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Seanad Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 16 May 1951

Vol. 39 No. 13

Intestates' Estates Bill, 1951—Committee and Final Stages.

Section 1 put and agreed to.
SECTION 2.

I move amendment No. 1:—

In Section 2, line 16, after the word "intestate" to delete remaining words of section and substitute the following: "shall be subject to the following provisions. The widow shall retain a life interest in the property and at her death the relatives of the deceased husband shall be entitled to half the property, and the other half may be disposed of by the widow by will, or in the event of her dying intestate it shall go to her relatives. In the event of there being no relatives of the deceased husband the entire property may be disposed of by the widow by will, or, if she dies intestate, it will go to her relatives. In the event of the widow dying intestate and leaving no relatives the entire property shall go to the husband's relatives."

I considered the debate on the last day and looked carefully over the Bill and I came to the conclusion that it was altogether too drastic and sweeping. It is a measure which should not be lightly passed as it creates a big revolution. It is not, as it was described, a mere technicality. The point was raised that under the existing law a widow was harshly treated, and I thought that that objection could be met by putting down this amendment, the effect of which is that on the husband's death the widow maintains a life interest in the property and after her death it is distributed between her family and the family of the deceased husband. That, I think, meets the case, and is more suitable and just than the proposal in the Bill. I ask the House to accept this amendment as being very fair to the widow and to the family of the deceased husband.

I am afraid I could not accept the amendment. If this amendment were accepted—certainly, in respect of the smaller estates—it would make the widow's position much worse than it is even under the existing law. Under the existing law, where the estate is valued at £500 or less, the widow is entitled to it in full. Where the estate exceeds £500, the widow is entitled to £500 absolutely plus half the remainder. The Senator's amendment would worsen the position there. That is one objection. Another objection to the amendment—there are several—is that, in my opinion, it would involve a great deal of hardship. It would involve a very considerable amount of expense and it is quite likely that the whole of the estate—particularly if it were a small estate—would be eaten up in legal expenses, expenses in regard to searches and, perhaps, litigation expenses. It is bad enough at the moment, when searches have to be made and there is litigation often to establish the rights of the next-of-kin or the relatives of the husband. But if you have to look for the relatives of the husband and of the widow, Senators who know the position in the country will have some idea of what that might mean.

I think that this Bill is not too drastic. Senators must always remember that this Bill does not in any way deprive the husband of disposing of his property as he so desires. All he has to do is to make a will, just like any other citizen in the country. He can dispose of his property legally in any way he so desires. In the Bill, we say that if he fails to make a will, then the widow ought not to be handicapped, as has been the case up to this, and that she should be given the property.

Another point in connection with the amendment is, as the Senator will remember, that personal estate includes land for this purpose. A life interest in it may be of practically no value to her. The farm may be poor. In so far as the other assets are concerned, even money in the bank, they are of very little help to her. She cannot touch the money in the bank and is entitled only to whatever interest is there. The farm may be run down and it might require a certain amount of, shall I say, liquid capital. For that reason, she may not be able to carry on in any sort of an economic way at all. If she has only a life interest in it—and the money or other assets are not available, to her in a realisable way—I doubt if, having only a life interest, she would be able to raise any money to improve or even to maintain the farm. I do not think we are doing anything revolutionary. I think that it was agreed, the last time this Bill was before this House, that we were doing justice, and no more.

There are Senators here from rural Ireland who know, as well as I do, that there have been cases of extreme hardship. I suppose that we can all quote cases of a young girl or a young woman who marries into a place and has brought money into it. Perhaps the place was badly in need of money or certainly badly in need of an industrious woman, prepared to work hard, and, with her own hard work, plus whatever money she brought in, to make the farm something which it had not been before. It would be a grave injustice to her, and it would be a very poor return for the capital and labour she put into the farm—apart altogether from the natural affection which she gave to her husband during his lifetime—to accept the Senator's amendment. I think the amendment goes much too far and I cannot accept it.

