Skip to main content
Normal View

Seanad Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 16 May 1956

Vol. 46 No. 1

Tea (Importation and Distribution) Bill, 1955—Committee and Final Stages.

Sections I and 2 agreed to.
SECTION 3.
Question proposed: "That Section 3 stand part of the Bill."

I should like to ask a question which betrays some ignorance. Is it common form in a Bill of this kind to give the Minister such absolute powers, such absolute discretion, without leaving any appeal to the applicant? I think the Seanad ought to consider this section very carefully. It shows, in a sense, the dying away of the powers of the Legislature and the immense growth of the powers of Ministers. This is not a matter of any particular Minister or of any particular country, but I find it disturbing. It seems to me that, under this section, suppose we had an unjust or even a temporarily unjust Minister, an applicant could be refused a licence quite arbitrarily and, as far as I can see, have no appeal.

I want to ask two questions. Is what I say true and, secondly, is this common form in Bills of this kind? If the answer is "yes" to both questions, I must again deplore the way in which the Legislature is tending to give more and more absolute powers to the Minister. He will understand there is no personal reflection of any kind in this; it is purely a matter of legislation.

What the Senator says is true, but even that does not necessarily make it alarming. The whole purpose of this Bill is to continue the present arrangement for a period of two years. Within that period, we hope to be able to work out a new scheme for the purchase of tea. I explained all that on the Second Stage of the Bill. The idea in this section is that all the importation of tea, except for small gift parcels, should be done by Tea Importers, Limited, because that is at present the sole importing organisation. This is merely an arrangement to continue the present situation, virtually without any change whatever, in order that we can have these powers, pending the enactment of subsequent legislation which will change the pattern of our tea trade, whilst, at the same time, preserving what it is desirable to preserve. namely, concentrating purchases in the country of origin.

In other words, this is to maintain a monopoly which is deemed to be something advantageous to the State at the moment?

That is so.

I suppose we must acquiesce in it, but I would urge that, when the wider Bill comes forward, as presumably it will, in two years' time, such absolute powers as these should be very carefully guarded against. As a matter of general principle, I deplore the tendency to give such wide powers to the Minister without any qualifications whatever by the legislature. That seems to be the case in this clause.

The Minister is not taking any more powers than those already held by the Minister.

Whether or not he had them before, we should be on our guard against them.

I support Senator Stanford. I would ask the Minister to bring in the legislation which he suggests here as soon as possible. The world is moving much more towards a free economy than has been the case for some years. We are getting out of this wartime economy. Britain has shed practically all the controls and all the State buying. We shall feel the effects of it in relation to the things we have to sell. I believe that if businessmen were allowed to purchase tea, they would probably be able to purchase parcels of tea far cheaper than they can be bought by Tea Importers, Limited. Even if the Minister left Tea Importers, Limited, in existence, there is no reason why traders should not be allowed to purchase, as well as Tea Importers, Limited. It would have the beneficial effect of putting Tea Importers. Limited, on their toes. I believe that if people were selling in competition against Tea Importers, Limited, it would result in better business for the State and particularly for the consumer.

I do not think this is the place to discuss the future pattern of our tea trade. I want to leave this thought with Senators who are interested. Those who advocate the unrestricted right of every single citizen to import tea from wherever he likes have the obligation of proving that it is all for the good of the national interest. If you let people buy tea anywhere they like, with possibly only fragmentary credit facilities at their disposal, they will not really do as well as a single organisation with the resources of the State behind it. Because of the quantities involved, it could possibly buy tea at a lesser price and sell at a lesser price than the small individual tea merchant could. The House will have an opportunity of discussing the merits of the small man buying where he likes or a larger body to which the small man will have access being able to use its collective strength to buy in the market.

That you would get better prices in the world market by allowing individuals to bid against one another is like imagining you can get a lower price in a grocer's shop by bidding against your wife.

You could have another grocer's shop.

The principle of the Bill has already been agreed to and I do not want to have a discussion on the whole principle again on this section.

Question put and agreed to.
Sections 4 and 5 agreed to.
SECTION 6.
Government amendment:—
"To insert ‘and' at the end of line 26, and to add the following:—
‘(iii) in the case of a body corporate, all the shares are in the beneficial ownership of Irish citizens, and
(iv) the business will be effectively managed and controlled by an Irish citizen or citizens each of whom normally resides in the State.'"

