead of indirectly, the rates. He is borrowing himself into debt and may never be able to get out of that debt. I hate to think the farmers of Ireland would be induced to borrow beyond their capacity to pay.

Senator Burke mentioned as one of the reasons why additional credit should be given, the purchase of machinery. I am sorry the Minister for Agriculture is not present so that I might disagree with him. I do not take his view of the value of agricultural machinery. Perhaps I do not know as much about it as he does, but I view it from a different angle. I think that far too much is being spent on mechanisation of agriculture in this country, more than will be economically justified. I do not believe it would be wise or sound policy to induce the small or medium farmers to borrow money for the purchase of expensive machinery. If credit is made available, obviously, the farmer's son will put on the pressure and say: "Daddy, buy me a tractor; Daddy, buy me this and that or I will leave the land", and the farmer will buy a tractor and he will find that that tractor will never earn what he paid for it.

If there were a system for the purchase of machinery for small farmers on a co-operative or parish basis, well and good, but none of these 242,000 farmers with holdings under 30 acres needs a tractor or all the other mechanical equipment that he will be tempted by his son to buy if the money is made available. This is an opportunity for saying, so that the experts may set me right if I am wrong, that I do not believe that it is always an economic matter to purchase machinery to do the work on the land. I do not think it cheapens production. It may get it done quicker, but it will not get it done cheaper. More has to be paid for a machine than would be spent on local labour over three or four years. When a man buys a tractor or imported machine, he is paying for labour in advance; he is putting down ready money for the men who worked in the mines to get the coal, for the men who used the coal to make the steel, for every mechanic that helped to make the machine, for everybody who handled the machine. He has paid all their wages in advance before he ploughs an acre of land. Having purchased one of these expensive machines, he has to put by money to repay interest and sinking fund and, if he is a wise farmer, he should also put by money to replace the machine when it is worn out at the end of a period of five or ten years.

Something other than the lack of credit facilities seems to me to be wrong with agriculture. I do not know what it is. I leave it to the experts to find out but I know from my own experience—and many Senators know it—that when there were less facilities for credit, when we had none of the modern mechanical contrivances to speed up farming that we have now, this country was able to produce sufficient food for its people with greater ease than it manages to do it now. When there was none of the modern equipment available there was no shortage of butter. I do not know why that was. Perhaps we imported more. There was very little shortage of meat. There was seldom a shortage of bacon. We could always get eggs. What is more, we could always get the price of these things, even in the poorest parts of the city. If there is something wrong with agriculture, it is not the lack of credit facilities. I think it is that the credit facilities available, for one reason or another, are not used by the people who need them most. The problem of agriculture is not a problem of more modern and more fast-moving machinery. The farmer's difficulty is a marketing difficulty and a price difficulty. If the farmer can be guaranteed for his commodity a reasonable price over a number of years, he will be able to get on very quickly without borrowing himself into debt.

We who live in Dublin know that one does not think much of a person who runs to the pawn office on Monday morning with a bundle of clothes to raise the wind for the week. I do not want to see the farmers put into the position of people who have to run to the pawn office. The man who goes to the Credit Corporation or any other lending agency has to pawn something before he will get a loan. He is pawning his farm machinery; he is pawning his stock, if he has it, and, worse than all, he is pawning his children to pay the interest.

I should like to compliment the Minister for Agriculture on his handling of the debate last night. Without in any way casting a reflection on the Minister now present, I do not think it would be unreasonable to suggest that we should charge for admission to the public gallery whenever the Minister for Agriculture is conducting a debate. His handling of the situation last night was amusing. I do not say that in any derogatory sense.

If the Minister were to depend on the debate which took place last night, he would be a long time before arriving at a solution of the agricultural problems. The debate was opened by Senator Robert Burke, who proceeded at great length to point out the difficulties in existence as far as agricultural credit is concerned. The Minister took a directly opposite line. He said that sufficient facilities were already available. Senator Burke pointed out that the rate of interest was too high. The Minister said that the rate of interest was not of the importance attributed to it by certain speakers. In that I am in thorough agreement with the Minister. I believe that the rate of interest on the average loan which a farmer will normally apply for is not a matter of extreme importance. The reason I say so is that the average loan applied for by farmers is so small that, whether the rate of interest is 5 per cent.—which might be regarded by some people as a normal rate—or 3 per cent.—which might be regarded by other people as a satisfactory rate—the difference between the 3 per cent. and the 5 per cent. will never be a matter of life and death to the farmer. I am not by any means suggesting that money should not be made available to farmers at the lowest possible rate of interest, but I am trying to point out that, if there is anything wrong with the situation as it exists at present, it is not entirely the rate of interest.

Speaking on another occasion on this particular subject, I said that the difference in the rates of interest would mean the difference of the price of a lamb. The price of a lamb has increased, so that at present I think we could say the difference between 3 per cent. and 5 per cent. on the average loan applied for by farmers would not be much greater than the price of a turkey. That being so, I think we must look somewhere else for the trouble.

Senator Burke pointed out that many farmers will not apply for a loan because they know that there is no use in making application. We have heard a lot of talk like that over the years. Speaking as an ex-director of the Agricultural Credit Corporation, I can say that while I was a director I had to sit down quietly here and hear that corporation criticised. But, as a man who had the honour of being a director of that corporation for a number of years, I should like to say that during those years I never saw a loan made by the corporation on any basis other than the credit-worthiness of the farmer and his ability to repay the debt, in the opinion of the directors. I should also like to pay tribute to the officials of that corporation and to say that, in handling any loan or application, no other interest ever intervened and that every case was handled absolutely on its merits. Anybody who did not get a loan did not get it because, in the opinion of the directors, the man would not be in a position to repay the loan.

If the present Minister for Agriculture or any future Minister can bring about a situation whereby people who are not considered credit-worthy by any responsible body of men can be made credit-worthy, he will have my whole-hearted support. There is no use in saying that people do not apply for loans to the Agricultural Credit Corporation because they know it is no use. I hope we will never get to the stage where any responsible body of men, handling the money of the people, which is, practically speaking, what these directors are doing, will make loans to people other than credit-worthy people. The Minister yesterday, when we were all in very good humour, as I hope we always will be in this House, said that if any two Senators from either side of the House would sign their names to guarantee anybody for a loan, he would guarantee that that man would get a loan of £1,000. My reply to that is that, if he would allow me to pick out the Senators, I would pick out two Senators and, if they put their names as securities, I guarantee that they would not get £1,000. I would go further and say that they would not get £100. I say that without casting any reflection on the Senators whom I might pick out.

There is no doubt there are people who have applied for loans and have been turned down. People seem to overlook the fact that a farmer is in a very different position from the ordinary businessman who may apply for a loan to any institution. I will go so far as to say that the trouble in connection with agricultural credit is really traditional; it has its roots in history. The trouble is this. If Pat Murphy, who is a businessman and owns a shop in Dublin or any other city or town, gets a loan from a bank or a credit corporation and fails to meet his payments when they become due nobody will have any hesitation in buying his business if it is put up for sale. If Pat Murphy, who happens to be a farmer, gets a loan and fails to meet his demands and his farm is put up for sale, nobody will buy it. That is traditional. Perhaps it is a good aspect and perhaps it is not. In any case, the fact is that as a result of the Land League and various other campaigns whereby the farmer got the right to own his land, a situation has developed here in which there is no free sale of land, if the sale is brought about as a result of debt. There is no use in closing our eyes to that.

If Senator Burke or anybody else says that a farmer is prepared to give a charge on his land and that, if he has 100 acres of land worth £3,000 in the open market, the farmer should get £3,000 credit, I say that that is ignoring the actual facts of the situation. We must face this matter on the basis that, if it is necessary to have a forced sale of any farmer's land, you cannot realise what any reasonable man would estimate as the value of that farm. The Minister yesterday, in my opinion, put his finger on the spot when he said that the trouble is not to make money available to farmers by way of loan but to induce them to borrow money. I think that was a very wise statement. The difficulty there again is traditional, or historical, if you like. Anybody in touch with the agricultural community or who knows anything about the situation in rural Ireland must know that people in the rural areas and farmers in particular have an inherent dread of incurring debt. When a person gets over a certain margin he does not care. But the man I am talking about is the average conservative farmer, and I believe that there is nobody in the world more conservative than the Irish farmer. That type of man does not want to get into debt, even though by getting a loan he can improve his position. He is a different type of man from the ordinary businessman who will be quite prepared to contract a loan after having gone into the figures and convinced himself that by getting a loan he can make a certain percentage of profit. But the farmer will not do that. Even if he wants machinery or extra cattle, he would rather drag on and suffer the penalties of poverty than contract a debt which he is not quite sure he can repay.

