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Seanad Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 21 Dec 1960

Vol. 53 No. 7

Dairy Produce Marketing Bill, 1960— Second Stage.

Question proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

This Bill gives effect to the decision announced in a White Paper issued in December last that the Government would establish a Board to control the marketing of Irish dairy produce, as recommended by the Advisory Committee on the Marketing of Agricultural Produce.

The quantity of milk sold to creameries is sufficient to provide for home requirements of butter and other milk products and leave a sizeable quantity for processing for export. While milk production has varied from year to year because of weather and other conditions it seems clear that the underlying tendency is upwards. This tendency is to be welcomed as milk is the basic product of our agriculture and on it depend to a very large extent our cattle and pig industries. No appreciable expansion in home consumption of liquid milk or of milk products other than cheese can be expected as we are among the largest per head consumers of butter in the world and our liquid milk consumption is one of the highest in Europe.

It follows, therefore, that we must look to the export market to absorb our surplus production of milk. This surplus, however, even at what for us was a relatively high level this year, represents only a very modest proportion of the requirements of available export markets and indeed any expansion in our exportable surplus which may take place could not form more than a small part of the needs of those markets.

One of the main problems which have faced us in the past is the lack of continuity of supply on the export market. We exported butter only when a surplus arose, and kept imports down to the lowest possible level.

Apart from a reasonably steady market for a limited quantity of chocolate crumb and milk powder, our exports of other milk products were small and depended on whether our creameries were able to manufacture the products at the prices obtainable on the export market. If the creameries did not get at least the same price per gallon of milk as they would have obtained for milk converted into butter and sold to the Butter Marketing Committee, they did not manufacture other products for export.

The main functions of the Board to be set up under this Bill—to be known as An Bord Bainne—will be to channel milk production into the most profitable manufacturing outlets, to improve methods of marketing of dairy products, and to develop export markets in a systematic manner. The Board will take over the present functions of the Butter Marketing Committee in regard to purchase, storage, sale, etc., of creamery butter. The Government will provide the Board with an annual grant, the amount of which will be negotiated each year, and the Board will be authorised to collect levies from the producers to meet the balance of its requirements.

The Board will, in principle, become the sole exporter of all dairy products, but, as some exceptions to this are desirable in the interests of the dairy industry, as a whole, the Bill empowers the Minister for Agriculture to delegate from time to time export marketing functions for particular products to the manufacturers concerned. From the outset, it is proposed to leave to the individual manufacturers the export of all chocolate crumb to Britain and the Six Counties; milk powder, non-creamery butter, and some special lines of cheese. The Board would be the sole exporter of creamery butter, fresh cream, canned cream, condensed milk, and cheese other than some special lines, and would also handle the export of chocolate crumb to destinations other than Britain and the Six Counties.

Section 8 of the Bill sets out the constitution of the Board. There will be nine members, of whom four will represent suppliers of milk to creameries, and there will be one representative each of manufacturers of cheese, milk powder and chocolate crumb, together with one representative of the Dairy Disposal Company, Limited, and one officer of my Department. I should mention that the White Paper on the Marketing of Agricultural Produce visualised a membership of eight, but, following representations made by the creamery industry, I decided to increase by one the representation of creamery milk suppliers, this additional member to be specially selected to represent the interests of creamery societies in the production of fresh cream. Otherwise no change has been made in the representation as set out in the White Paper.

The Board will hold office for a period of four years and members will be eligible for re-election. The Chairman of the Board will be selected by the Board from among their own membership.

The provisions in regard to resignation or disqualification of members of the Board are on routine lines. A member of either House of the Oireachtas may not at the same time be a member or an employee of the Board.

Section 19 of the Bill provides for the fixing by me after consultation with the Minister for Finance of the remuneration and allowances for expenses of the Chairman and other members of the Board. The Chief Officer of the Board will be a fulltime employee. His salary will be fixed by me after consultation with the Minister for Finance. The remuneration of other members of the Board's staff is being left to the discretion of the Board itself. Provision is also being made for the taking over by the Board of the existing staff of the Butter Marketing Committee.

Under Section 36 of the Bill the Board is empowered to collect levies on milk supplied to creameries. These levies will enable the Board to meet its expenses, including the dairying industry's proportion of any deficit arising on exports of milk products. There are also provisions in Sections 37 and 38 of the Bill for levies on butter sales and on butter stocks. These provisions are re-enactments with appropriate amendments of similar provisions in the Dairy Produce (Price Stabilisation) Acts. The levy on butter sales is at present utilised and will continue to be utilised under the machinery of the Board to meet the cost of cold storing butter for winter use. The levy on butter stocks is for the purpose of preventing butter traders from benefiting overnight from the increased value of their butter stocks in the event of a decision to increase the price of butter. All these levies are at present paid into the dairy produce (price stabilisation) fund. Any balance remaining in that fund when the Board has been established will be transferred to the Board.

The use to which the annual Government grant will be put by the Board may be specified in writing at the time of the payment. It is specifically laid down in Section 32 (4) of the Bill that a grant shall not be used to defray more than two-thirds of any loss incurred by the Board on the export of milk products or any support given by the Board in relation to the export of such products. The dairy industry will thus continue to contribute its share of export losses.