This amendment is moved for the purpose of meeting a point made by Deputy Lemass when the Bill was under discussion in the Dáil. It was then mentioned that he feared it would not be possible to restrict the issue of tea licences to persons, even where it was not established that the business was in Irish ownership and control. This amendment, therefore, represents a further examination of the problem, with a view to strengthening the section, so as to ensure that the provisions of the section are complied with in the case of persons who seek a tea wholesaler's licence.

I do not think this is a wise amendment. I do not think it is a necessary amendment. I think we all approve in this House of an enlightened spirit of nationalism, but I am afraid that sometimes our nationalism is not quite as enlightened as it might be. It is a mistake and, perhaps, a mistake for which we may have to pay, if we are going too narrowly to insist that business of this kind be confined entirely to Irish nationals.

Certain concessions are made in Britain, for instance, to Irish citizens in various forms of employment, and we recognise that fact in another Bill which will come before us this afternoon—at any rate it is on the Order Paper. There are many business posts, official offices held in Britain—Lords Mayors and mayors of councils and so forth, held by Irishmen and women. I could imagine quite an outcry in this country, if they were to be put out of office or business simply because they were Irish.

I feel that we are introducing a rather grudging spirit here by saying, without any kind of reservation, that we are going to restrict this entirely to Irish citizens. I do not believe it is necessary in practice. I do not think it enshrines a very generous principle, in view of the fact that Irish nationals are better treated than this in Britain, the Commonwealth and some other countries. Therefore, I am opposed to this amendment.

I welcome this amendment because I think it is in line with what the majority of us would wish to have in an important trade such as the tea trade is to the community in general, particularly having regard to what happened over the past number of years. Therefore, I entirely disagree with the point of view put forward by the previous speaker.

There is, however, one question I should like to ask the Minister, having regard to his anxiety in putting down this amendment. The Bill, as presented to the House by the Minister, provides that the present position will operate for at least a period of two years, and that, before there will be any change in the purchase of tea for consumption in this country, a comprehensive Bill will be presented to the House. When we examine this Bill, we have very grave doubts as to whether that was the real intention of the Minister. I should like to get an assurance from the Minister that no agreements of any kind will be entered into, whether with the present importers of tea or with others who may be anxious to enter into the trade in future, and that we shall not be presented either here or in the other House with a fait accompli.

The Minister asked us to pass this amendment. That we are prepared to do, but, before any agreements are entered into, the Oireachtas should be consulted, so that it will be in a position either to give its approval or register its disapproval. If that is the case, I fully appreciate the Minister's difficulties in this matter and I have no hesitation in supporting the amendment.

It seems to me that two points should be considered with regard to this amendment. The first is that there may be people who are already engaged in this trade who are not Irish citizens and who have been engaged in the trade for a long time. The effect of the amendment would seem to me to put them out of business straight away. I do not know if there are any such people, but there may be, and, if there are, it does seem to me to be wrong that a Bill should be passed which would eliminate them from their business.

A second point occurs to me that, under the amendment, as drafted, if the ownership of any share ceases to be in the hands of a citizen, a State company might be disqualified immediately. Things like that could happen, without any intention on the part of the directors or the main body of shareholders. Beneficial ownership can pass under the terms of the section, or in many ways. In the Control of Manufactures Acts, there is provision made in such a case, giving a period during which matters may be put right. I appreciate that in this case the Minister might possibly not revoke the licence, but it will be within his power to do so, and, if there is to be a provision that, on the change of ownership of shares, a company might cease to hold the status it originally held, there should be some provision giving a time during which that matter might be put right.

I explained on the Second Reading of this Bill and again to-day that this is really a stop-gap Bill, tying the situation which we have had in the past to that status for the next two years. The provision in this Bill to which Senator Sheehy Skeffington objects is the same kind of provision, in fact, as has been in our legislation since 1947, when Tea Importers, Limited, was set up. The whole idea is, and then was, to confine the grant of import licences to Tea Importers, Limited, and the licences were granted to concerns which were conducting all the operations of a bona fide wholesale business in this country.

I think the Senator has got to watch this situation, that we do not create a position in which some external tea company can manage to set up a distributing office here and finance that entirely by outside capital, ensuring that all the work of the office is done elsewhere than here, that the stocks of tea are not held here and that the employment which would follow from their being held here is provided outside the country I do not think anybody wants to create a situation of that kind.