I cannot agree with the Minister. There will be cases of hardship on either side sometimes. No matter what provision is made, there will always be cases of hardship. I submit, however, that the more numerous and the more frequent cases of hardship would be where the property goes completely to the widow, leaving out the husband's relatives. The Bill proposes to eliminate completely the husband's family and I do not think that that would be right. I think the Bill goes too far. I think it ought to be possible to soften the effect of the Bill and to retain for the husband's family some little claim to the land.

The Senator says that there will be hardship, no matter what we do. I think that there is a far greater certainty of hardship if we do not pass this Bill and change the existing law. I can quite understand the Senator's point of view, because he has in mind the sort of tradition that is right through rural Ireland. What he is really arguing is that, in the main— I do not say in every case—merely because they are relatives of the deceased, people who never contributed anything to the farm in many cases, but just because they happen to be nephews, nieces, cousins or something else of the deceased, should have a claim equal to, or greater than that of the widow. I cannot see the equity of that.

The widow's relatives would not have any legal claim.

They may have. They may have contributed in some large measure to the fact that she was able to bring in a fortune to the farm. We know what happens in the country. I will not say that it is a common thing, but it happens that a woman will servive her husband by ten, 15, 20 or maybe 25 years. Is that woman to be deprived—in effect she is deprived —of whatever money she helped to put into the bank herself, or of the entire use of it, for her lifetime? That is what it amounts to. She is deprived of the full use of it. I cannot see a case for the Senator's amendment. I cannot see a case for altering this Bill along the lines the Senator suggests without doing, in my opinion, an injustice to the widow. There is nothing in this Bill that seeks in any way to deprive the owner of the farm, the husband, of his right so to dispose of his farm or the money in any way he likes, by will. I think that that is the answer. If the owner or husband wants to provide that his relatives should get it, or portion of it, there is nothing whatever to prevent him from doing so.

We must go on the assumption that there will be very numerous cases where the husband will not make a will. The position will continue, since most people have a strong aversion to making a will. I do not see that the widow suffers any undue hardship at the present time. I think the widow is amply protected under the present law. She gets the first £500, even if that £500 represents the extent of the entire property. After that she gets half. By no stretch of the imagination can anyone hold that the widow is not amply provided for under the existing law. As a matter of fact, she generally comes out best. I think my amendment would meet the position by securing the rights of the husband's family. Under the Bill as it stands, that family will undoubtedly suffer hardship.

I suppose we ought not really to rush in one these rural issues. However, having heard Senator O'Dwyer talking, I am convinced that the position of the widow under the Bill as it now stands will be much better than it would be if we were to accept the proposed amendment. One objection I have to the amendment is that it would worsen the woman's position. But there is another objection; I do not see why we should treat a woman as being inferior in any way to a man. I have been surprised that the women Senators here have not seen fit to protest.

Any man who marries any woman undertakes to endow her with all his worldly goods. Senator O'Dwyer now proposes to give him a legal way out of giving her even half his worldly goods. The principle objection that I see is that if a woman is entitled in case of intestacy to only a life interest and, at most, to will away half the property, as the Minister has said, she may live for 25 or 30 years after her husband, but having only a life interest and having the right to dispose by will of only half the property, that woman is doomed to live a widow for the remaining 25 or 30 years. Conceivably that woman might have an opportunity of marrying again. Conceivably she might marry again. Who will marry a woman who has only a life interest in a farm? Who will be prepared to come in and work that farm for her? No man will come in and work a farm in which his wife will only have a life interest. If there should be a family by the second marriage, that family will be thrown out on the roadside as soon as the mother dies. That is inevitable. The result will be that the farm will have to be sold out.