The price payable to producers for milk for manufacturing purposes will continue to be supported through the home market support price payable to creameries for butter. The Board will be required to buy all suitable butter manufactured by creameries at the price prescribed by the Government and the Board's selling price of butter on the home market will also be determined by the Government.

The Board is being empowered to borrow from time to time with my consent such sums as it considers necessary for capital or current purposes. The maximum loan which I, with the consent of the Minister for Finance, may guarantee to the Board is fixed at £5,000,000. Provision is made in the Bill for the laying before each House of a statement giving particulars of guaranteed loans and the amounts outstanding at the end of every financial year.

The Board will be required to establish and maintain a Dairy Produce. Fund into which all moneys received by the Board will be paid and out of which the purchase price of milk products, the Board's expenses in connection with such purchases and its outlay in performing its functions under the Bill shall be paid. It will also be required to keep all proper and usual accounts and to submit those accounts to the Comptroller and Auditor General for annual audit. When audited these accounts and a copy of the report of the Comptroller and Auditor General thereon will be laid before each House.

In view of the problems associated with the disposal of dairy products on world markets it cannot be expected that the setting up of a Board as proposed under this Bill will automatically solve our difficulties. I am satisfied, however, that this proposal is a step in the right direction and that given the co-operation of all concerned the Board will succeed in improving substantially our export marketing arrangements to the benefit of the milk producers and the country as a whole.

Since 1955 and 1956, there has been a greater interest taken in agricultural marketing. As a member of the lower House at that time, I remember members of the present Government, particularly the Minister for Transport and Power, constantly referring to the lack of proper agricultural marketing for our products and saying that one of the tasks facing whatever new Government took office would be the improving of agricultural marketing. We have had this Government since 1957 and now we are reaching the end of 1960 and they are setting up a Board. It is relevant to remark that at that time the first step that was taken in agricultural marketing was that a change was made in the Book of Estimates for that year when the Minister for Finance included £250,000 for agricultural marketing.

As this Bill relates to agricultural marketing, it would be wise to consider what has been done with the money referred to. Deputy T. Lynch at column 700 of the Dáil Debates for November 9th, 1960, asked a question about this which I shall quote:

Mr. T. Lynch asked the Minister for Agriculture what is the position regarding the sum voted in 1957 for the marketing of agricultural produce; how much of this vote has been expended; and what are the results of this expenditure.

Mr. Smith: The sum of £250,000 voted in 1957 was placed in a special account entitled "Marketing of Agricultural Produce (Grant in Aid)". Expenditure each year is accounted for to the Comptroller and Auditor General, copy of the Account being attached to the Appropriation Account for my Department. The total expenditure from the fund to date is £18,442. This includes contributions of £5,000 made in 1959 and £5,000 made in 1960 towards the cost of publicity campaigns conducted jointly with the British Turkey Federation designed to expand the market for turkeys in Britain. The bulk of the remainder of the expenditure represents the costs associated with the Advisory Committee on Agricultural Marketing whose reports have already been published.

There were some Supplementary Questions but I think the answer gives the facts and figures. Now, in 1960, we have had some £8,442 spent on the investigation of our problems in agricultural marketing. There was no money spent on doing anything about it and now we propose, in relation to our most important industry, to set up a Board. It is true to say that, in principle, the Party to which I belong, Fine Gael, approve of the setting up of this Board, but, in so doing and in so approving, we must examine critically and analytically what the intentions of the Government are, what are the hopes for the Board and what are the possibilities of work that can be done by the Board, under this legislation. In the Seanad as in the Dáil, it will be our effort critically to analyse what can be done under the Board.

The first question I ask myself is: is the Board in any better position than the old Butter Marketing Committee? In a general way, before we go on to examine it in a more detailed way, I would say that financially it is quite obvious that the Board has got exactly the same benefits as have obtained for the past few years and still obtain. As a matter of fact, the Minister has just assured us that there is a proviso that no more than two-thirds of the cost of exporting dairy produce can be levied on the Exchequer under this legislation. Since that situation obtained previously, one must take it that the Board financially is in no better a position than the old Butter Marketing Committee.

It is true to say that as far as personnel are concerned, the Board would appear to be better off than the Butter Marketing Committee. That is not a criticism of the members who at present constitute the Butter Marketing Committee, but it does seem that the spreading of the personnel over the various interests involved is a good thing. As far as a general approach can be made, it is obvious that the personnel constitute some improvement or would hope to constitute some improvement.

Having said that in a general way, I must say that the main export we have at the moment is butter. When we come to butter, I think it is true to say that taste is a slave, that we follow one another like sheep through a gap and that what we have normally in our daily lives is what we prefer. We do not like change. Deputy Dillon in the Dáil instanced a case where at one stage we exported a little too much butter and some Danish butter was imported at a cost of 40/- a cwt. more than the price at which we exported and it was referred to as "Dillon's yellow butter". It was not popular here. Yet, on the London market, it was the more popular butter. It was regarded as the better quality butter. Yet, because we had a taste for our own type of butter, we just could not have, would not have and did not like the more expensive butter.