Senator Burke went on to say that, even though he was very much in favour of loosening up so far as agricultural credit is concerned, we should not encourage unwise lending or indiscriminate borrowing. I should like to know what he would call indiscriminate borrowing or what he would call unwise lending. To my mind, there is no method whereby a situation like that can be met except by having a responsible body of people to sit down and calmly examine each farmer's financial situation and decide in their wisdom whether that man will be able to meet his annual demands or such other demands as may be provided for in the loan agreement. If he is not likely to be able to repay the debt, there is no alternative but to say that the man is not credit-worthy, according to present standards. The Minister made a further statement and, if I understood him rightly, what he said was that he believed it was immoral to loan money at a rate of interest.

I am afraid that that is not quite what he said.

If it is not quite what he said I would like somebody to tell me exactly what he did say, because though I disagree with the Minister on a whole lot of things, I was amazed to hear him make such a statement. Surely we have not reached the stage where it is immoral for anybody to loan money or for a bank to operate. Unfortunately, all of us have to have overdrafts from time to time, and I cannot see us getting to a stage where anybody is going to run a banking business without a rate of interest to cover their risk.

The point the Minister made had reference to usury.

When it is all boiled down, what the Minister said was—I hope I am correct—that he did not believe there was any justification for charging interest over and above that which would cover overhead charges.

It is immoral.

I am not defending him.

I am not in any sense trying to misrepresent the Minister.

He did not include commercial banks.

You have got to make allowances for people. I am quite prepared to admit that if there was no risk and if every man applying for a loan was a certainty to repay that loan there would be no justification for exorbitant rates of interest, but if the bank or if any group of individuals, whether the Credit Corporation, a semi-Government Department or any other group of people, go into the loaning business they must provide for one fellow out of four or five or ten who will fall down on the job so as to cover overheads.

Senator Sweetman attributed to the Minister for Finance. I think, a statement that the farmers had already in the banks sufficient money on deposit to provide the necessary capital for farming.

Yes, I suggested that though it is not what he said.

That might sound all right if we were to take it on the hop. It might sound all right to a bunch of people who do not know anything about the agricultural community. There is not much use in that statement, however, and I do not think it makes sense if you have two farmers down the country living side by side, if one man's name happens to be Hayes and he has a deposit in the bank of £5,000, and the other man's name happens to be Quirke and he has an overdraft of £500. To my mind, Quirke has no hope of getting that £5,000 off Hayes, whatever hope he might have to get it off the Minister for Finance.

Do not think that I agree with the remark of the Minister for Finance.

I took it that no Senator on that side of the House would disagree with the Minister for Finance.

I did and do disagree.

Mr. Hayes

The Senator is confusing the two sides.

I know that some people on that side of the House agree with some of the policies I agree with, but I will be excused when a man stands up over there if I take it that he is on the other side. I am very sorry, I apologise.

The point is that it is quite reasonable to say, as Senator Sweetman I think said, that there is already a supply of credit, but that credit is not available to the people who want it most. I am quite prepared to agree with that but how we are to find a method whereby the people who want credit most can get it, I do not know. As I said earlier in my speech, if the Minister has to find a way he will have to find it somewhere else besides in the speeches we heard last evening and I hope he will get some enlightenment now.

Somebody else said that our machinery is antiquated. I think Senator Sweetman said that too and that brings me to the question of mechanised farming. I do not mind saying that I am 100 per cent. in disagreement with the policy of the Minister on this question of mechanised farming. The Minister, if we are to take his public pronouncements, would bring about a situation whereby farming in this country would be carried on, somewhat on the same lines as it is carried on in certain parts of the Continent or in certain parts of the United States. By that I mean that if we are to take the Minister's statements on their face value he would bring about a situation whereby farming in this country or tillage in this country would be taken over entirely by mechanised transport. With that attitude I am in absolute disagreement. I believe if we are to advance along those lines and if we are to accept any such policy the country is heading for disaster. I can quite understand any member of this House going out to a demonstration of agricultural tractors and being impressed. I have been impressed myself. I am quite prepared to admit, now that the emergency is over, that were it not for the addition of the tractors in our agricultural work during the war we would probably have fallen behind on the job and if we had fallen behind on the job I think the Minister and Senators will at this stage agree that this country would have found itself in a very unenviable position. But because, if you like, we were rescued out of a very difficult situation by the tractors, we cannot admit that this country should as a result go over to mechanised farming.

I would like Senators to carry their minds back to the situation which existed here prior to the war. I do not want to be accused of talking politics. We have lived here long enough during a period when if a man mentioned the growing of wheat he was accused of talking politics. We are now in the cool, calm atmosphere of the post-war period and we can go back on it and examine the situation as it existed at that time. If we go back calmly and examine the situation as it existed then, we can remember, as I remember very well, one particular day—I am quite prepared that somebody will laugh and laugh loudly when I make this statement. I was driving into Dublin and my wife was with me. There was considerable confusion in the city and I did not know what it was all about, but on that particular day, which I remember as well as if it were yesterday, I would have been quite prepared to see the troops of another country marching up and down the streets of Dublin.

Let us carry ourselves back to that period. I observe that no one has laughed, but most people at that time must have realised—in the early stages of the war—that it was at least within the bounds of possibility that this country would be invaded. Assuming that was so, we were then in the position that we had the machinery and the facilities to provide something like a two-day supply of wheat for the country. In that situation we got into action. We pulled ourselves together. When I say that I am not claiming credit for the Fianna Fáil Party or for anybody else. What I say is that the people pulled themselves together. They set up an organisation under Government guidance. They made up their minds and said: "If we are going to live, if we are going to till the land and provide wheat for the people, it is necessary that we should get busy and make the best use of the means at our disposal". We got to work on the job, and when I say "we", I mean everybody, regardless of politics. The farmers of the country got to work, and, thank God, they were able to get results. Thanks to the farmers, and nobody else, we were able to survive during that period of the war. If the farmers had fallen down on the job, I would hate to think of what would have happened.

What I am coming to is this: in the early stages of the war, a desperate effort was made to import tractors and the machinery which goes with them, and, thank God again, that effort was largely successful as a result of the combined efforts of the Department of Agriculture, the Department of Industry and Commerce and of private individuals. Tractors and tractor machinery were got into the country, and these in addition to horse transport, proved to be just barely sufficient to carry us over that period. I challenge contradiction on this, that at one period we were in the position in this country when it was just touch and go as to whether we would have a revolution or something very nearly approaching it. There was a time during that period when a bread van was capsized on the streets of Dublin. There was no mention of that in the newspapers, thanks to the censorship at that time. But the fact is that a bread van was capsized on the streets of Dublin, and people stampeded to get bread from it. We were then in a very dangerous situation.

I want to come back to the point that were it not for the fact that we had the nucleus of an organisation which was traditional in this country we would never have been able to carry on. The organisation I refer to is that in which we have the ordinary farmer with two horses and a plough. We had, as I have said, the nucleus of that organisation. We had not much of it left in every country, but in almost all counties we still had ploughs and a few men here and there who were able to work the ploughs, men who were able to work the ordinary moving machine and to carry on harvesting operations. The reason why we were able to survive during that period was largely due to the fact that we had that organisation and that tradition.

My attitude on this question is that we must hang on to that tradition. The Minister for Agriculture, in a speech which he made, I think, at a meeting of the Royal Dublin Society, spoke in an enthusiastic way about mechanised agricultural transport. He said—I hope I am not misquoting him because it would not be my desire to misquote anybody: we are not talking politics on this and even if we were I would not misquote anyone deliberately— that if he had his way he would do so-and-so and would go in altogether for mechanized agricultural transport; that he would have machines doing this, that and the other, and that, in fact, he would make it a crime punishable by law for anybody to plough by the old method with a pair of horses and a plough. I see Senator Hayes looking at me.

Exuberant exaggeration is also traditional in Ireland.

If that was not what the Minister said I would like to know what he did say. If the Minister were here—and I am an admirer of the Minister's for the first time since last night —I am sure that, in his consistency, he would say that he was quite prepared to stand over what he said on that occasion, and that anything he could do to put the horse and the plough in the place that he thinks they belong to—the museum—he would do it. I would not be a bit surprised to hear him say that. The traditional method of tilling land in this country was with a pair of horses and a plough. We may, of course, get away from that, and, mind you, I am not saying that the tractor was not a very useful aid to us. I do not think it is right for a member opposite to be seeking legal advice before he replies to me, but to come back again to my point, I believe that the reason why we survived during the emergency was because we depended, in the first instance, on our traditional method of agriculture. It was that which enabled us to get over the emergency, and to provide food for the people, particularly during the early stages of it.

A man could talk for hours on the advantages of ploughing with a pair of horses as compared to ploughing with a tractor. Anybody who knows anything about tillage, particularly in the midland counties, will agree with me that if you are able to cope with your tillage requirements by employing a pair of horses and a plough, it is a more satisfactory method than the use of a tractor. I am not going to go into the position which would arise where, possibly, a farmer's son would say to his father that he must have a tractor and a new type of machinery to do this, that and the other. One might expect to hear many young farmers say that because, as we know, this is the machine age.