It is, therefore, desirable that we should not provide a loophole to enable that kind of activity, which is not nationally advantageous, to be created by an excessively liberal attitude in a matter of that kind. I suggest, therefore, that, whatever views the Senator may have on the nationalistic aspect of this amendment, he ought to balance them with the realisation of the advantages which flow from endeavouring to concentrate the tea trade in the hands of people who function here and who are financed here.

I just want to say in reply to Senator Cox that, if he looks at Section 7 (6), he will see that provision is made there that a licence granted or deemed to be granted under Article 13 of the Tea Order, 1950, and in force at the passing of this Act shall continue in force and be deemed to have been issued under this section. That covers the case of people who are at present in the trade.

With respect, it does not cover the position with regard to possible changes in the constitution of a company.

That is so. A person who gets a licence has to be a qualified person, under Section 6, and he has got to remain a qualified person. If the conditions under which the licence was granted are not continued, the Minister may revoke the licence. It is at the discretion of the Minister whether that revocation shall take place or not.

I should like to ask the Minister one question on this. Does this embody a change in the existing legislation or not?

I am not quite convinced that the Minister has realised the full import of his amendment, because he has argued that the purpose of this amendment is to prevent a company which is entirely owned outside from setting up an office here, and so on. The amendment, in fact, prevents any single share in any company being held by anybody outside. It, consequently, goes quite a lot further than the purpose which the Minister has just stated.

Where does the Senator get that interpretation?

The amendment reads:—

——in the case of a body corporate, all the shares are in the beneficial ownership of Irish citizens, and——

I thought the Senator was referring to a single individual.

No single share.

A little bit of confusion has arisen in my mind from the short discussion that has taken place here. I understood, when the Second Reading of the Bill was in progress here, that no change would be made for two years, until such time as a new organisation would be set up here for the purchase of tea from outside. The question arises, and I think it is the over-all consideration: does the Minister contemplate giving licences to people other than Tea Importers, Limited, for the purchase of tea for the people of this country for the next two years, be they nationals or non-nationals?

Would the Senator look at the control of imports section— Section 3? He will see that it is intended under that section to confine the import of tea to Tea Importers, Limited.

That is what I thought.

That is what it is proposed to do under this Bill. That is the present position. The section we are dealing with now deals with the position of a wholesaler's licence. These licences have been granted in the past under the Tea Order of 1950.

May I have a reply to my question?

Let us clarify the point made by Senator Kissane first.

Does that mean that a wholesale tea merchant can purchase tea from abroad on his own responsibility?

No. He cannot do it at present and he will not be allowed to do it under this Bill.

For the next two years?

For the next two years. Under the new legislation, that pattern may change.

May I have a reply to my question, whether this does or does not alter the existing legislation? In other words, does this strengthen the powers that may be used against firms or does it leave the powers as they were? I think that is an important question.

It is not easy to say "Yes" or "No" to that question. Let me put it this way: under the Tea Order of 1950, I have absolute discretion to grant or revoke licences. To the extent that this section is, therefore, specific, I have got to comply with the section and have no power which would amount to a power outside the section. To that extent, therefore, this is more specific and I have less discretion than I would have, if this section were not there.

I find that satisfactory, but may I ask one more question?

Would the Senator ask all the questions? There are limits to the number of times a Senator may rise. If we could have all the questions, it would be better.

With due deference, this arises from the Minister's last answer. I want to know whether, under this section, if we pass it, certain persons who are now able to trade in tea will be deprived of that right or not, or will the practical situation remain unchanged? It seems to me a question that ought to be answered.

I should like to put the point that, if we pass this amendment, which demands that, before the Minister grants a wholesaler's licence, he must be satisfied in relation to a body corporate incorporated in the State that all the shares of that body corporate shall be in the beneficial ownership of Irish citizens, and if the Minister then discovers that one share in one company of these wholesalers—I am not talking about importers—is in the hands of somebody normally resident here, but who is not an Irish citizen, I suggest that he will be precluded from granting them a licence.

I do not know whether the Senator wants to deal with the theory or the actualities of the situation. If you look at Section 7, you will see that a licence granted or deemed to be granted under Article 13 of the Tea Order, 1950, and in force at the passing of this Act shall continue in force and be deemed to have been issued under this section. That means that anybody now dealing in tea, from the standpoint of having a wholesaler's licence, will get a licence when this Bill is passed and that it will be issued automatically.