That does not mean that our butter is of a lower quality, nor does it mean that there is anything wrong with it. On the contrary—and I quote the Report on the export of dairy produce of the Advisory Committee on the Marketing of Agricultural Produce. Irish butter, having been absent from the British market since the war, commanded a premium when it reappeared. I quote paragraph 22:

In pre-war years Irish butter normally realised a premium over New Zealand butter and the fact that it has again attained a premium in the short period since the beginning of 1957 when it came back in quantity on the British market after a lapse of many years must be regarded as satisfactory. This is not to say, however, that the arrangements in regard to the marketing of Irish butter are perfect in all respects.

One can say that we have the product, that there are 49,000,000 people, some of whom prefer the lactic taste of the Danish butter, which is made from a sourer cream, and a large proportion of whom prefer the mild taste of Irish butter, which compares with New Zealand butter and has got a premium over New Zealand butter since it reappeared on the British market after the war.

We must then consider what our position is in relation to the export of butter and I shall quote the Minister as reported at column 761 of the Dáil Debates of Tuesday, 6th December, when he introduced this Bill. We are told the position was that our exports of butter were really something that we did not want, that they were an embarrassment, that they were something that, if we could have avoided, we would not have had. I quote column 761:

We exported butter only when a surplus arose, and kept imports down to the lowest possible level.

Again, in reference to other products, the Minister said:

If the creameries did not get at least the same price per gallon of milk as they would have obtained for milk converted into butter and sold to the Butter Marketing Committee, they did not manufacture other products for export.

In other words, our butter was really a dumped surplus. We never made any attempt to sell our butter, nor had we it to sell over the years on the British market in a businesslike way. Of course, you all know the pressure there is at the moment. The position is that you have to sell things in the most businesslike way.

Then we come to the difficulty that we would have in entering the British market for butter and the impact that present-day advertising would have. We have an exportable surplus which only recurs in good grass-growing years. If we continue on that line, our position is that we cannot nationally advertise our product in Britain nor can we advertise it in areas such as Liverpool, where there is a large Irish population, where there is a large market by our standards, because we do not know whether we shall have it to sell to them inside the next three months or six months.

I quote from the debate on the proposed nationalisation of the flour-milling industry. The Minister for Industry and Commerce, in reply to Deputy McQuillan, said that advertising must be regarded in modern business as an absolute necessity, that we are all hypnotically attracted to the product that is nationally advertised. It is known, for instance, that even apart from national Press advertising, the product that is advertised through the medium of television in Britain sells the following morning, that if nobody had heard of a product, if it is on the shelves in the shops and is shown on the television screen on any night there is a market for it the following morning.

The Danes do these things on a national scale in Britain. The New Zealanders do it on a national scale in Britain. The British people themselves are advertising at the present moment British butter and British bacon. At the moment we have only an occasional recurring exportable surplus and have no opportunity to advertise on a national scale in Britain what we have not got.

We must take butter as an example because we have not much trade at the moment in anything else. I submit that if we are to go forward, the only way we can do that is on the basis of an expanding dairying industry. The only way that our cattle trade can go forward is on the same basis. We have to decide whether we want to go forward, whether we want to expand the dairying industry or to contract.

One thing certain—and I could quote the Advisory Committee to substantiate what I say—is that the present situation is intolerable. It is quite intolerable to go dribbling along with this occasional surplus which costs the Government £2,000,000 and the producers of dairy produce £1,000,000 every second year. The thing is ridiculous. It cannot be allowed to proceed. We have to do something about it. I submit that the only thing we can do is to go on the basis of expanding the dairying industry in the hope that if we have the produce we can advertise and guarantee to provide a constant supply. On that basis, the losses will be reduced and will ultimately vanish and the country as a whole and the producers in particular will benefit.

The next thing we have to consider is whether or not it is the opinion of the Government that we should expand. Here I must give some quotations. In the opening statement of the Minister for Agriculture on the Second Stage of this Bill in the Dáil, 6th December, as reported in column 759 of the Official Report, he said:

In December last, the Government announced in a White Paper that they had accepted the recommendation of the Advisory Committee on the Marketing of Agricultural Produce that a Board should be established to control the marketing of Irish dairy produce. This Bill gives effect to that decision.

I do not accept the veracity of that statement. I know that the Minister is giving his opinion that the Government did accept but I have read the Government's White Paper and I submit that the Government does not accept the fact that an expanding dairying industry is the right thing for this country and for the producers in general. I quote from paragraph 26, page 15, of the Government's White Paper:

It is important that these additional cows be bred for beef rather than milk production, as beef can be sold abroad competitively, whereas butter, our most important milk product, cannot—a situation which seems likely to continue for some time. A considerable proportion of the additional cows should be outside the main dairying areas.

Read on, please.

Certainly, if the Minister wishes me to do so. Is that what the Minister wishes—"With the present market trends?"

Finish the paragraph.

The paragraph continues:

Present market trends, as well as the advance of bovine tuberculosis eradication, are in any event making it necessary for farmers outside these areas to rear increased numbers of calves. Such farmers will at the outset have to overcome some physical and financial difficulties in carrying increased numbers of cows and rearing more calves, but such forms of State aid as the grants for the improvement of cow byres and water supplies, the facilities available for land improvement under Section A of the Land Project, the proposed subsidy on phosphates and the improved credit arrangements referred to in paragraph 55, will help to resolve these difficulties.

That is the end of paragraph 26.

There is a further one there.