My attitude is that so long as we follow the traditional method of tilling the land with horses which we produce on the land, we cannot go far wrong. If the Minister for Agriculture or the Minister for Defence, or the two combined, were to tell me that they have inside information that we are never going to have another war, I would be prepared to consider their proposition about mechanical transport, but I do not think anybody is in a position to make an authoritative statement on that. That being so, we have to face the possibility of having another war, possibly one more severe, more drastic and more total than we have ever known before. If that situation should arise, what is our position going to be if we have to depend entirely on mechanical transport on the land? We are here on an island, and what is our position going to be if we have to depend for our transport on outside supplies? I think it would be a most dangerous form of insanity for any country to place itself in the position, in the matter of transport required for the production of its daily bread, in which it would have to depend on outside supplies for that transport. I would appeal to the Minister for Agriculture to reconsider his decision, and to realise what our position would be if another war started, a position in which we would have to fall back on something that we cannot produce ourselves. We can produce horses and we have carried on tillage in this country with horses and ploughs. That traditional method enabled us to provide bread for a population that was nearly three times our present population. If we were able to do that in the past, we ought to be able to do it now.

The motion before the House deals with credits.

I am dealing with credits. My point is that if we are to provide credit it should be for the provision of native transport, rather than for imported mechanized transport.

What do you mean by transport?

You can call it transport or traction. If two horses pull a plough from one end of a field to the other, I hold they transport that plough. If Senator Duffy wishes to refer to the dictionary he has every right to do so, but any farmer would know what I mean. If we are to provide the credit for farmers to carry on the transport necessary on the farm, or the traction necessary on the farm, in order to plough the land, carry the produce of the farm to the market or the mill. I say we should lean in the other direction and, rather than pay out money that is badly needed in this country for the purpose of importing mechanized transport from outside, we should concentrate on the home materials. If we are to concentrate on the purchase of tractors and if we are to be consistent, then we must make up our minds that we will import those tractors. I have used tractors and I admit they were very useful in the big push when it was necessary to get more land tilled than you would be in a position to till with the ordinary farming machinery. But it is an insane policy in peace time to provide on that basis for the future.

I am glad the Minister for Defence is here. In the traditional methods which we have exercised for centuries we had a system whereby a man kept a couple of horses on the farm; he kept two or perhaps four horses in proportion to the amount of his tillage.

Or borrowed one.

Yes, or borrowed one. A farmer might borrow a horse from another farmer and that other farmer in due course came to him for assistance. Usually one out of the two or three animals might be a half-bred brood mare. In earlier or later years such animals would be called Irish brood mares. I say that those mares were the backbone of the Irish hunter stock so well known at the present time. I should like to compliment the Minister for Defence on such help as he has evidently given to the Army jumping team. That team was aptly described some years ago—I think it was a very proper description—as the best ambassadors for this country all over the world. Irish draught mares were really the basis of the animals that form the Army jumping team, and if any new system is to be evolved to provide credit for our farmers, rather than purchase transport from foreign countries we should develop some scheme whereby the farmers will be encouraged to keep the half-bred brood mare, otherwise known as the Irish draught mare. Our greatest ambassadors all over the world were bred from that type of mare. Let us examine the pedigrees of Shannon Power, Limerick Lace, Duhallow, Miss Ireland and the various other animals of the Army jumping team that carried our flag into many parts of the world and we will find that they were bred from mares that tramped the lonely furrow in Tipperary, in Limerick, in Galway or in other parts of this country.

If we are to work on sound lines, credit should be given for the development of that type of transport as opposed to mechanical transport. In those circumstances we would have a constant supply of that type of animal and, if we have that constant supply, it will mean that we will have an exportable surplus which, in turn, will mean a very considerable income and that could be used to provide credit for other types of farming. If we are able to provide that type of horse in surplus I hope to see the day when the Minister for Defence will, as the saying goes, take a pull at himself and say that even if the Fianna Fáil Government had an escort with the blue uniforms to attend foreign Ministers in this country, and even if, when Fine Gael came in, they had to do something directly opposite, he would be inclined to think that, as they were a year in power, it was about time they realised that the people admired that sort of escort and that the ordinary rank and file of the people in Dublin were prepared to crowd in their thousands to see the product of the Irish farmers in the shape of Irish horses escorting foreign Ministers or the President as the case may be. I hope he will realise that it is a great advertisement for Irish agriculture and whatever he can do to provide credit to develop that should be done.

The cavalry escort started at the time of the Kellogg Pact.

The Minister says that the cavalry escort started at the time of the Kellogg Pact. I do not like to differ with the Minister.

This motion deals with credit and we do not mind what time the cavalry escort started.

So far as my information goes, and I think I can be quite certain I am right, the cavalry escort started with Brian Boru. Someone has said that it started with King Dathi, when he went to the Alps, but I do not agree, because I believe he was a lone horseman.

We should deal with a situation like this very seriously and not allow ourselves to drift into a situation where, if a war started we would be caught out—thank God we still have the nucleus of our organisation so that it could be increased during a war—and if we were to find ourselves in the position that we had lost all our ships on the first day of the war, there would be no use in groping here to find out what was the matter with Irish agriculture. Irish agriculture needs the help of an Irish Government. If we are to do anything to assist farming we should do it on the basis of helping the traditional method of farming. If we are to subsidise farming so far as transport is concerned, we should subsidise the farmer who keeps a mare that has reached a certain standard—subsidise him to the extent that if he wants transport, instead of giving a loan of £200, £300 or £500 for a tractor which is manufactured in Japan, America, Australia or Canada, we should make available to that man two typical Irish mares at one-third or one-fourth of their value. Some people may say that if that is done the farmer will sell the mare. But a somewhat similar system has been tried out successfully in the heifer scheme and we all know that that scheme has practically paid a dividend of 100 per cent.

If there is any cause for anxiety it is the simplest thing in the world to brand a mare on the side, on the hip, on the quarter or on the neck—as has been done in other countries—thereby rendering it impossible for the farmer to sell the animal before it is, say, eight years' old. If she does not breed, of course, the farmer should be permitted to sell here before she is eight years' old. If she does breed successfully the farmer can carry on breeding horses which will bring to the country not only money but credit. We all know the enormous credit gained by Irish horses in practically every country in the world. We have good Irish horses to-day, and the Irish horse has held his place in the world over the years notwithstanding the fact that the best have been sold all the time. Let us make up our minds to carry on that tradition and to give the man who is responsible for it all the help we can. Any help which is given to the farmer in the future as far as his agricultural transport is concerned should be given to the man who will plough the lonely furrow behind an ordinary common plough and a pair of ordinary Irish mares, whether they be Irish draught or half-bred mares, as they are called.

I am sorry the Minister was not present to hear Senator Quirke dilate upon agricultural policy and completely avoid agricultural credit.

May I interrupt to say that I would, of course, have been present but I was detained by a deputation which had come up from the country and which I did not care to send away without discussing their business with them?

I am sorry the Minister was not here, because I was very complimentary to him on several occasions. I am sorry Senator Baxter was not here, because, if he had been, he would not now have the audacity to make the statement he has made that, while I spoke at length of agricultural policy, I did not deal with agricultural credit.

I said you avoided agricultural credit.

I did not.

In my view Senator Quirke ought to have been able to say much more about agricultural credit because of the many years experience he had on the Agricultural Credit Corporation. He spoke at length about mechanical transport. I do not quite know what he meant by that. If he had spoken of mechanisaton in relation to Irish agriculture, then I would have understood what he was talking about.

In my ignorance, I coupled the two words. I did not appreciate the difference.

While it is pertinent to this debate to discuss agricultural policy as a whole, it would be much more valuable if the debate were narrowed down to the vital problem raised in Senator Burke's motion and Senator Counihan's amendment. I know that the particular subject gives all of us scope for discussing agricultural policy. The Minister, in his speech yesterday evening, put a certain question to the House. He said that he was prepared to take the assistance of the House in solving some of the problems that exist for those who are concerned about agricultural credit. So far to-day, I have not heard any proposition from the Opposition as to how these problems might be solved.

I am not quite as optimistic as the Minister was in his speech. Neither do I share the view so vigorously expressed by Senator Quirke. I can assure Senator Quirke that I was listening to him this afternoon within the confines of this Chamber. Naturally his voice cannot be heard outside the four walls of this House. I feel, with the proposer of this motion and its seconder and Senator Sweetman, that there is a major problem in this country in relation to the provision of credit for agriculture. But credit alone will not solve our problems. Yet, without credit our problems are incapable of solution. The Minister's policy is an expansionist policy. It is a policy of greater productivity, higher yields per acre and a higher output per man. Let us face the problem as it confronts those of us to-day who are engaged in agriculture. The Minister urges more live stock of every kind. He wants an expansion in poultry. He wants heavier yields in all our crops. Despite much that has been said by the Opposition, there has been an increase in the tillage areas in relation to certain crops.

