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Seanad Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 4 May 1955

Vol. 44 No. 14

Imposition of Duties (Confirmation of Orders) Bill, 1955 (Certified Money Bill)—Second and Subsequent Stages.

Question proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time".

The purpose of the Bill, as set out in the explanatory memorandum which I have circulated, is to confirm ten Orders made by the Government under the Emergency Imposition of Duties Act, 1932. The commodities covered by the Orders are as follows:— Welts and welting for footwear; malt extract preparations; quilts and quilt covers; vulcanised rubber for footwear; iron and steel files; artificial silk and union piece goods; rubber solution; buttons and button blanks; woven labels; and electrical accessories.

The customs duties imposed on welts and welting, vulcanised rubber for footwear and electrical accessories are new protective duties. The firm engaged in the production of welts and welting was unable to develop fully owing to heavy imports. Welts and welting are used by the footwear industry as strengthening agents in the manufacture of boots and shoes. In the case of vulcanised rubber for footwear there is a general world tendency to use substitutes for sole leather in the manufacture of footwear. One group of these substitutes consists of vulcanised rubber including synthetic rubber and imitations thereof and a limited range of these materials is at present being produced here. It is expected that the production of a wide range will be undertaken at Cork. With regard to electrical accessories, the production of these goods was commenced some months ago at Carrick-on-Shannon. The particular goods being produced consist of certain types of non-metal tumbler switches, switch-plates, fixing rings, outlet-sockets, outlet-plugs, ceiling roses and bayonet lampholders.

The Order dealing with malt extract preparations extended the scope of the existing customs duty on malt extract and preparations of malt extract and fish liver oil so as to include other preparations or mixtures which contain malt extract, but excluding any such preparations or mixtures imported in containers containing not more than 16 ounces. The position in regard to the existing duty was that it did not apply to malt extract or preparations of malt extract and fish liver oil to which any other substance or substances had been added. The result was that the duty was being evaded by the addition to the imported products of small quantities of other substances such as calcium, iron, etc., and it became necessary to extend the scope of the duty in order to give effective protection to the home industry. Preparations or mixtures containing malt extract imported in containers containing not more than 16 ounces were excluded from the scope of the extended duty in order to permit the free entry of genuine preparations of malt and other medicinal or vitamin substances which are made up in containers of 16 ounces or less.

A customs duty of 75 per cent., full rate, 50 per cent., preferential rate, ad valorem which was imposed in 1933 on filled quilts and unfilled quilt covers was suspended in 1943 owing to the general scarcity of supplies. It was decided in October last to restore protection to the home industry, but at a reduced rate of 50 per cent., full, 33? per cent, preferential, ad valorem which, it was considered, should afford adequate protection for the industry.

The manufacture of iron and steel hand files was commenced some years ago at Droichead Nua, County Kildare, and the industry was protected by an ad valorem customs duty on competing imported products. Last year, however, the continued existence of the industry was seriously threatened by intensive competition from strong external interests and it was necessary to increase the degree of protection afforded to the industry. This was done by the imposition of an additional specific duty on files.

The Order dealing with artificial silk woven piece goods and union piece goods amalgamated into one duty two separate duties on artificial silk and union piece goods, and at the same time remedied certain defects in the duties which had worked to the detriment of the home manufacturers of damask ticken, interlinings and moquette. The Order also revoked the suspended customs duties on certain cotton piece goods which have been subject to import quota control for some years past.

A customs duty which was imposed on rubber solution in 1937 was suspended in 1942 owing to the general scarcity of supplies. It was decided in November, last, to restore protection to the home industry, but it was necessary to extend the scope of the duty because, in addition to making adhesive solutions from natural rubber, it is now the practice to use also synthetic rubber and latex and the restored duty covers solutions made from these substances as well as from natural rubber.

When the customs duty on buttons and button blanks was originally imposed in 1936, imitation mother-of-pearl buttons were excluded from the scope of the duty to permit free importation of shell buttons used mainly by the shirt manufacturers. These buttons were not then, and are not now, made here. In recent years, however, there have been considerable developments in the manufacture of buttons from plastic materials with the result that plastic buttons made to resemble mother-of-pearl were escaping payment of customs duty by qualifying for the description of "imitation mother-of-pearl". These buttons were being imported in substantial quantities to the serious detriment of the Irish button manufacturers who are in a position to produce all types of plastic buttons. Consequently it became necessary to recast the exclusion from the duty to ensure that only the shell buttons would be admitted free of duty.