I can quote the whole White Paper.

No. I want the Senator to finish the section dealing with milk.

The section I have quoted deals with beef and mutton. If the Minister wishes I shall finish the section on beef and mutton but it is a page and a half.

The Senator was talking about milk and I want him to do justice to the paragraph in the White Paper dealing with it.

I have finished the paragraph. Can I do any better?

I do not think the Senator can.

When I have finished quoting I shall gladly hand the Minister a copy of the report. I move to paragraph 33 under the heading "Dairying" on page 17.

I thought that was the paragraph the Senator was dealing with. I want him to deal with the paragraph on milk.

I quote from paragraph 33 of the White Paper:

An annual increase of 50,000 cows (paragraph 26 above) accompanied by an annual increase in yields even of only ten gallons per cow, would, at the end of five years, quadruple the amount of milk surplus to home requirements. On the basis of present export prices and subsidy arrangements, this would entail an Exchequer subsidy of some £10 to £12 million per annum. A potential liability of this magnitude cannot be undertaken. Both for economic and financial reasons, the primary objective of grassland policy must be to secure an increase in the output of meat rather than of milk, since even on present production costs meat can be sold abroad without State aid. The additional cows which are necessary if beef output is to be increased should, therefore, be of beef rather than of dairy strains; associated with this development would be the consumption of more whole milk by calves with a consequent easing of the problem of surplus milk.

I do not agree with the Government's White Paper on this question and I find I err in good company because the Advisory Committee on the Marketing of Agricultural Produce also disagree with it in their Report. This Committee numbered amongst its members Dr. Greene, D.J. Barry, D.C. Crowley, G. P. Jackson, Senator John D. Sheridan and other well-known and respected people. They have the same view as I have.

I quote from paragraph 11 on page 4 of that Report:

We must say that our views in regard to the dairy industry are at variance with the general trend of the section on dairying in the White Paper, which appears to consider dairying outside the context of the wholly artificial nature of world trade in dairy produce. Furthermore, the dairy industry here cannot be considered on its own and the dependence of the cattle industry on it must be taken into account. If the arguments in paragraph 33 of the White Paper are accepted as general policy, it seems to us that the conclusions of this Report will be largely negatived.

The Seanad will therefore see that I err in good company. Too restricted a view has been taken of the whole dairying problem. We have been playing safe; we have been too conservative and I hold, from what little experience I have of business, that you cannot regulate sales until you have a constantly available supply of goods of good quality available on a market where you can advertise. On the basis of constant advertising and selling of the goods under their own wrapper a premium is obtainable.

I can give an instance of a product I know which costs in bulk about £57. When that is sold under its trade name and when the quality of the product is maintained, when all the costs of packing in a very attractive wrapper, all the cost of transport, and all the additional costs that fall are charged, including advertising, there is still a premium of £8 on £57 for that product. The Danes and the New Zealanders due to proper advertising on the British market are enjoying that sort of premium. I hold that the Government, as outlined in this White Paper and as adumbrated in the Bill, have adopted a restricted attitude and have taken the view that the best thing that could happen is that the dairying industry should contract rather than expand and that the dairy farmer must be made to realise that.

It is fair to ask how has the farmer been made to realise that in this Bill? I quote the Minister's statement tonight:

The use to which the annual Government grant will be put by the Board may be specified in writing at the time of the payment. It is specifically laid down in Section 32 (4) of the Bill that a grant shall not be used to defray more than two-thirds of any loss incurred by the Board on the export of milk products or any support given by the board in relation to the export of such products. The dairy industry will thus continue to contribute its share of export losses.

When you have a fixed market at home—and it is fixed—and you have a variable market abroad and you increase that market abroad what is the result under the situation as stated by the Minister tonight? The result is that the fixed market at home must bear a greater loss per gallon of milk than if there was a small export. Of course the reason there has been a penny more on milk for the past year or so, since June 1959, is because there were no exports. The position is that as we expand our exports the people at home must be asked, according to this Bill, to take a lower price for their milk.

On that subject I should like to quote from column 1279, volume 185 of the Dáil Debates of Thursday, 15th December, 1960:

Mr. Dillon: There is the purpose of An Bord Bainne. Is it not perfectly obvious from what the Minister said that, as the export of butter expands, if prices remain substantially what they are today on the foreign market, the Milk Board will increase the levy on creamery milk? That is the purpose of the powers conferred by this Financial Resolution.

Therefore, as I see it, this £250,000 is not going to be spent. We are not going to reach for the stars. My whole worry about it as a businessman is that the stars are there to be reached. If we can have a constantly available supply of our dairy produce in Britain properly packaged and advertised we could sell it at a premium and our losses would probably be reduced or would vanish.

There are also opportunities in the production of cheese and it is fair to remark that this country has the lowest per capita consumption of cheese in Europe. Therefore, even at home we have the opportunity of getting our people by advertisement to eat more cheese, but that charge has to be met to the extent of one-third of the amount by the producers of milk and there is to be merely the ordinary subsidy that is granted by the Government on the cost of subsidising exports. I find in my investigations that is the only thing that anything appears to have been done about and I give the Government credit for what has been done. I refer to the progress report for the six months ended 30th September of the Programme for Economic Expansion, page 9, paragraphs 32 to 35:

The erection of the new cheese factory at Lansdowne, Limerick by The Dairy Disposals Company Limited has been completed and the necessary plant and equipment are being installed. It is expected that the factory will be ready in October for a trial run. The new cheese factory being built in County Wexford by a German firm is nearly completed. It is expected that production will start early in December.