Let us assume that as a result of the Minister's policy we are going to have better grass crops when our farms are once again laid down to grass. On that point, I fear that a great deal of our grassland will not be sown down with the proper seeds, because seeds are very expensive. Neither is it going to be sown down in such condition of health and fertility as will yield good crops. Despite everything that has been said to the contrary, I think that many of our farmers are handicapped in that respect because they have not available the credit necessary to purchase seeds and artificial manures. Even assuming that they could do all that, we are still only at the beginning. If better grass crops result, more live stock must be fed.

I would like to ask Senator Baxter one question. Did he ever see a credit-worthy farmer refused credit by the Agricultural Credit Corporation while he was a director?

It was different when I was a director.

It was not different. I do not believe it was.

I shall deal with the Agricultural Credit Corporation in my own way. This is a problem that concerns the whole country. For a long time we have been experimenting with political agricultural policies. It is time we got away from those because the land has never responded to a political agricultural policy. It is time we gave nature a chance again. Nature will respond if it is given a chance. I hope that the Minister will do something along that line and it is the duty and responsibility of all of us here to guide and assist him by giving our opinions and our advice frankly. Our opinions should be based on reason and good judgment so that they may be of benefit to the Minister in formulating his decisions.

It is easy enough to call for increased productivity and increased exports. But there is a corollary to that call. If I get better grass crops, where formerly I fed two beasts, I shall have to feed three beasts in the future. Have I the credit or the capital to provide myself with those animals? Assuming that I have the credit or the capital I must go on from there. I must go on to a situation where these animals will be fed and carried on my farm for 12 months in the year. With proper nutrients in the soil I believe that it is possible to do much more on the grass lands of this country and possible to carry three beasts where hitherto we have only carried two. I am satisfied that can be done. But we must go on from there. One of the greatest disabilities that grass land farming labours under to-day is lack of housing for cattle in the winter. The better the grass lands are, the less capable they are in most instances to carry cattle throughout the winter without having the cattle housed. In my opinion, the policy is entirely wrong. It is uneconomic from the point of view of feeding the stock. One does not get the return for the food provided. It takes months out of every year to make up for the destruction caused by cattle during the winter months on grass lands. That brings me back to the immense housing problem that faces the live stock industry in this country in the future. I was listening to a radio talk the other night given by Mr. McGuckian. I am sure many of the Senators are familiar with his name. He is a North of Ireland farmer who knows a great deal about his subject. I have frequently discussed agriculture with him. His views are very illuminating and I think we could do with more talks and discussions of that kind by experienced people here to help us to decide the road upon which we are to travel.

I am quite convinced that our whole programme of increased production can be made possible only by a vast expenditure of money which up to the present apparently none of us has visualised. When Dr. Henry Kennedy talked about £200,000,000 being requisite to capitalise Irish agriculture, he was calculating on the basis of £20 per acre for 10,000,000 acres. I doubt if even that would be sufficient under present circumstances but I am quite convinced that all that expenditure is requisite if Irish farming is to progress. Anyone who studies conditions in Denmark, who sees the economy they have built up there and who will trouble to acquaint himself with the expenditure by way of capital investment which the Danes have incurred, will realise that that was all essential to the progress of Danish agriculture. Yet we are expected to compete with them with worn-out tools, worn-out houses and worn-out land. The degree to which our land has been worn out during the war is something which farmers have not yet attempted to measure. I have repeatedly addressed myself to that aspect of our farming economy. It would be very interesting to hear what the expert whom the Minister has engaged to study the question has got to say about it. I am quite satisfied about it myself long ago and I am quite convinced that agriculture can only be built up by a very considerable expenditure of capital.

I do not think the capital necessary for that can be provided altogether by way of subsidy, as Senator Professor O'Brien suggested last night. It is true that if we are going to invest capital in agriculture, or if credit is to be secured, credit can only be secured when the farmer can give evidence that his production is profitable. When a businessman is going into a bank to obtain credit, he will probably produce something by way of a balance sheet which will show his expenditure and his costings as against his potential income. The farmer must be in a position to do exactly the same. The farmer should know at the beginning of the year what price he is likely to get for all his products. I say for all his products. If it be grain, the price of the grain may have to be determined by the price of the stock fed on that grain. There should be security for the farmer in the way of a guaranteed price for all his products that would put him into the position of going into a bank and saying: "I have so many acres under tillage; here are the guaranteed prices; here is the gross income; here are the outgoings. What can I get?" That must be part of our agricultural policy. If we get so far as that, it will be easier to get credit. It may very well be that even when we get guaranteed prices, in order to continue his task of feeding the nation and providing exports, it may be necessary to assist him by way of subsidy. That is something which will have to be studied. Perhaps in that respect Senator O'Brien is correct. But at present it is essential that the farmer should have security for the price of his crops. Then he becomes credit-worthy.

How are these credits to be provided? When you get to that stage, he can go anywhere, either to the bank or to the Agricultural Credit Corporation, whether he needs credit for building out-houses, the drainage of his soil, the mechanisation of his farm or whatever else he may need. He has then really got something tangible to offer and he will be provided with credit. That is the first step, in my opinion, to give him security along that line, and then credit will be an easier problem. Though I recognise that a difference of 1 per cent. or 2 per cent. may make it very difficult for a farmer whose income and whose margin of profit is low, if he has got security of price and high yields, then 1 per cent. in interest may not make any great difference to him. That is the first decision that has got to be taken.

With regard to the statement that any man who is credit-worthy can always get a loan, there are many views about credit-worthiness. Senator Quirke challenges me as to what my experience was in my years with the Agricultural Credit Corporation. I found there, even amongst those who were directors, differences as to the credit-worthiness of particular farmers. There is always that difference of opinion as to whether a man would be able to repay a loan or not, but it is not going to be so difficult if the man has got security of price. You will have solved a great deal of your problems when that stage is reached.

There is an aspect of this question to which I have addressed myself before and which will have to be faced by the Minister and by the country. It is all right when we get security of prices for the credit-worthy man. He will find credit, but what about the others? The possibilities of progress in Irish agriculture are dependent not alone on credit-worthy people but also on the productivity of the land in the hands of those who are not credit-worthy. There are thousands and thousands of such people in the country. I do not know whether they have grown greater or less in number in the last few years, but definitely, after the First Great War, disaster overcame thousands of farmers. Some of them were never able to reconstitute their economy. I went myself on a deputation to the Banks Standing Committee in 1926 or 1927, representing thousands of these people. I do not know what happened. Many of them were not able to rebuild their economy and their numbers were added to very considerably during the economic war. I do not know what the situation is now.

Perhaps Senator Quirke, had he remained in the House, would have been able to give us some idea of the number of refusals by the Agricultural Credit Corporation in recent years, but many of these people had reached the stage when they had ceased to look to anybody for a loan because it was quite impossible to get it. Many of these people are living on the best land in the country but they have no capital to provide machinery or stock, or to develop the productive capacity of the soil. What is going to be done about these people? In my judgment that situation must be faced. I do not think the country can afford to wash its hands of responsibility for the low productivity of thousands and thousands of acres to-day in the hands of people who cannot find credit anywhere. In my day on the Agricultural Credit Corporation, we had on more than one occasion discussions about setting up some kind of organisation or some branch within the Corporation itself that would assist these farmers, if credit was made available, to reconstitute their farms, by technical advice or by whatever assistance or supervision the Corporation could provide. In my opinion that problem should be measured because it still exists. I have no knowledge of the dimensions of it now. I am satisfied it is there and that some organisation—not anything as great as the T.V.A. in America —ought to be created for the purpose of providing the capital and of giving the technical assistance that would enable these people, through better management and industry, to reconstitute their economy. I am convinced that that is a major problem in Irish agriculture. We talk about our 10,000,000 arable acres of land. At one time we may have had 10,000,000 and perhaps even 12,000,000 arable acres of land but I wonder how many of these acres are to-day in a condition to give maximum yields of any crops. I think that if an effort were made to measure the capital that has to go into the land of this country in order to get maximum yields we should all be staggered. It is a situation which we cannot avoid.

Senator Quirke addressed himself at very great length to statements by the Minister for Agriculture in regard to mechanisation. I have heard the Minister express a view on that subject somewhere or other. I suppose it is not an exaggeration to say that it is a common practice of the Opposition, when the Minister makes a statement, to extend it, to twist it, to turn it upside down, and to do whatever they can to make it appear an exaggerated statement in the circumstances. I do not know if Senator Quirke is serious when he talks about bringing us back in this country completely to the horse. I do not think he can be. I do not think it would be advisable to preach that doctrine. Equally so, I am quite satisfied that it would be foolish for anyone to suggest, and I do not know that anybody has suggested it, that we should completely abandon the horse in this country. Quite obviously we do not intend to do so. It would not suit our economy to do so and, no matter how much anybody might advise it, our farmers would not agree to it. However, there is no doubt whatever that if we want full yields from our farms, at low cost—and that is a factor—we shall have to utilise machines.