The Order dealing with woven labels increased the customs duty on these goods from 33? per cent. ad valorem (flat rate) to 60 per cent. (full rate), 40 per cent. (preferential rate—United Kingdom and Canada) ad valorem. Woven garment labels are being manufactured at Miltown-Malbay, County Clare. The industry is a new one and the promoters found that no progress could be made towards developing, the industry on a sound basis in the face of severe competition from large scale continental manufacturers. It was, accordingly, necessary to afford the industry a measure of increased protection. This Bill follows the customary pattern of giving legislative effect to the Orders made from time to time.

This Bill, as the Minister pointed out, gives legislative effect to many of the Orders made, but I think the Minister glossed over one or two very important aspects of the proposals in this Bill in relation to their effect on the leather wear industry in this country. For the past few months a number of employees in the boot and shoe industry have been laid off in our local factories. We are now making provision for the importation of substitutes for leather materials. I would like to get an assurance from the Minister that the Orders we are now confirming are not going to seriously affect the employment of people in these industries.

The difficulty about these Orders is that they were made over a period and are presented to this House at a very late stage when, in effect, nothing very substantial can be done about them. This is a serious question so far as the employees of the boot and shoe industry are concerned and I think we should have a more definite statement from the Minister as to whether the number of people he suggests would be employed in the manufacture of the articles mentioned here would be greater than that employed on the raw materials for the boot and shoe industry.

In speaking on this Bill, I should like to ask certain questions. I think we all accept the view that a certain amount of State interference on behalf of the manufacturers of this country is legitimate and necessary. I do not think any of the manufacturers resent that type of State interference. I personally support it. I do think, however, that the acceptance by the manufacturers of such State help, assistance, or protection, at the expense of the home consumer, carries with it certain duties. I think the Minister himself will agree that it is his duty and the duty of the Government to see to it that real value is given by manufacturers benefiting by the imposition of these prohibitive duties on imported goods.

I should like to ask the Minister a few questions. Am I right in assuming that he has the power yearly, or in respect of any interval he likes, to vary these rates of duty; or is it true that, once he has imposed this duty of 50 per cent., 75 per cent. or whatever it may be, he requires new amending legislation to vary it? While I should like there to be at least two periods, or more, of fairly strong protection for new industries, in order to give them a chance to get started, I would not like to feel that that strong protection which is necessary in the opening years would be frozen, as it were, at that high level. This might, perhaps, engender a spirit of laziness in the manufacturers who would genuinely require that high level to start with. But they ought not, if they are doing their job, require such high protection in the following years. I should like to put the question in those terms to the Minister. Has he got the power to vary these gradually or diminish them after a period of years? If he has that power —and I assume he has—has he thought, in fact, of using it, and of reducing now, for instance, the high rate of duty which was felt necessary in relation to certain goods when first they came to be manufactured in this country, but which are presumably being so efficiently manufactured to-day in Ireland that they could do with less protection now than when they first started?

There is another point I should like to mention also in regard to the last item, relating to electrical goods. There is a long list of the type of goods to which this 75 per cent. duty applies. The last words are "and on component parts". Component parts of what? Does it mean anything that could be called an electrical component part or does it simply mean component parts of the articles here mentioned?

Otherwise they will be broken down, come in and be reassembled, thus getting behind the duty.

I am quite satisfied with that. As it refers only to component parts of the articles specifically mentioned, it is quite a restricted power. In relation to that, I should like to ask whether the Minister has power in any of these circumstances to limit the duty on the articles which, perhaps, he thought might some day be manufactured, but are not, in fact, being manufactured, or the manufacture of which has ceased? Has he the power to ensure that the duty on certain of these articles shall be limited, or, alternatively, has he the power to allow the duty-free import of certain articles under licence by certain people, in the event of the home production not proving adequate?

In relation to some commodities not here mentioned—I am thinking in particular of the component parts of wireless sets—I understand that there are component parts of wireless sets which are not manufactured here, and which can only be imported with a high duty on them, or else be acquired by certain licensees who have the right, apparently, to bring them in at a reduced rate or duty free, and to put them on the market in that way. I was just wondering whether the Minister has this power to allow duty-free import under licence or to reduce the duty in certain circumstances, and, if so, I would like to know how such power is used.

In relation to the fifth item before us, I notice that the duty is expressed not in terms of a percentage, but as ? full and 1/- preferential rate per article. There probably is some reason for that. I would like to know, however, approximately what kind of percentage that represents. The chances are that it does not represent a very high percentage, but still I should feel happier in judging this document, if I knew approximately what order of magnitude the percentage represents.