I welcome that situation; that is what we want because it appears as if cheese can be sold economically. On that subject I should like to quote paragraph 50 of the Report on the Export of Dairy Produce. It is important that we should consider all these matters. It says:

Most of the cheese produced in Ireland is of the English Cheddar variety and the manufacturers were unanimous that a distinctive Irish cheese was necessary for the development of an export trade. It would also be necessary to support exports of cheese but the cost of doing this would frequently be far less than the cost of supporting exports of butter. The current price of milk here represents a price of about £246 per ton for Irish Cheddar whereas New Zealand Cheddar is at present (March, 1959) realising about £290 per ton in Britain.

The manufacturers also proposed that State assistance should be provided for research work in the development of an Irish cheese for export and for visits by technical experts from their firms to other countries to explore the markets there and to become acquainted with the methods of production, processing and packaging employed.

There is not only hope for the production of more cheese and the sale of it at home but also great opportunity for the production of cheese for export.

I hope the Minister will take action in that field and take into account the recommendations of the advisory committee that a distinctive Irish cheese on the same lines as that of Danish Blue should be produced here in Ireland. This would help to absorb some of our milk at something like an economic price.

I think it is also proper to quote paragraph 51 in support of the fact that there is a large market for cheese here at home. Paragraph 51 in its entirety says:

The manufacturers pointed out that the absence of a large home demand at reasonably stable prices is a serious obstacle to the development of a cheese export trade and said it is necessary that efforts to build up an export trade should be accompanied by measures to develop home consumption. The doubling of home consumption could absorb about 6,000,000 gallons per annum and replace 23,000 hundredweight of butter, the export subsidy on which would be about £250,000 at the prices ruling in mid-1958. The manufacturers considered that the low level of consumption here is due to such factors as the lack of a tradition of cheese-eating, the absence of any encouragement of cheese consumption in hotels and restaurants and the failure of schools and colleges to foster interest in cheese and its introduction into the diet of the pupils. The Irish people do not appear to appreciate the value of cheese as a highly nutritive food and there is tremendous scope for a publicity drive to promote increased consumption of the product in this country.

That, in conjunction with the White Paper and all it suggests, seems to me to be more hopeful and not as restrictive in any way as the Government's line on this problem.

I move on to the constitution of the board. I do not understand what the Minister said to-night in this context and I think he has departed from the recommendations of the Advisory Committee in relation to the constitution of the board. At a meeting of the agricultural committee of the Party of which I am a member I supported the placing of at least one representative of the Creamery Managers' Association on the board. My experience of creameries is that the creamery manager is the man who does the business, the man charged with the day to day working of the creamery and when it comes to the board meeting he is the man with the knowledge and it is he who usually has to propound policy. If he is at this job every day is it not right that he should be expected to have more specialised knowledge than the members of the committee, the farmers themselves? At the same time it is most important that the milk suppliers should have adequate representation. That, I support, but I think it is quite wrong not to give some representation on the board to the people who have to run the business and who will really be in charge of the day to day production of our dairy exports. The managers will be charged with the failure if we fail, and praised for success if we succeed.

I believe the Minister and his Department have made a serious error in not giving some representation to creamery managers. Everybody in the House, perhaps, could instance cases of co-operative societies that were brought from nothing up to vast businesses and are still growing, by brilliant creamery managers who in many cases have been succeeded by their sons with good results. I feel this is a grave error which should be corrected and I hope the Seanad in agreement with the Minister will correct it and that this Bill will leave the Seanad with provision for at least one representative of the Irish Creamery Managers on the board. I do not agree with what the Minister has said. I think if one got down to detail one could prove quite easily—I can do that if required—that in that respect the Minister has not followed the recommendations of the advisory committee.

I said at the outset that we would examine this Bill analytically and critically and, I hope, in a constructive way. The next charge I make against the Government is that behind this Bill in Government policy or in the Minister's introductory speech there is no suggestion that the problems that are there, apart from the actual point of sale problems, have been attended to. If you have to get a constantly exportable surplus of good quality you must face the fact that the housing of dairy cows in the South of Ireland is deplorable. You have got to face the fact that there is no registration of dairy premises, etc., outside the Dublin and Cork sales areas. Cows can be housed in any sort of hovel and milk can be fed in any degree of filth to creameries. I do not charge Irish farmers with supplying dirty milk, but I do charge that our farmers are not all angels, any more than our politicians are all angels.

Hear, hear.

The Minister says: "Hear, hear." There is grave danger of low quality milk being supplied and a constant recurrence of tuberculosis in our cows so long as nothing is done to remedy the situation. There is nothing in this Bill providing that anything will be done about the housing of our cows in the South of Ireland. I am convinced, and my conviction is founded on knowledge, that in relation to those creameries which have developed a trade in cheese—remember, only the best milk is selected for cheese—nothing has been done, nothing is being done, and nothing will be done under this Bill to remedy the situation where the housing of our dairy cows is concerned.