I do not know what Senator Quirke thinks about the utilisation of milking machines in our dairy farms. I think that unless our farmers are prepared to spend £100 or whatever the price of the machine may be, dairy farming in this country will decline. It was declining considerably all during the years of the war and now there are probably fewer people working in the Irish dairying industry than ever before. The problem to-day is to find people willing to milk. The only alternative is, therefore, to invest capital and employ machines in that industry.

A great deal of work was done in our tillage fields during the war, and since, with machines, work which could not have been done had we not got the machines. Senator Quirke talked about what the horse can do. Undoubtedly horses can do a job of work very well. This year, when I was getting my tillage done, I arranged with the man who was doing it for me that part of the work would be done with horses because I know that such work is done better by horses than by a tractor. At the same time let us not be foolish. The world is marching on in this respect. Much more tillage is being done with fewer men and we shall have to do likewise because the men are not available. The men are turning to other ways of earning a livelihood. In such a situation very considerable capital will be required for the purchase of the necessary machinery. However, I should like to sound a note of warning. I should not like to rush to extremes in mechanisation because it would not be very long until saturation point would be reached. If our agriculture is to take the slant which the Minister expects it will take and which many of us believe it will take, to a certain extent anyhow, the machines we require are those which will enable us to do grass farming better than it has been done in the past. These machines are quite different from the machines which are required for the dairying industry.

I agree that it would be very unwise to rush into considerable capital expenditure for the purchase of machines abroad which might, after a short while, become out-of-date. Neverthless, machinery is essential. We require machines such as those which are in use in Great Britain and elsewhere for the making of all kinds of drains. We require the newer type of machine—something similar to that which the Minister has been able to get for the beet industry. That type of machine was utilised very extensively in Germany before the last war. It can wash and cook ten tons of potatoes for ensiling for animal feeding.

The problem of the extension and of the utilisation of credit must be considered very closely in relation to our future needs—taking into consideration the slant which our agriculture will take as a result of the encouragement which the Minister is giving for the production of better grass.

I feel that in putting down this motion Senator Burke has provided an opportunity for discussing a problem which is of very considerable importance to the future of agriculture. Our industry as a whole is run down to a degree which it is almost impossible for us to measure. Judged by modern standards, standards which any of us can confirm exist in some of the progressive continental countries such as Sweden and Denmark, the capital which we shall have to put into our agriculture in order to raise it to the level of production which exists in these progressive continental countries is really immense. I believe that no matter what the Minister or others may think about it, we shall have to face the formation of an organisation which will make it possible for Irish farmers to feel, in the first place, that there will be security for them when they invest capital; and, in the second place, that when they want to borrow there will be a responsive organisation which will understand their needs and provide them with the credit which will enable them to enter into a scheme of full production in a way that will make possible a progress in Irish agriculture such as we have not experienced heretofore.

I should like to indicate that I am in sympathy with the proposal in the motion and also with that contained in the amendment. At the same time, I am not over-enthusiastic about the proposal contained in the motion. Last night the Minister mentioned the peculiar reluctance of the average farmer to borrow. Whenever a small farmer has come to me to complete his application for a loan to the Agricultural Credit Corporation I have done everything in my power to dissuade him from proceeding with it. It is well known and recognised that it is the man who does not really require the money who easily gets it from an institution such as the Agricultural Credit Corporation or the bank, whereas the poor man who really needs the money does not get it. There is a justification for that. An institution such as the Agricultural Credit Corporation, which is handling the people's money, would be failing in its duty to the people if they indiscriminately handed out money to an applicant who, they know quite well, will not be in a position to repay.

To my mind, the reluctance of the small farmer or the big farmer to borrow is very understandable. The Minister said that he could not understand why the farmer should be so disinclined to borrow while the son who would go into business would be prepared to run his credit to the limit. There is a reason for that, and a good reason. The position of the farmer is different from the position of the man in business. It is not properly recognised in this country that farming is a speculative business. The success of farming depends almost entirely on climatic conditions. A bad season, a wet season, can ruin a farmer. A wet season does not affect business. For that reason I would be inclined to discourage a small farmer from borrowing from any source. Invariably, the farmer's reason for borrowing is to purchase live stock. There may be guaranteed prices, but the will of Providence is incalculable, and if one animal that the farmer buys happens to die, the farmer will not be in a position to pay the interest, never mind the principal.

If there is an honest intention, as I believe there is, on the part of the Minister to assist the small farmers, there is one prerequisite—to drain the land. Do not tell men to buy artificial fertilisers for throwing on land which will be swept away to-morrow by floods. First drain the land. That is an obligation that rests on the present Government because the representatives of all the Parties that compose it went before the people and criticised the previous Administration, and rightly criticised them, for their failure to carry out drainage. Until the Minister has induced the Government to expend the necessary money on the drainage of the small holding, the farmers will need very little help from him.

The Senator has seen the drainage we have done in Carra-castle and Kilmovee, I take it?

I agree, but that is not enough.

It is only a beginning.

I am not blaming the Government or the Minister, but I want to direct the Government's attention to the needs of the rural population. I do not expect them to do the whole thing to-day or to-morrow, but I say that, if they are to satisfy the rural community, the first thing they should concentrate on is drainage, and that they should not count the cost. The Minister indicated that the Government recognise that need and he has put certain hypothetical proposals, such as, if Marshall Aid were converted into free grants, they would carry out drainage. Whether it is or not, money can be found for many things, and there is nothing so important to the survival of this country and to the increase of production, as drainage. If the money for that cannot be found by Marshall Aid, the country can stand on its own and finance it. Such work will pay a good dividend.

That is the only point I wish to make. I think every other phase of this question has been covered but I do want to emphasise that, unless the present Government give serious consideration to the question of drainage, they will not satisfy the farmers. We are not blaming the Government for not having done it so far. They are not in office long enough to have done it. A drainage scheme requires serious consideration and I would ask them to give it serious consideration.

We have done it, Senator.

I am glad to hear it.

Right beside the Senator's home, I am doing it, in Carra-castle and Kilmovee.

The Senator does not know about the Drainage Act.

It is a special drainage scheme.

I am glad the Senator mentioned that particular point. The Arterial Drainage Act, 1945, has been a serious handicap in this matter. I have been informed that, under that Act, no local authority is permitted to expend public money on drainage except on the maintenance of a drainage area. No money can be spent on improvement. A derelict drainage area must remain in that condition and no local authority may come to its rescue. I recognise that the arterial drainage scheme is a fine scheme but it is going to take a long time to carry it out. The present drainage scheme in a drainage area is practically worthless. We must get something in between. I would like to draw the Minister's attention to a particular place, that he knows quite well, where, year after year, thousands of pounds worth of crops are lost by the presence there of a rock which holds water at a dangerous level.

Tinnecarra.

Tinnecarra rock. In the past, vested interests have retained that rock there. I would ask the Minister to see that it is not allowed to remain there much longer. I rely on him to see that it is removed and that the waters are lowered to a proper level.

I recognise that the lack of credit facilities may be a serious handicap to the farmer and where it is found that increased production can be secured by the advance of money, money should be available. But, there are many facilities available to the farmers of which they do not avail. The county committee of agriculture in Roscommon has a scheme whereby seeds may be purchased in Spring or credits given by the county council, to be repaid in November or December. It may speak well for the people, it may mean that they are financially sound and do not require help, but it is astonishing how few applications are made under that scheme. Notwithstanding all the hard things that have been said in many places about farmers being unwilling to repay loans, the bad debts in Roscommon are negligible and I am sure that applies in every county. Some people are inclined to think that if the small farmer got a loan he would never be inclined to repay. That is not the case. Small farmers have borrowed money in the past. They have speculated in the purchase of live stock. Through changing markets, or mortality, or some other form of hard luck, they may not have been able to repay. If the land of Ireland is made fertile, first by drainage, and, then, by the application of artificial fertilisers, we will be able to produce the crops and the stock that will enable us to fulfil our commitments in the matter of European recovery.

I think that the majority of the people who spoke in this debate up to the present have been thinking more of the large farmers or, at least, those with substantial holdings of land, rather than the really small farmers, who need aid of some kind—whether it is a loan or not is another matter. Some reference has been made to the number of holdings in the country. I do not think Senator O'Farrell gave the correct figure. The actual number of holdings is 383,735. In that, however, there are included 60,624 separate holdings which are really less than one acre and are attached to labourers' cottages, so that we need not consider these at all in relation to farming, as they are labourers' plots. The actual number of holdings, therefore, although some of them are as small as one acre, is 323,111. It is a remarkable fact that 18.5 per cent. of these holdings do not exceed ten acres in extent; 28.4 per cent. do not exceed 15 acres, and 56 per cent. of the holdings do not exceed 30 acres.