There is another phrase in the same paragraph which says: "On certain iron or steel hand files." I take it that these certain hand files are somewhere defined or specified. They are not defined in the document before us. but I take it that someone knows. I do not know of any ordinary member of the public who, on seeing this, would know what particular files had got 1/- or 1/6 duty on them. I should like to have some clarification of what is meant by that phrase: "On certain iron or steel hand files."

In conclusion, I would urge the Minister again to give us some statement about the question I put in the beginning as to whether it is the Government's policy to reduce, gradually, the amount of protection given to home industry, as that home industry visibly gets on its feet and becomes established, and is enabled, behind these protective barriers, to produce more and more economically, and, consequently, is in a position to require less and less protection.

On this Bill, I would like to take the opportunity of commending the recent action by the Minister along the lines indicated in this Bill. The House may remember that a certain firm, some months ago, was deprived by Irish manufacturers of essential supplies, and the Minister, unless I am misinformed, remitted the high tariff on that particular commodity in order to ensure that this firm would receive its supplies. I do not intend to elaborate on that, but I should like to put it on record that that particular action won very widespread approval. I should like to take this opportunity of saying so. It must have taken a good deal of courage to do that, but it is the kind of courage which the ordinary citizen admires in the Minister, and I think we ought to voice our feelings on such a problem.

Senator Hawkins raised a question as to the effect of one of these duties on leather wear. I take it the Senator had in mind the position which was recently revealed arising out of discussions in the Dáil, and outside, and which centred on the position of the Portlaw tannery I do not know that a discussion in public of the position of the Portlaw tannery would be good from the point of view of that industry, and so I would prefer not to be tempted into a battle of words with the Senator or anybody else, because I still think it is possible to help the industry, once it gets over the present difficulties.

But, as the matter has been raised, may I say, in the most remote way possible, what the precise difficulties are? There was a time when that particular industry had a substantial export market for its leather. It no longer has that export market for its leather because of the fact that the countries to which it exported leather have now found that the same change in public taste is taking place. Not only do they not need imported leather but they have found it unnecessary to use the quantity of leather which they could use from their own sources of supply. That situation has been brought about by the use of synthetic soling. There has been in almost every country in the world an increase in the use of synthetic soling material. There has been an enormous change in public taste in that respect in England. It is stated that now approximately 37 per cent. of the footwear which is used there to-day is soled with synthetic material, and it is believed that the figure here in respect of synthetic soled footwear is not far short of that percentage of the total footwear used by our people.

It has been stated that, in the United States, over 70 per cent. of the footwear is soled with synthetic soling material, and, unfortunately for the leather manufacturers, it has been stated by the footwear manufacturers that the synthetic soling material gives a longer life than the natural leather. The result is that not only have you a change in public taste, so far as synthetic soling is concerned, but, if what is stated is true, you have a footwear which is going to last longer if soled with this synthetic material.

That is the situation which any alert firm should notice. I do not think it has been noticed with the same alacrity and alertness here as one would expect. If these indications, which have been on the horizon for quite a while, had been noticed in time, it might have been possible for that particular industry to have avoided the worst aspects of this impact of change in the public taste.

In other countries, where it was recognised that this change in public taste was taking place, the leather manufacturers and tanners generally set out to find new uses for leather, set out to make a leather not of the heavy bend type which is not now as popular as it originally was, but set out to split hides and set out to put leather to other and diversified uses. In fact, in Great Britain the leather manufacturers were so alert as to the dangers which threatened them, that they ran leather exhibitions and sent out mobile exhibitions into the cities and towns, in order to popularise the use of leather and to show the uses to which leather could be put.

The difficulty about the Portlaw tannery—or the main difficulty, for there are others—is that it has got in stock a 12 months' supply of heavy bend leather and, until it can liquidate those stocks, it is going to have a pretty rough time. But when the stocks are liquidated and when they survey the market in the light of the change in public taste and when they begin to think of the alternative uses to which leather can be put, I feel sure they can rehabilitate themselves and perhaps rehabilitate themselves on a steadier market than that which has been available to them in the recent past.