If the Senator will look at the section, as well, he will see that there is no power of revocation in this section in respect of licences issued under Section 6.

It becomes evident, in that case, that we may have new companies applying for wholesale licences and being precluded from getting a licence, although they may, in fact, be just as well qualified as existing companies who already have the licence before the passing of this Act. We are introducing a new principle here which would have excluded certain companies, had this been the law when they applied. It seems to me that this is a dangerous principle and that it is unnecessary. I appeal to the Minister to withdraw at least portion of this amendment—the one under the heading (iii) which demands that every share of every wholesale company shall be in the beneficial ownership of Irish citizens.

I have explained the position to the Senator.

Before the Minister replies, may I suggest that a licence which has been granted under the 1950 Order is deemed to have been issued under this section. Therefore, the power of revocation under sub-section (5) would apply. That is to say that, if the Minister were satisfied that one no longer applied under Section 6, then he could revoke. If a person holds a licence at present under the 1950 Order and if he is not an Irish citizen, or if it be a company, all the shares of which are not held by Irish citizens, then the Minister could revoke it under sub-section (5) of Section 7. Whether or not the Minister would revoke it is another question, but undoubtedly, on paper, he would be entitled to revoke it.

Perhaps I should explain that my legal adviser in this matter tells me I have no power to do such a thing in respect of a licence granted under Section 6. That point has been specifically put and that is the answer I got.

It seems to me that once you say: "it shall continue in force and be deemed to have been issued under this section" and if it is deemed to be issued under this section, it is very difficult to see how this section does not apply to it.

The point was specifically put to the Parliamentary Draftsman. I have given the Senator his answer in the matter.

May I register a note of interrogation?

Is there some special legal meaning attaching to the expression "beneficial ownership of Irish citizens"? To my mind, it would be far simpler to say "the shares are held by Irish citizens". Why the curious terminology? Is it normal?

It means simply that sometimes some people hold shares for somebody else; in other words, nominated shareholders instead of beneficial shareholders. A shareholder who gets no benefit from holding the shares is a different kind of person from one in the beneficial ownership of shares, because he gets something from the ownership.

This section deals entirely with wholesalers. What we are discussing now is the provision under which those persons engaged in this trade might be defined. I think we are somewhat mixed up in our interpretation of the Bill as to "importers" and "wholesalers". I would ask the Minister whether the same conditions will apply to persons engaged in the importation of tea, after Tea Importers, Limited, have been abolished, as we are now providing for in this section in relation to wholesalers.

I cannot say that at this stage. To answer that question now would involve taking a decision at this stage as to the character of the Bill. The examination has not proceeded that far. All this Bill does, in the main, is to continue the present arrangement whereby Tea Importers Limited are the sole importing authority and will remain so until such time as the new pattern of tea purchases is evolved. In that case, the House, before this legislation expires, will have an opportunity of seeing the new legislation and contrasting the new with the old.

May I put it to the Minister——

This question and answer is not debate.

I am using and perhaps abusing my right as a member of the House to speak several times on the Committee Stage. I assure you I will not speak any more. Arising out of what the Minister has said, if the purpose of this Bill is to continue the existing conditions, in a temporary way, with a date limit as is done in the Bill—if, in fact, this amendment were not passed—those conditions which he speaks of and the continuance of which is the main purpose of the Bill would still continue. In other words, this amendment is not necessary for the continuance of these conditions, because this amendment introduces a new principle.

It may well be true that there is a new situation. Tea Importers, Limited, are being financed by guarantees provided by the Exchequer. In other words, they are being financed by guarantees provided by the Irish people. I do not think it was ever the intention of the Legislature to provide the same kind of facilities for every company established in any place in the world. If we are providing these financial guarantees, we ought to endeavour to provide them for our own people in a special way, rather than give our own people only the same facilities as are extended to people anywhere else.

Amendment put and declared carried.
Section 6, as amended, agreed to.
Sections 7 to 12, inclusive, and Title agreed to.
Bill reported with amendment.
Agreed to take remaining stages now.
Bill received for final consideration.
Question proposed: "That the Bill do now pass."