I should like to draw attention particularly to the position in Connaught, where 68.7 per cent. of the holdings do not exceed 30 acres and 30.4, or something less than one-third of the holdings, are only 15 acres or less. The occupiers of these holdings, in my opinion, constitute a special economic problem for the country. I do not know what can be done in the way of loans to meet their position. Normally they do not require loans—they require a bigger income—except when the cow-house or the dwelling-house falls and they have not any resources out of which to provide a new one unless the Board of Works or the Land Commission or some other State Department comes to their aid. Once that money is advanced, however, by the State or the Agricultural Credit Corporation or a bank, there is a new obligation on the small farmer to repay the amount of the advance. It may be only a couple of pounds a year, but that is a lot of money when a man is living on a holding of ten or 12 acres.

The tragedy here is that the value of agricultural produce per acre for the whole of the State is only about £8. On the small holdings in Switzerland, productivity is about £24 per acre. In fact, the extraordinary thing about Switzerland is that the productivity per acre is very much higher on the small holding than on the larger holding. In our case I do not think there are any figures to show the relative merits of the small holding as compared with the large holding in respect of productivity. But, taking the whole country, even at present prices productivity is only about £8 per acre. Of all the land occupied in Connaught, 30 per cent. does not exceed 15 acres. A man with 15 acres of land has an income of £120 a year, or £2 6s. 0d. per week. The whole holding produces £2 6s. 0d. a week, out of which he has to maintain himself and his family and pay interest on the loan advanced by the Agricultural Credit Corporation or some other organisation. That is physically impossible. The Minister knows the circumstances of the people I am speaking of just as well as I do, and I happen to know something about them.

I am thinking of the people between the Senator's home and my home.

We know how these people live. We know that what actually happens is this. If one of these people happens to lose a cow, two kindly neighbours with a pass book travel eight or ten miles collecting a shilling in one house and two shilling in another in order to replace the cow.

There is nothing wrong with that.

Nothing whatever, but it points to an economic condition that will not be relieved by Government loans or by any of the orthodox systems of finance we have been discussing. One might reasonably ask what are we to do about it, as something has to be done. I am not concerned very much with talking to these people about mechanisation or tractors or even about a pair of horses and a plough. These things do not exist for them. People with 12 or 15 acres have not two horses and a plough; they have not one horse and a plough. They use the good old "laighe" to turn over the soil in the spring. In very many places 35 years ago when the soil was turned over——

That is a long time ago.

In these good old days when the soil was turned over the wife and family were left to look after it and the husband went to England to earn a few pounds which paid the annuity and the rates and provided the spare cash when he returned. There has been an improvement since then, because you have direct labour on the roads, drainage schemes and other methods by which employment is provided for those people. As against that, however, the dividing up of the larger holdings has deprived such men as I speak of of the conacre to which they were accustomed. There is not much conacre to be had now in that part of the country. There were very large numbers of farms, some of them owned by very prominent people whose names figure largely in Irish history, and that land was available for conacre or grazing, and the man who could afford to buy a couple of bullocks in the Spring and fertilisers was able to get conacre and produce food for himself and his cattle which realised ready money at the end of the year. That system I think has disappeared very largely, because those large farms are sub-divided and you have now ten or 12 people on small holdings of 15 or 20 acres in these cases endeavouring to pay a very substantial sum to the Land Commission for rather expensive houses, or houses which would be expensive if they were being erected now. I think that one of the tragedies was that when the Land Commission divided these estates into comparatively small holdings they erected on them houses which might very well be standing on farms of 100 acres. Somebody has to pay for these. No doubt the State has paid a lot, but the residue which falls on the occupier is still very substantial.

It seems to me that a number of things can be done for these smallholders. Drainage is very important. Drainage, I think, is probably the most important thing and, in my opinion, it must be a State charge. I cannot see it becoming a charge on the lands improved by the drainage. In the case of the Owenmore drainage the original position was that the occupiers of the improved land would repay the amount of the expenditure, but under the Drainage Act of 1945 all that has gone by the board and the old charge has been removed. I suspect that the charge was removed because of the difficulty of recovering from the smallholders the charges which the county council was forced to make.

Improved roads into bogs and improved connecting roads can also be of assistance, again as public charges. If there could be more co-operation, the co-operative creameries method extended, so that fertilisers, seeds and so forth, and probably household utensils could be provided by the small farmers themselves on a co-operative basis, it would assist. The creameries have assisted where there are creameries, but of course there are not so many of them among smallholders. They have in fact assisted at least to the extent that they collect the milk and remove from the farmers the liability of making butter. This was a great difficulty where there were only one or two cows and it took the whole summer to make one firkin of butter. They also provided the farmers in certain places with fertilisers. I do not think that is done generally but there are certain places where they provide seeds and I think there is a very convenient manner of making the payments, that is by deductions from the monthly cheque payable by the creameries.

I was very much struck by one thing in the speech Senator Quirke delivered and I want to say now that he delivered a very excellent speech. He knows agriculture and he knows what he is talking about. He is not talking about the people I am talking about, but about the big farmers in Tipperary who have two horses or four horses, and I do not know anything about them. Senator Quirke made an excellent contribution in respect of the people he deals with, but one thing seemed to me to be out of plumb with the rest of his contribution and that was his plea for a subsidy. I am always a bit sceptical when I hear pleas for the subsidy of agriculture, because I want to know who is going to do it.

That is the trouble.

One-half of the occupied persons in this country live on agriculture. They are the people whose labour produces the wealth, the food and the raw materials for clothing. A large proportion of the remainder of the population are engaged in services like hauling the produce of the farmers or hauling to his home the fertilisers he needs or selling his produce in the shops. All of us, bankers and so forth, are merely rendering services and are paid for these services out of the produce of the farmers. But now you ask somebody to subsidise agriculture. In fact, you are asking the farmer to subsidise himself.

That is the problem.

Let anybody show me any other source of wealth out of which they are going to get money for the subsidy and I will clap him on the back. I will stand four square for that, but I cannot see it. It is a delusion for us to stand up here and talk unthinkingly about subsidising agriculture above all things in the world—in Ireland, of course. We can subsidise, let us say, shoe-making or the boot factories. It is only a question of whether we are prepared to pay a few shillings more for shoes rather than import them. We can, in fact, create factories to build tractors and subsidise them, but let us always remember that the source from which the subsidy is coming is the place in which production takes place. Shopkeepers, bankers and transport companies may make a lot of money, but they are not creating any wealth, they are assisting those who create wealth. I am not disparaging their services, which are essential in a civilised country, but every penny they earn, every penny they put in the bank or every penny they spend wastefully on racehorses or greyhounds comes out of the agriculture of this country. I was, therefore, disappointed that Senator Quirke should fall into that error of talking of a subsidy for agriculture.

The matter is not as simple as that. It is a question really of seeing what can be done to enable the smallholder to get more out of his own land, in other words, to get a better living. I think that some of the frugal practices which operated forty years ago and which were a source of wealth in the home of the small farmer and cottage dweller seem to have disappeared. I do not know what can be done to get them back. Forty years ago every house, no matter how small, back in the west of Ireland, carried a couple of pigs.

They are coming back to them.

I hope they are. During my early life you saw pigs in every house. The price of them was not very great. Senator O'Farrell fell into the error of thinking that the country was very wealthy because we exported so much bacon, but at that time the people of this country fed themselves on American bacon at 4d. a pound. The farmers did not consume all that bacon; the pig was never consumed. It was killed and exported while the smallholder lived frugally on American bacon.

They killed a pig at Christmas.

The Minister may know some people who did, but the people I knew did not. If we can restore to the home of the small farmer and cottage-dweller the old reliable pig, and if we can have public drainage, which will restore a great deal of land now covered by rushes and gorse to a productive state so that we can produce more cattle——

He is forgetting the hen.

I had forgotten her. She was a tremendous asset undoubtedly. I made a calculation some time ago. I forgot what basis of calculation I took, but I came to the conclusion that it would not be a great effort for this country to export £15,000,000 worth of bacon. I think it would be easy to do it and that it could be done without any effort if we can get people to realise that there is money in it. At present the price is an extremely good return for the amount of money and labour incurred in pig-rearing and in poultry. If the Minister can assure the farmers of Ireland, or more particularly their wives, that they are going to get 3/- a dozen at their own doors for eggs they will produce all you want, once the feeding stuffs are there.

The question may arise whether the people are using as much home-produced food as they should. I think that the farmers have got a notion over a period of years that you cannot raise pigs or feed hens unless you have Indian meal. I can remember the time when oats was fed very liberally to them and not so much Indian meal was used.

There were people who told the farmers to sell their oats this year.

I did not tell them to sell their oats.

Oh no, but others we know did.

Oats was fed very extensively to poultry, particularly during the winter months, many years ago. It was regarded as the best source of food. I am not an expert on these matters. I am merely talking of the rule of thumb practices that I saw grow up, and I have some reason to feel that probably the people who practise these rule of thumb methods knew as much as some of the experts do as to how to make agriculture profitable. I think we are agreed on this, irrespective of the point of view that may be expressed in this debate, that we all want to see agriculture prosperous. We all recognise that agriculture is the basis of all our wealth, and that if we have to subsidise agriculture, then it is just as well to throw in the towel.

Hear, hear.