What you have to remember in this matter is that it is true that synthetic soling is coming in, that substitute soling is coming in. First, some of it is coming in by arrangement with the boot and shoe manufacturers free of duty. In so far as they want to import synthetic soling material over and above the quota which they get in duty free, they have to pay duty on it. It may be argued that we should not give any duty-free licences at all. Supposing I take that stand and say: "You will get no duty-free licences at all", that will not help Portlaw or any other tannery here. What will happen is that the boot and shoe manufacturers will pay the duty and having paid the duty they will then proceed to show that the raw material of the boot or shoe is now costing more and they will increase the price of the boot or shoe. If I say to them that they cannot import this substitute material free of duty, all I am asking them to do is to pay an Exchequer tax, as the duty will go into the Exchequer. If anyone gets satisfaction out of that, they are welcome to it—but because the duty goes into the Exchequer the person who buys boots and shoes will have to pay more for them. I see no reason why, in a case like this, I should compel them to pay a rate of duty on all their imports, when the only effect of doing that is not to provide additional employment but to put money into the Exchequer and once they have to pay that money into the Exchequer they will increase the price of boots and shoes.

I think it is desirable that I should take steps to prevent the price of boots and shoes rising, but that cannot be done by requiring the importers of synthetic soling material to pay duties on these commodities. In this country, we supply not merely 99 per cent. of our own boot and shoe requirements but we have an export trade which is worth approximately £500,000 a year. A considerable amount of that export trade is profitable only because the footwear which is imported is soled with this synthetic material and if you keep out this synthetic material then you will lose that export trade valued at £500,000. Or, if you let in the synthetic soling material by requiring the boot and shoe manufacturers here to pay a duty on it, then you will send up the price of boots and shoes for export and you will cut the Irish boot and shoe factories off from their external markets, as you will price them out of those markets where they have to try to hold on by being extremely competitive in price.

This is a matter which has to be very delicately balanced. I am trying to handle it without any doctrinaire approach to the problem. It is a problem which has to be balanced by weighing the demands of one particular type of industry as against the demands of another and the consumer has to be protected as the overall consideration.

I do not want to discuss the affairs of Portlaw here. They have been in difficulty but their difficulties are not insurmountable. As far as I am concerned, I would be glad to give them every possible assistance to overcome the difficulties which have recently engulfed them, but which I hope have only temporarily engulfed them.

Senator Sheehy Skeffington raised a point relating to the review of tariffs and certain other related matters. Last year I took the view that we now had tariffs in operation for a sufficiently long period to justify a review of the operation of those tariffs. I approached the problem, not from the standpoint of desiring to abolish the tariffs but in order to see whether the manufacturer was using those tariffs for the extension of his industry, whether he was aiming at supplying the home market, whether he was endeavouring to build up an export business, whether he was providing the optimum employment, whether he was relying on the tariff to justify the use of outmoded methods of production and out of date machinery. I asked the Industrial Development Authority to examine the operation of tariffs in approximately 20 industries. They are doing that at the moment; some reports have reached me and other reports are on the way and the Industrial Development Authority is continuing that review.

I have asked them to make that review a searching review, but at the same time to make it in an understanding context, so that the aim will be rather to step up production, to supply a wider market, to try to get markets abroad, to modernise the industry as much as possible, to get in new machinery and generally to take the view that the firm should be told that it should approach this whole problem with a view to regarding tariffs not as a permanent crutch on which they must rest for the rest of their lives, but as something to aid the industry for a reasonable period, in the hope that it will so organise itself that it will not have to depend on adventitious aids of this kind and that the overall consideration will be maximum production, the widest possible measure of employment and a reasonable service to the community, at prices within the ability of the consumers to pay. The Industrial Development Authority is engaged on that task at the moment and its reports reach me from time to time.

I would like to mention, however, to Senator Sheehy Skeffington—and perhaps other Senators would be interested in the matter as well—that, while it is true that we impose tariffs of 50 or 75 per cent., that does not mean at all that the Irish manufacturer finds it necessary to charge these percentages over the imported article. Manufacturers of articles which are made here find it necessary to charge perhaps 2, 3, 5 or 7½ per cent. over the imported article and that imported article may come from a highly mechanised industry which has a long tradition of that particular class of goods. The fact that these tariffs of 50 and 75 per cent. are imposed is not to give the Irish manufacturer the right to charge these percentages on top of the British landed cost here. In the main, it is for the purpose of giving the Irish manufacturer the market, as many of the exporters to this country could not compete here against these high tariffs because the import price plus the tariff could not possibly compete with the cost of production of the Irish manufacturer.

In many cases it is necessary to impose a very high tariff to give the Irish manufacturer the market. That is particularly so in the case of files, which are manufactured by Sandersons at Droichead Nua. Various efforts were made over a number of years to assist that firm against what might be described as the insidious attempts by substantial interests outside to undermine the firm's position here.