On this stage, may I just express the hope that, while one welcomes this Bill, as it maintains the status quo for another period of two years, during that period very minute and far-reaching consultations with everybody concerned in the tea trade in this country will be taken by the Minister before a final decision is presented in the form of a Bill to the Oireachtas? Our tea trade is a very valuable trade. It is an essential part of our way of life. In actual fact, our annual consumption of tea amounts to something in the neighbourhood of 25,000,000 lbs. per year. It is not an item of our economy that ought lightly to be handed over to any one organisation. It is perhaps too much to expect, under modern conditions, that we would ever be in a position to revert to complete liberalisation of the trade, whereby any licensed individual in this country was free to enter into the trade and go out into the world markets to buy when and how he could.

I think there are also, on the other side of the picture, certain dangers that are always coincident with what has come to be known as bulk buying and I hope, before a final decision is made, that everyone in all sections of this trade will be given an opportunity of being heard, because there are two distinct views on the tea trade. There is the view of the large financier who is concerned only with finance and profits. From the point of view of the Irish consumer there is the much more valuable point of view that must be listened to, that is, the view of the experts on tea who are in this country, and there are very many of them, indeed—men who know tea from A to Z and who have been born and brought up in the trade. They are recognised experts on the London and eastern markets and they are capable of judging tea and grading tea. I trust that between now and final legislation on this matter these will be heard and will be consulted.

There is much of what Senator Crosbie said with which I should like to be associated, but, at the same time, I think we should not allow this occasion to pass, particularly having regard to this very important measure, without expressing our appreciation of what has been accomplished by Tea Importers, Limited, over a number of very difficult years. We should also avail of this occasion to express our regret at the mishandling of this whole position during the past one and a half years.

The Senator can discuss what is in the Bill and nothing outside it.

The Bill proposes to extend for another period of two years the present arrangements. The Bill is necessitated by the decisions made by the Government in the form of a camouflage subsidy of tea over the past 12 months. Until Tea Importers, Limited, have rid themselves of the expense of paying back to the banks the interest and moneys to provide the people of this country with cheap tea, as the people were led to believe over a very short period of years, we cannot get rid of Tea Importers, Limited, no matter how many Ministers of the present Government would like to do so.

Finally, I should like to have a very definite assurance from the Minister that nothing will be done in regard to setting up a new organisation of tea importers, whether from the trade itself or otherwise, until the Oireachtas has an opportunity of giving its opinion on whatever measures might be put before it.

I should like to support Senator Hawkins in paying a tribute to the work of Tea Importers, Limited. I do not think it is sufficiently recognised that, from the outset, these men, as Senator Crosbie said, who are experts in the trade have been prepared to pool their knowledge and skill in Tea Importers, Limited, and to do that for the sake of the community. I think recognition of that fact is important.

It follows—and here I differ from Senator Crosbie—that it would be for the continued benefit of the community if we could prevail upon these experts to continue to pool their knowledge and work as a team for the sake of Ireland, when they are abroad buying in these markets, rather than lapse back into a situation in which individual Irish importers would be pitting their skill, one against another, for the benefit of one or other individual and highly skilled importer, but not, I would suggest, for the general good of the community. The perfect analogy is the man who sends his wife to an auction to bid against himself, in the hope that thereby he will get better value for his family, when, quite obviously, he will not. I should like to see in future organisations a continuance of this principle of bulk buying in which we pool the undoubted skill of these importers and use it for the sake of the whole community.

I should like to congratulate the Government on giving the overdraft in connection with tea. They were very wise to do that. Tea is coming down in price and that shows that the Government were justified in the decision they took. I find myself at variance with what the Minister said with regard to Tea Importers, Limited, that it was better to have a State-sponsored body purchasing the tea, unless it could be proved that the job could be done better by private traders. I believe it would be better to have the private traders buying it, until it could be proved that it would be done better by a State-sponsored body. We should encourage the small individual, rather than make the State or the corporation stronger.

There is another principle in this Bill to which I am opposed, that is, the guaranteeing of a monopoly in regard to tea trading. Recently, one Department of State appointed agents in Britain to handle some of our goods. They appointed a foreign firm operating in Britain to sell our goods, and the people of Irish extraction in Britain, who would be interested in promoting the sale of Irish goods, were not appointed.

That has nothing to do with the Bill.

The Bill does not deal with it, but I would suggest that we should have a certain amount of consistency in regard to these things. I would impress upon the Minister the desirability of bringing in this legislation as soon as possible. Senator Sheehy Skeffington referred to the husband and wife going to the auction, but I should like to point out to the Senator that there are a great many more people than husbands and wives buying tea.