I am very confident about that. I do, of course, recognise that there are elements in our agriculture— I referred to them a while ago—the small farmers of five and ten acres. Senator Quirke despises those people, and does not want——

He does not despise them. I have more respect for the small farmer than I have for any other class of farmer, and I have more reason to respect him than many people in this House.

I am satisfied with that. The Senator spoke of the farmer with a pair of horses and with four horses. I am talking mainly of the man who has no horse and who has to rely on the old "laighe" to do his work. I suggest that the thing to do for him is not to subsidise him but to put him in a position, by such improved methods of agricultural economy, as will enable him to live a comfortable life. That is the problem with which we are confronted here, and I am not so sure that any of us have any cut-and-dried solution for it.

There are few subjects about which I know less than agricultural credit. I had no intention of intervening in the debate, but I feel obliged to do so, having listened to the Minister for Agriculture last night. I should like to take this opportunity and to take the liberty of congratulating the Minister on his speech. It was a speech to which I listened with rapt attention. It was a masterpiece as an oratorical effort, but, what amazed me even more was the wide range of knowledge of the Minister. He knows more of agriculture than the farmer, of banking than the banker and of economics than Senator O'Brien. Now, I felt thoroughly ashamed and abashed that one man could have expert and detailed knowledge on so many subjects about which I am completely ignorant. I cannot say that I was entirely grieved to find that there was at least one subject about which I knew more than the Minister. That was a subject to which the Minister referred just as emphatically and dogmatically as he referred to many other topics. That subject is beri-beri. It is a rare disease which occurs in certain oriental countries as a result of living on a very restricted diet. The Minister told us quite definitely, I think, that the Danes suffered extensively from beri-beri. I am not sure whether that is so, and I am not for a moment doubting his statement. Beri-beri is a disease that occurs in these countries, sometimes in the most unexpected quarters. It may well be that there were cases of beri-beri in Denmark, and even a considerable number of cases. I wonder why it is that it is the Minister's Department rather than the Department of his colleague, the Minister for Public Health, that should tell us of the aetiology of beri-beri. He told us the Danes suffered from beri-beri because they exported their butter and ate margarine. I am sorry to have to tell the Minister and the House that the Minister is, on this subject, complety misinformed.

I desire to support the motion moved by Senator Burke. I was surprised by his statement concerning credit not only for the farmers of the country, but for the whole community. The real problem is to get people to realise the urgent necessity there is to supply credit to the agricultural community. If a businessman has not sufficient capital, he will not be able to purchase goods to supply to his customers. If the manufacturer has not capital, he will not be able to buy the raw materials to enable him to carry on his industry, and provide employment for people. The urban population seem to think that things grow naturally, and that the farmer does not need capital to enable him to carry on his industry.

It has been questioned whether there is any necessity for credit at the present time. I cannot speak for the whole country. The position varies in the different areas. We must remember that agriculture has always been short of capital. That has been so from time immemorial. Most farmers lived a sort of hand to mouth existence. That had been so except for a short period after the first war. The fact that, generally speaking, agriculture is short of capital produces many evils, two of the principal being loss of production and want of employment. It also has its effect on emigration. These matters are not always fully appreciated by the urban population.

In the part of the country that I come from the people are engaged, principally, in dairying. The land there is rich, but to-day we find that practically one-fourth of it is set for grazing, because the owners are short of capital to enable them to stock it fully. Farmers who have been keeping dairy cows have had to get rid of them, and the land is now being set to speculators for grazing. What a loss it is, in the matter of milk production, that a man whose farm would carry 20 milch cows and who has help enough, can only afford to keep 14? That is the position at a time when increased milk and butter production is so necessary. We find, too, that farmers in parts of the country with good rich land, capable of growing wheat, have not the means to buy the seed, and thus increase our tillage production. Of course, it may be said that credit facilities are available to enable them to obtain the seed, but these facilities are hedged round with so many restrictions that it may be said that the facilities are not really available at all. The Minister said last night that farmers are very slow to borrow money, and was surprised that that should be so. One of the reasons is that so many restrictions are attached to the lending of money that farmers are very slow to seek loans. Even in the case of Government loans, a man has to provide two securities from amongst his neighbours or friends before he can get an advance. That is one of the great drawbacks as far as agricultural credit is concerned.

I am afraid that Governments in general do not look on this question of credit in the right way. The land belongs to the whole community, and it is up to all the people, urban as well as rural, to see that every acre of land is utilised to its full capacity. The more tillage there is, the more employment will be given. It is, therefore, the duty of the community in general to see that the necessary capital is provided free for the development of the agricultural industry. There is no use in saying that a man is not creditworthy. If a man holds part of the land of a country, and if it is to remain the unless he has the necessary capital to work it, I say it is the duty of the Government to provide the necessary capital. It would also be the duty of the Government to see that the capital which was given for the stocking or improvement of land was not wasted or used for any other purpose. The Government should have sufficient power to see to that.

It is almost criminal to allow the land to remain idle for the want of capital when capital is available for everything else. I believe that capital is urgently needed. Loans are required in various parts of the country, but long-term loans for big development purposes would not be very wise in the present situation. We live in a period of inflation, and we do not know what will happen during the coming four or five years. We have in mind the experience of the First World War. Wars are becoming more scientific. The deflation that was experienced after the First World War might not come in full force, but we cannot be sure, and any farmer who borrows a big sum which he hopes to pay back in 20 or 30 years is running the risk of becoming bankrupt if money values were suddenly to alter. Our farmers require capital to provide cattle and other live stock and the immediate necessities of the farm, so as to enable them to get going on the expansion of agriculture.

I suggest that these loans should be given free—loans for seeds and manures and cattle. They could be repaid in seven, eight or ten years. Those loans would be quite safe and it would be to the advantage of the country if they could be given freely and without any of the irksome restrictions hitherto insisted upon. The State should be prepared to take some of the risks. It is all right for the banks and those who have to render an account to shareholders, but the Government, acting for the community, should be prepared to take a certain share of the risk; the farmers should not be asked to bear the whole share. The loans should be given without security and should be based on a person's character and holding of land.

I was struck by Senator Duffy's statement regarding smallholders. In the Agricultural Commission nine or ten years ago we were struck by the fact that over in the West the people live in uneconomic holdings in which they had to be supported by American money or by the earnings of their families who went to England or elsewhere. Members of the Commission felt that that was a terrible state of affairs and they tried to find some solution whereby those farms could be made self-supporting. They felt it was an almost impossibility. The Commission considered that the only hope was to develop local industries or go in for pig feeding on a large scale. The only salvation of those places would be co-operative societies, which would cater for their wants. It might be difficult in some places to start these societies. It would be much easier in the dairying counties. The only hope of the smaller farmers would be the co-operative societies, which would provide for their wants in machinery and help to improve conditions generally. I would like to point out again that capital is urgently needed and it is nothing short of criminal to allow the land to be neglected.

Captain Orpen

I want to approach this debate from a somewhat different angle. We have heard reference to, this afternoon, and the motion mentions, loans to farmers. The Minister, speaking last night, invited us to try to separate the sheep from the goats. He said that that was the great problem that surrounded this question of loans to farmers. I want to look on the thing from a totally different angle and that may help the Minister in his difficulty in separating the sheep from the goats.

I suggest that what we really should be interested in is seeing what capital is required by the land of the country to make it fully productive. We hear quite a lot about the small farmer, because he is in the majority. From the point of view of the individual, or the sociological point of view, he is of supreme importance, but when we look on the land of Ireland we find that he occupies only a relatively small part of it. If my observation is any guide to what obtains in the rest of Ireland, in the part that I know best, anyway, some of the larger farms are more in need of capital than the smaller ones, for the very good reason that during a rather lengthy period of low prices, these large farms had to continue to pay wages out of their reserves and it is quite evident that some of those large farms are more depleted than their smaller neighbours, who had the advantage of being able to continue in operation through the help of unpaid labour during the period following the economic blizzard of 1929-30 and onwards.

When we look at the original motion by Senator Burke and the amendment by Senator Counihan, we find that Senator Burke suggests that there must be some form of control of the credit machine. Senator Counihan's mechanism for credit does not include any form of control of how the money should be spent, if it is made available; that is left entirely to the farmer. Experience has shown that in the past when money or credit was freely made available to the farmer he had a tendency to expand that credit mainly in the purchase of land. Following the 1914-18 war that was very evident. If you follow out the effect of that free lending that Senator O'Brien referred to, or that over-free lending, you see that the greater part of that lending effected only an interchange of ownership of land. It did not increase the area of land used; it merely changed the ownership and in so far as it put a better man in and replaced a worse man, that was all the good it did. But let it be observed that the vast bulk of the money loaned was withdrawn out of agriculture by the man that sold —the person who had the burden of repayment of the money advanced to the farmers. The free lending, therefore, following upon the 1914-18 war did not inject any considerable quantity of fresh capital into agriculture. It did, however, put quite a considerable amount into the towns.