Is the House aware that high quality cheese is produced—unfortunately in all too small quantities— and that only one-fourth to one-third the milk supplied to these creameries, run by progressive creamery managers, is fit for manufacture into cheese? That is a deplorable situation. There is nothing in this Bill—it is the bible promulgated to correct the marketing of our dairy produce—to ensure that in future those who buy Irish dairy products will know what it is they are buying. We cannot do everything at once but there is nothing in the Bill to ensure that after a certain number of years every farmer will have his dairy, his shed, the place where he washes his utensils registered as fit. There is nothing to ensure that every shed in which cows are housed will provide adequate air space, adequate cover, adequate warmth and adequate cleanliness. These are most important matters. Yet they have been completely disregarded in the Bill.

Is there anything in the Bill providing for instruction of the farmer as to the proper feeding, management and maintenance generally of his dairy cows? Will it be the same old story in the south of Ireland? You walk into a fair and you ask the price of a heifer in calf and you are told so much "and a clear calf before the 12th May, sir." The old trend is still there. The cows are fed all the summer on grass. They are dried in the autumn, left standing at the back eating a bit of dry hay, and nothing else, until the following spring when it is hoped they will produce a clear calf before the 12th May. Is that proper management? Is that proper housing? Is that proper feeding? These things are happening.

This Bill is the first step taken since £250,000 was voted in 1957. There is not one word in the Bill that something will be done about the problems I have mentioned. If something is not done the position will be that we shall not have a thriving dairy industry. Indeed, our industry will be doomed. Where is the highest incidence of bovine tuberculosis at the moment? In my county the percentage is in single figures. In the dairying areas of the south, it is as high as 40 per cent. These are the matters we should be discussing tonight in the framework of this Bill. These are the matters which do not appear in the Bill. This Bill does nothing more financially than the Butter Marketing Committee does. Indeed, it binds itself to do nothing more.

There is extant a programme for economic expansion. The Minister states that the Government have accepted the recommendations of the Advisory Committee on the marketing of agricultural produce. I hold the Government have not accepted any of the recommendations. This Bill is at variance with the recommendations of the Advisory Committee. It is stated in paragraph (i): "A long-term plan aimed at increasing milk output and producing a steady flow of dairy products for export should be drawn up." I challenge the House to find anything in the Minister's speech tonight, in any of his speeches in the Dáil, to support the idea of a long-term plan aimed at increasing milk output and providing a steady flow of dairy products for export? I hold that the opposite is true. In paragraph II the Advisory Committee state they are at variance with the general trend of the section on dairying in the White Paper. In sub-paragraph (iii) of the Advisory Committee's recommendations it is stated:

Accepting the fundamental policy to have expanding production, continuity of exports is absolutely essential. In present circumstances, however, where the butter export trade is merely the disposal of temporary surpluses continuity of exports should not be maintained to the point where imports of butter would be necessary.

I hold that as far as the White Paper is concerned, as far as this Bill is concerned, as far as the Minister's speeches are concerned, and as far as the Government are concerned, it is not fundamental policy to have an expanding production of dairy products. I think I have proved that conclusively.

The Minister has departed entirely from the recommendation that creamery managers should have representation. I shall quote the recommendation:

An annual grant for the purpose of supporting exports of dairy produce should be made to the Dairy Produce Board, the amount to be determined each year between the Board and the Department of Agriculture, and the Board to be allowed to support exports of certain other dairy products as well as butter.

There is no question of an annual grant. If we were to have a dry summer next year and there were no exports, as I interpret the position, the Board would have to levy the farmers to the extent of one-third and the Government would have to contribute to the extent of two-thirds of the cost of any advertising, any investigation of markets, and the cost even of their own staff, but no grant would be forthcoming. That is deplorable, because I do not think, in the situation which exists in 1960, we should ask our farmers to pay for advertising and for marketing investigations abroad.

We should take up this problem and make every effort, first, to get our farmers to feed their cows in a more sensible way, to produce butter, cheese and other dairy products over a longer period of the year, to house our cows better, to produce our milk in better stables and to have a proper place for the washing of utensils and so on. When we have done that, we should spend money on endeavouring to find markets abroad. If we have not a sufficient exportable surplus to export to the whole of Britain, we should concentrate on a city such as Liverpool. When we have sent our butter to the North, we should concentrate on Liverpool. At Government expense, there should be advertisements on the hoardings for Irish butter and Irish butter should be available in the shops of that city. If despite all the efforts made, it is not all sold, it should be removed and fresh supplies put there. All the cost of that should be borne by the Exchequer.

We should endeavour to expand rather than go back, as the White Paper says, to the production of beef. It is deplorable to ask the southern dairy farmer to restrict milk production and go over to beef. Taking into account the size of his house and his acreage, you will find it is based on the production of milk for butter and, now, cheese. In the case of the farmers in Meath and Westmeath engaged in the production of beef, you will find, perhaps, a hundred acres around their houses. But from every acre, there is a smaller return from beef than there is from milk. If the man in the habit of living on £600 or £800 a year from milk is asked to turn over to beef, you are telling him to export his third son to work in Liverpool.