It is the only industry in this country which makes files and nobody would attempt to deny that we ought to have one file factory in Ireland. This firm was assisted in the first instance by a tariff. The tariff was put on files so many inches long, but the moment you put on a tariff like that, an outside industry can come along and make a file shorter by about 1/16th of an inch and get the file in free of duty, as the firm is able to produce a file of 1/16th of an inch shorter in order to get over the tariff. The cross-Channel interests also proceeded to allow substantial discounts to importers here, which they did not allow to their customers on their own market. That was done for the purpose of appealing to the understandable cupidity of traders who said: "Here is an Irish file on which the profit will be 15 per cent. I have got an English file which will provide a profit of 25 per cent. The Irish firm will require cash in one month and the cross-Channel firm will say: ‘You can have three months." It is hard to blame a trader while he gets 25 per cent. profit instead of 15 per cent. and three months' credit instead of one month.

Of course, you could not possibly sell Irish produced files against competition of this kind. In getting over that difficulty it was found necessary to impose these substantial duties on particular files. I agree that in relation to the low-priced Irish file this represented a very substantial tariff, but it had the effect of giving Sandersons of Newbridge virtually the entire market. In fact, I think they have the entire market at the moment. Although they got these tariffs, we got from them, as we endeavour to do in other cases, an assurance that they would not increase the price of the Irish files if the tariff was increased. We have always made it clear to these firms, particularly when we impose a tariff, that we expect them, when they get the market, not only not to increase their prices, but to bring their prices down in consideration of the fact that by getting the market, they have accordingly reduced their overhead expenses.

In reply to Senator Sheehy Skeffington, the granting of duty-free licences occurs where the industries, assisted by tariffs, cannot produce the commodities which are required or where they are not yet in production to produce the commodities which it was originally intended to protect by the imposition of tariffs. So far as my Department is concerned, I have personally seen cases in my experience where it is clear that the Irish firm is not making a commodity which the customer requires and that no satisfactory substitute is available, and duty-free licences to import the commodities have been freely given. That is the only sensible way in which you can approach a problem of that kind. It has got to be dealt with on its merits but there is no inflexibility so far as my Department is concerned. I think that I have now answered all the points which Senators raised in the course of the discussion.

What percentage of turnover does ? on a file represent? The Minister stated that it was substantial.

It is a varying percentage. If the file is imported, say, a 4" file without a handle—that is the usual case—the price of that file might be 9d. on importation. In a case like this, where the minimum duty is ?, it is easy to see that the duty in that case is nearly 200 per cent. But at the same time, when this ? duty was imposed we got from Sandersons an assurance that the prices at which they were manufacturing and which were protected by an ad valorem tariff would not be increased if we gave them a substantial tariff on the files. If the files were imported at l/-, a minimum duty of ? would give 150 per cent. If the files were imported at ? and the minimum duty was ? it would give 100 per cent. If the files were imported at 3/- a duty of ? would represent 50 per cent. It depends on the size of the file and the price.

Senator Sheehy Skeffington asked one question which I do not think I answered and that was the type of files covered by this. Duties which have been imposed do not apply to files such as nail files, horse rasps, shoemakers' rasps, or wood rasps, or a whole bundle of files used for complicated technical processes, such as magneto files, dental files, woodworkers' files, cabinet files, and pitsaw or framed files. These are not the types of files covered by this and consequently they are excluded from the scope of the duty or if they have been accidentally caught they are covered by duty-free licences freely given.

In relation to one of the answers given by the Minister regarding the licences granted to some people to introduce certain of these commodities duty free, for the reason of their not being available in sufficient quantities or not being, in fact, manufactured despite the Minister's hopes, would it not be better, in cases like that, simply to abolish the duty?

The Senator is pushing an open door there. I have come across cases where the duty was imposed in the first instance in the belief that this was going to lead to a substantial measure of employment and production here, but the early hopes of the promoters of the industry, for one reason or another, were not realised with the result that perhaps a high tariff was in operation in respect of an industry which was employing a very small number of people. In cases like this, already we have abolished the tariff entirely because the volume of employment did not justify the continuance of the tariff having regard to the amount of duty that the consumer here had to pay.

Question put and agreed to.
Agreed to take the remaining Stages now.
Bill passed through Committee without amendment, reported, received for final consideration, and ordered to be returned to the Dáil.
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