The Minister last night gave us an account of the various schemes which his Department operate and which, to a very large extent, fall into the category of controlled grants—the lending of extra capital for certain specific purposes. One of the best is undoubtedly the farm improvements scheme. But there is a rather curious anomaly in the farm improvements scheme. There are some of us who think that it applies to every piece of land. It does not. There are limitations, and these limitations—no doubt they are necessary—preclude that farm improvements scheme from operating on certain lands, to wit, about 1,000,000 acres of land over a valuation of £200. There is another limitation which is probably larger in extent, but I have no means of checking it. That is limitation in the case of land in the occupation of people who have an alternative source of income. I do not say for a moment that it is not desirable that we should do first things first and that we should improve the land of the people who have no other source of income first. But I think it well to observe that this does not apply to all the land of Ireland. There are other unfortunate anomalies in the operation of this otherwise excellent scheme. It has the further unfortunate feature in it that, in the main, the grant covers half the cost of the labour. That tends to the non-utilisation of modern methods of husbandry.

I think there is no restriction as to the method the grantee may employ but, assuming the work is to be done by manual labour mainly, half the grant is measured by the cost that would accrue were the grantee to carry out the work by manual labour.

Captain Orpen

Quite so, but in effect that tends to restrict the use of more efficient methods in some cases. It is, however, a small point and I do not propose to debate it with the Minister, for the very good reason that I would probably get the worst of the argument. I feel that this injection into the land of Ireland of additional capital is highly desirable in certain instances. It may be news to some Senators to know what the capital investment in farms is in other countries. The eastern countries have carried on surveys into the capital investment in land, machinery, stock and so on. The investment seems to vary from about £10 to £16 roughly per acre. In this country one finds an astonishing difference. I think Professor Murphy's figures for the Cork farms are something in the nature of £2.

£2 10s. 0d.

Captain Orpen

£2 10s. 0d.—and that more or less coincides with the recent figure given for the farms in Roscommon upon the validity of which the Minister seemed to cast some doubt last night. Senator O'Brien put in a plea last night for the resuscitation in the Department of Agriculture of investigations into costings. Years ago there was a costings officer. I do not know whether he ever published anything. If we are to believe the Book of Estimates he was transferred to other duties. I am glad to hear that something of that nature will be done in the future. I am not as sceptical as the Minister that costings in this country will not prove very helpful. Admittedly, on your small farm you may not have the basic figures from which you can get costings. But if you can get a sufficiently large number of farms carrying out certain operations for which accounts are available there is no reason why we should not have that investigation. Until we bring farms and the operations on them to a position of reality where we can know how much it costs this man and that man and the other man to do a certain operation all our talk is so much vague guesswork. In Great Britain the local agricultural institute can get 20 or 30 farmers to join, year in and year out, in costings investigations which are subsequently analysed. I do not see why the same system could not obtain here and I am glad to learn that the Minister proposes to do something along those lines in the future.

I want to come back now to the main purpose of this discussion. I feel, as many Senators have pointed out, that there is a great deal of land in this country that requires considerable improvement. Under the European Recovery Programme it is proposed that we should have by 1952 an over-all expansion of something in the region of 15 per cent. That is a very high target and I hope that we shall reach it. I can see the achievement of an aim of that magnitude possible only if we get rapid improvement in the yield from the land. We cannot build up the cattle population very rapidly and at the same time maintain in the interim our present level of exports. It takes quite a considerable time to add 1 or 2 per cent. to your cattle population unless you are curtailing the number of animals that normally leave the country in the form of exports. Certain rapid expansion is possible. We have achieved one of these already. The British Minister of Food when passing through Dublin made the astute remark that we had done very well because we had produced a remarkable increase in the only commodity which it was biologically possible to increase in the time available, to wit, eggs.

There are other animals that give a quick response. Of course the pig is the obvious case. I do not know whether it is always realised, when we talk to-day about the absence of bacon, that it is a very sound thing when you are short of grain in a time of emergency to let drop the animal that quickly replaces itself and hold on to those that take a long time to develop. I have heard people ask why this country, in a time of emergency, had no bacon, no pigs. Anybody of any sense would have said: "That is the one to let go and keep on the animals that take a long time to replace." However, how are we going to succeed in carrying our augmented cattle population, without grass, without good grass, without fertile land and without, in many cases, the means to put in the necessary fertility?

Senator Professor O'Brien made a most valuable contribution to this debate last night. To me the most interesting part of his speech was the last sentence, where he suggested that we might, advisedly, subsidise agriculture, perhaps from borrowing. Senator Duffy has told us, and the Minister has agreed, that of course you cannot subsidise agriculture, but then we are talking about two different things. One is price subsidisation and the other is what was referred to some years ago in this House by a former Senator when speaking on agriculture. He said: "Agriculture in this country is in a parlous state; it is almost in a state that requires a blood transfusion." I suggest that Senator O'Brien is indicating a possible method of blood transfusion. It is well known that for some time an expert has been round this country having a look at the land of Ireland to see if there is any grass on it. We have not, as yet, had the advantage of seeing his report, but I had the privilege of going over some of the land of Ireland with him, and he did say to me when viewing this land, that he would like to see the grass.

That brings me to the last point I wish to develop. We have gone through a period when we had a considerable area under tillage. The time has come to lay that down. I am afraid there is a great percentage of the land that will not be properly laid down. We have not got the wherewithal to do it. I do not know whether the non-farming members of the House have any rough idea of what it costs to lay down an acre of grass to-day, but something in the region of £14 to £16 an acre is required in areas where nutrient deficiency is severe and where your expenditure on lime may be anything from £2 to £3 per statute acre. I freely admit that we have witnessed in the last few months a revolution in the production of lime. From being one of those very expensive commodities only within the reach of the rich, it has come down in price. Not only is it down in price but you can get it distributed reasonably cheaply and, above all, quickly, at any rate, in the south-eastern areas, where the new ground limestone plants are already in operation. That, of course, as a prerequisite to laying down grass land, is almost as essential as plant nutrient. The figures which I have given are my own costing figures—one field £14 and another field £16 per statute acre. If my figures are any indication of what it is going to cost other people, I am afraid that quite a number of people will find difficulty in laying down the large area that has been under tillage, probably, for a year or two too long. That difficulty has to be faced and I wonder if the Minister, at some future date, would suggest how he can reduce the cost of laying down grass land. I feel that additional capital is required for a large area of land in this country. The indebtedness in Denmark is something like £28 per acre according to Dr. Beddy's paper. I do not know what we should like to call our indebtedness in this country but it is only a matter, on an average, of something like £1 or £2 per acre. At any rate, it is very small. That means that our farmers have not borrowed for the purpose of equipping their farms. I feel, however, that while it may be a very good thing that they have not borrowed it is abundantly clear that many farms are under-capitalised. There is the problem of how we are to bring the necessary capital into all farms seriously deficient in fertility, in building and in equipment. How are we going to deal with the sheep and the goats—the problem as put forward last night by the Minister?

I hope that the Minister will, at some future time, be able to widen the land improvement scheme for the improvement of land that, in the opinion of experts, is likely to give a reasonable return in a reasonably short period of time. His Department is doing that by way of drainage in Counties Mayo and Galway, and I hope that, later on, the scheme will be extended to other counties that require field drainage. Whether he can widen the scheme and, having drained the fields, help some of what I call the "down and out farmers" to sow down those fields with sufficient plant nutrients and lime to ensure success I do not know, but at the present day that particular operation is very costly. I think that that is going to be one of our difficulties. The area of land under the plough is roughly 2,500,000 acres. Give it a rotation of five years; let us say 500,000 acres a year laid down at £14 an acre. It is a lot of money. If all farmers had reserves they could meet the bill, but I am afraid there are people who will not be able to face the job, that is being put off, of laying down the area that is under tillage at a period when they think, possibly, that prices are falling. It is a problem. I should like to hear from other Senators whether they consider that the laying down of land that has been overtilled has been postponed too long. I want to see good grass, the land laid down properly and the plough taken round the farm—do not make any mistake about that. I do not want to see tillage go out of this country. I want to see the plough go over the farm and I want to see the grassland laid down properly so that it becomes productive. However, all of that costs money, and my feeling is that we must have some form of widened land improvement scheme that will help the farmer to do that.

Might I trespass on the indulgence of the Seanad for a moment in consequence of Senator Professor Bigger's rather barren intervention, lest it might be imagined that I sought to mislead the Senator? There was a deficiency disease in Denmark. Its principal symptom was dermatitis. When I last turned my mind to that it was some years ago. The differentiation between dermatitis due to deficiency of Vitamin A and dermatitis due to deficiency of Vitamin B was not as well known as it is now. Beri-beri is the dermatitis due to deficiency of Vitamin B. The dermatitis which turned up in Denmark was the dermatitis which comes from the deficiency of Vitamin A. If Senator Professor Bigger wants to throw his weight about in that connection he is very welcome to do so.

Debate adjourned until next sitting day.
Business suspended at 6 p.m. and resumed at 7 p.m.
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