The Government White Paper of November, 1958, said that we must have more beef calves. I do not accept that. We must endeavour to expand our dairy products—even the Friesian is a good dual-purpose calf now—concentrating at first on a small area in Britain and then expanding further. We must remember the things omitted from this Bill—feeding, housing, breeding and management. While supporting the Bill as some slight step forward, I charge the Government with having adopted a restrictive policy foreshadowing a contracting dairy industry, a policy that is ultra-conservative. I charge them with not having done the things I have mentioned.

We must welcome any step forward and it would be wrong of Fine Gael to take the view that this Board will not be of any value. That would mean the members of the Board would be starting off on the wrong foot in the belief that the Opposition did not think they were going to be of any use. That is not so. We support the Bill as being some small step forward and we offer the members of the Board every support in their efforts to do good. But I believe this is too little and too late. The members of the Board are being sent out to fight with a pitchfork. Far too little is being included in this Bill.

Why did you not do all these things when you were in Government?

Senator Donegan purports to represent the viewpoint of the Fine Gael group in this House. If he does, it is very difficult listening to him to ascertain what their attitude is towards this measure. He started off by telling us that he supported the Bill in principle and then proceeded to condemn every section of it with bell, book and candle. Senators, in my opinion, must come down on one side or the other. That is not to say, of course, that Senators have not the right to offer constructive criticism of the Bill.

I should say, first, that I welcome this Bill wholeheartedly because I regard it as a very important step forward in the future organisation of the sale of our surplus dairy produce in the export market. The difficulty in the past has been that that market fluctuated to a great degree. I take it it will be the task of An Bord Bainne to meet that situation. If there is anything detrimental to any job of work, it is uncertainty about the future of the business and lack of continuity.

Senator Donegan condemned this Bill in many ways. He tried to convince us that this new Board would be in no better position than the old Butter Marketing Commission. I do not agree with him at all on that. This Board will be a specialised one and the members of it will be able to give their undivided attention to the problems they have to deal with. These problems, as I said, will be connected with our exportable surplus of dairy products. That is not to say, of course, that the old system did not work well. It did, but an organisation within the Department could not be expected to have the same freedom of movement or the same flexibility, and could not be expected to be able to pay the same undivided attention to the problems with which they will have to grapple, as a special body like An Bord Bainne.

Senator Donegan referred to the importation of Danish butter in 1954, and suggested that it was because we exported butter to Britain that we found ourselves short of butter here and had to import the Danish butter. If my memory serves me rightly, that was not what happened. What happened was that our production of creamery butter had gone down and was not sufficient to supply our own people.

Fianna Fáil were in power from 1951 to 1954.

That was in 1954.

(Interruptions.)

The Senator is making a sensible speech.

They will not allow me to make it. That was the position in 1954. There is no use in trying to find fault with the Minister for the time being or with the Department, if world conditions did not allow the plans of the Minister or the Department to be carried out as they were expected to be carried out.

Weather conditions also have a lot do with butter production, as, no doubt, they have a lot to do with the production of other crops. That must be taken into account. As I said, the setting up of this Board is a step in the right direction. The Board will be given a special task. It will not be an easy task by any means, and we cannot expect that their efforts will meet with 100 per cent. success. The Board will consist of men of experience who will have a keen and personal interest in the business they will undertake. They will also still have the advice and help of the officials of the Department available to them. For the first time, an attempt is being made to bring people from outside into the picture, people whose calling in life it is to produce milk and butter and other dairy products.

Butter is most important in our present economy. The Minister has said, and rightly said, that the dairying industry is the basic agricultural industry. Because of that, of course, it is of great importance, and any organisation we set up to deal with it must be given special powers and assistance, and must have the support and confidence of the members of this House, and the public generally, in the very difficult problem which will have to be faced.

It is hoped, of course, that in the years to come, we will have a surplus of dairy produce for export. That is our ambition and our policy. It is the policy of the Government to encourage that idea, and that policy would be incomplete if, having achieved that desired increased production, a market could not be got for it. That is the problem we shall tackle now, more than ever. When I say that, let it not be taken that every effort has not been made in the past to encourage production from the land and also to find sale for that production in the export market. One would think, by the way Senator Donegan addressed himself to this Bill, that no effort had been made towards that end.

"The British market is gone and gone forever, and thanks be to God."

I did not say one word about the British market. I said the export market, wherever it is to be found.

We are going back there now.

Because of the necessity to stabilise our exports, I consider this measure a very important step. Senator Donegan referred to cheese. He advocated a publicity campaign for the consumption of cheese in this country. We all agree with that. It would be well if we could get our people to develop a taste for Irish cheese. Unfortunately, up to now, that has not been the case. Our people have not taken to cheese-eating. Because of that, the sale of home-manufactured cheese could not reach the level it should have reached. I agree that a publicity campaign should be carried out by the members of An Bord Bainne and by all of us to make our people cheese-minded.

It seems that our younger people have no taste for cheese. When we were young, I think that was the position with us also. Some of us cultivated a taste for it and now we like it very much. Somebody mentioned that a campaign should be carried on in our schools to educate our young people in the importance of cheese in our diet. That is a very good idea.

The dairy industry is unquestionably of great importance to the economy of the nation. Everything the Government, the Minister and we ourselves can do for its promotion should be done. Because of that, I welcome this Bill and congratulate the Minister on its introduction.