Under the Bill as it stands, the widow, who remarries, and the children of the second marriage will be immeasurably better off than they would be under Senator O'Dwyer's amendment. He speaks of people who will not make will. Whether or not they refuse to make a will in order to save the lawyer's fee I do not know. If, by not making a will, they save 7/6, the subsequent litigation, in an attempt to discover who should get what, will eat up the whole estate and it will cost many times more than the making of a will would cost. I see no reason why a man should not make a will. If he does not make a will, the obvious inference is that he does not want to leave the property away from his wife. If he wants to deprive his wife of the property, he can do so very easily at present by making a will. Senator O'Dwyer's amendment would make us take the inheritance forcibly away from the wife and hand it over to somebody else.

This amendment is so very wide in its terms that it would be quite impossible of implementation. The amendment speaks of "the relatives of the deceased's husband". To what degree? To the 42nd degree? There is no limit to the search that can be made all over the world for relatives. There may be no second or third cousins, but there may be tenth cousins in existence somewhere. The lawyers would continue the search so long as there was a 1/- left in the estate.

I must admit that I have been too busy electioneering to go into this matter thoroughly and study it properly. It is, of course, something with which we are all familiar. I never thought I would find myself in the middle of an election campaign in agreement with both the Minister and Senator O'Farrell. While the Minister and Senator O'Dwyer were talking I was thinking of the day I got married 23 years ago. I remembered that part of the ceremony was a promise by the man to his wife: "With all my worldly goods I thee endow." In my opinion, when a man dies whatever he dies possessed of should go to his wife. Equally I believe that if the wife dies whatever she possesses should go to the husband.

I admit there is a tradition in existence. Perhaps that tradition goes deeper in Senator O'Dwyer's part of the country than it does in the City of Dublin and the surrounding counties. We are all aware of the position that obtained up to 50 years ago in relation to holding possession. After a death in a family, particularly in cases where there was no issue, it was quite a common thing for the relatives of the husband or of the wife to go in and hold forcible possession of a property. I think that was quite wrong. I think that such action is contrary to all the concepts of the moral law. As the Minister pointed out, one may have people coming in and claiming a property when they have no real claim whatever. Yet those people had never done anything to help to build up the property or to maintain it. That happened very often in cases where originally one or other side had objected to the match being made at all.

The fact of the matter is that it is more or less a waste of our time to be discussing this Bill to-day. It will probably never become law. There may be a change of Government. I think there will be a change of Government.

There is nothing in the Bill about that.

There is not. The people will look after that, in my opinion. In the election campaign so far, the Minister for Education took it upon himself the other day to make a statement which has a certain bearing on this measure. In my opinion, it was a most insulting suggestion but, since it happens to come in useful in this debate, I see no reason why it should not be used. I hope it will not hurt anyone's feelings. When the Minister for Education was speaking, he said that Mr. de Valera knew what the Red Indians thought.

That has nothing whatsoever to do with this Bill. It is not related in any way to it.

I can assure the House that I will make it relevant immediately. I will prove that what the Red Indians think has quite a bit to do with this particular Bill.

This is a red herring.

The fact of the matter is that the ordinary moral law and the common law operate just the same on the shores of Manhattan as they do in the counties of Tipperary and Wicklow. I know a considerable amount about Red Indians. Anybody who is not familiar with them should at least make a study of them before making public speeches about them. Where a white man marries a Red Indian under what is known as the common law and without going through any from of marriage whatsoever—church, registry office or anything else—and lives with her for a period of three years, if that woman dies the entire property automatically becomes the property of the husband. If the husband owns a property and marries a woman under what they call the common law and lives with her for three years, that property when he dies automatically becomes the property of his widow. The sooner we approach that system the better it will be. I know tradition dies hard. I think any sane group of men must admit that while there are hard cases—we all know hard cases make bad law—we should in discussing this Bill take the long view. We should realise that any legislation which we pass here may never become law. A better Bill may take its place. I think so long as we follow the natural law we cannot go too far wrong.

Is the Senator pressing the amendment?

I withdraw the amendment, It has fallen on evil times, in the midst of an election.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Sections 2 to 5 inclusive, Title and the Schedule agreed to.
Bill reported to the House without amendment.
Agreed to take the remaining stages now.
Bill received for final consideration and passed.
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