In the principal towns of this country, the large traders are experts at testing tea. They receive samples and are able to value these samples and determine the type of tea which their clients want. They bought tea in competition with the whole world, and not merely in competition with husbands and wives. What Senator Sheehy Skeffington proposes is to have the whole tea trade controlled by highly advertised brands. Rather should our approach be to encourage the craft of tea buying by traders in the cities and towns of Ireland.

I do not want to follow this discussion to the limits of its logic as a result of the matter raised on the Fifth Stage of the Bill. It is not necessarily a virtue to do in 1956 or 1958 something that we did in 1908, if the only recommendation for continuing the policy is to say: "Well, that was always the old pattern."

I know there are people who prefer that they should be allowed to buy from London tea merchants—to use the London merchant to store their tea, to get credit from the London merchant, to let the London merchant pack the tea, to let him insure it, to let him ship it and generally to act as the warehousing authority for the wholesale or the retail merchant here; but is this consideration not worthy of some notice: If we buy tea in the country of origin—and I know of no reason why tea should be sold cheaper in a country which is not the country of origin, than it can be sold in the country which produces it—is there not an obvious advantage, where you can organise your collective purchasing strength, —how you would do it is another matter and I will come to that in a second, is there not an obvious advantage where you organise your collective purchasing strength, transport the tea and warehouse it in your own country, providing in your own country all the employment in warehousing that you would otherwise provide, if you are satisfied to do your dealings with the London merchant who will do all the thinking on tea for you and where you can make sure that the insurance on the transport of 24,000,000 or 25,000,000 lbs. of tea can be undertaken by Irish companies, that all the packing can be done as a matter of policy in Ireland, and where you can envisage the possibility that you can provide the ships to transport the goods back here?

We can, if we like, say: "Let the London merchants do the tea buying for us; they are the wiseacres in this matter—let them buy the tea, and insure it, pack it and transport it for us." Of course, the Irish consumer will pay all those charges. It is not the London merchant who will pay them. All these charges will go on the price of tea and the Irish consumer will have the privilege of paying for these additional charges. If he is going to pay warehousing, freight and insurance charges, why should he not, as a matter of intelligent national planning, provide these benefits for Irish organisations here who are engaged in that trade? In my view, the more buying, warehousing, insuring and packaging we do ourselves and the more transport we do ourselves, the more it is all calculated to inure in the long run to the benefit of the Irish people. In so far as we employ agents in London or anywhere else to do this kind of work for us, we lose to that extent a national advantage.

I do not contemplate a State sponsored body continuing to purchase Irish tea requirements elsewhere. Tea Importers, Limited, came into existence in a very special way and for very special reasons. There is no question that you have not to love Tea Importers, Limited, to admit this fact, that bulk buying of tea by Tea Importers, Limited, did enable them to buy tea cheaper than the individual wholesaler could have bought that tea in the circumstances operating during those particularly difficult years. I have not yet decided the form of organisation we should have for the purposes of buying tea, but I think it ought to be possible, while permitting the manufacturer to select the kind of teas he wants and to buy them in whatever countries produce these teas, to get wholesalers together into some kind of co-operative organisation—not a State-sponsored or State-controlled body, but a co-operative organisation where their collective buying would be organised to the advantage of the tea trade and of the country as a whole.

The control of that kind of body, if I contemplated establishing it, would be in the hands of those who know the tea trade in this country—not in the hands of a Government Department, but in the hands of those who know the trade. That organisation would represent the buying organisation for the tea trade in this country, giving the individuals who are members of the co-operative organisation the opportunity of ordering whatever classes of tea they wanted. I think something of that kind, as a substitute for Tea Importers, Limited, and as a means of avoiding the rigidity which goes with the establishment of a State-sponsored body for a particular trade such as this, has a good deal to commend it. However, it is quite clear that tea can always produce a good discussion in our Parliamentary Assemblies here, and I have no doubt that, when the new Bill is introduced in both Houses, there will be many views to express. In this whole business, our main objective ought to be to try to work out whatever is nationally the most beneficial. I have no particular axe to grind in this matter at all; I am only concerned with doing whatever is best for the common good, not merely of those engaged in the tea trade, but utilising such a very substantial trade in such a manner as will enable it to react beneficially on the whole Irish economy.

Question put and agreed to.
Ordered: That the Bill, as amended, be returned to the Dáil.
Top
Share