While stressing the importance of the dairying industry, I do not minimise the importance of our other branches of agriculture. I think it can be said, without exaggeration, that our other branches of agriculture are dependent, immediately or remotely, on the success of the dairying industry.

The Minister mentioned the pig and cattle industries. They are directly dependent on the success of the dairying industry.

Senator Donegan found fault with the proposed composition of the Board. He said representation should be given to creamery managers. It is more important, by far, to give representation to the producers of the commodity, and that has been done. All in all, I think it will be a very good Board. It will be representative and we may expect very good results from it.

I am very much in favour of the provisions of the Bill. I wish the Minister success in his effort to bring about a better organisation of our dairying industry, with special reference to the export market.

I welcome this Bill in the hope that, by hard work and close co-operation on the Committee Stage between the Minister and the House, we shall be able to improve it considerably. If we achieve that objective we shall justify our return here during the holiday season for the Committee Stage.

The whole problem has admirably been summed up by the Advisory Committee on the Marketing of Agricultural Produce. On page 15 of their Report they say: "Indeed, the problems arising in the butter trade at present can largely be regarded as production problems rather than marketing problems." In other words, we cannot sell nothing. The weakness in all our efforts has been that what we have got to sell is relatively a drop in the ocean in the British market.

Even at the height of our exports in 1957 and 1958, we exported around 8,000 tons to the British market and that year, the British market imported some 360,000 tons of butter. In other words, we were providing less than two per cent. Consequently, our product could be available only in a few regions such as the Liverpool area.

As Senators will recall, we expended a great deal in 1957 and 1958 in exporting our products. We got the people used to looking for the Irish product. In the following year, due to discouragement here—more emphasis on beef, the effect of the levy on milk and a bad summer—we had no products for export. The markets which cost so much to develop in the previous year were left unsupplied. It is harder to go back to those markets than if we had never put a foot in them. The people there will say: "We do not want Irish butter because it is a come-day go-day product." Until we face up to a definite policy of increased production, that guarantees a high level of export, it is futile to talk about marketing. Actually, this Board will have little or nothing to do unless we guarantee continuity of supplies.

It is quite significant that the Advisory Committee places the following as No. 1 in its recommendations, page 35:

A long-term plan aimed at increasing milk output and providing a steady flow of dairy products for export should be drawn up.

It is my hope that before this Bill leaves this House, the Minister will give a definite statement of Government policy in this regard and that we shall remove from the Bill what I regard as its most dubious clause—that support for dairy products is to be not greater than two-thirds of the loss in exporting. That clause must be removed if any certainty is to be introduced into the approach to the dairying problem and if the farmers are to be convinced that the Government mean business, that they want increased production and are prepared to make a reasonable contribution to get it.

I am not suggesting that we should go back to one hundred per cent. support for exports. I want definiteness in the Bill. I am quite prepared to accept this two-thirds arrangement by which the State contributes £2 and the producer £1. I want it to be quite definite in this Bill that the support will be at the level of two-thirds, so that in future years, when we get very substantially increased supplies and when the Government feel that their commitments in maintaining this level of support are somewhat too high for them, the Government will have to bring in an amending Bill amending this clause and we shall have an opportunity of full and open discussion on the reasons for the reduction of the support level and the progress made up to that date. Otherwise, this clause is a real danger.

I appeal, especially to my friends across the floor of the House who have the interests of the dairy farmers very much at heart—those representatives from Munster who know the problem of the dairy farmers. They know the danger that uncertainty can create in the minds of the farmers. I hope and pray that we will have a clear statement of policy from the Minister before this Bill finishes in the Seanad.

The White Paper of 1958 was mentioned. It was—and let us be frank about it—completely defeatist on dairying. I do not blame the Minister or the Government for it, because, when that paper was drawn up in May, 1958, we had a real crisis in the sale of dairy products. Unfortunately, our financial control here, perhaps the Minister's Department and the Minister, panicked at that. They thought that henceforth there was no possibility of selling dairy products. We had somehow or other to try to convert all our surplus grass into beef. Beef was going well then but we know how it is going today. It is not in any way competitive with the dairy products.

Let us return to May, 1958. We had, in effect, in that period what was a trade war provoked by New Zealand on which she spent £30 million from her reserve fund, simply to break the small producers of dairy products in Western Europe, and especially small countries like ourselves that were just beginning to look as though they might become active competitors in the market for dairy products. Thank God, that monopoly attempt failed. It exhausted their fund. At least we hope that we will not see a recurrence of that type of sharp practice in the future. We can say that the conditions in which the Government White Paper in 1958 was drawn up have changed considerably today. Consequently, I think the Government and the Minister will be much more prepared to come forward and make a more frank statement on their intentions with regard to dairying.

Let us come to the present arrangements. A change is proposed in this Bill. The present arrangements are founded on the Butter Marketing Committee. Let us pay a tribute to this committee which has done excellent work. At least, it has got over the trade wars which prevailed in the late 1930s between the various Irish creamery units selling in competition with one another and undercutting one another in the British market.

If you look through the Butter Marketing Committee report, you find that their main criticism of our existing selling organisation is not of the butter but of the other products—the cheese and milk powder—in that there has been very detrimental undercutting in both of these between Irish firms in the markets abroad. That is instanced here in both Canada and England. Consequently, the need is stressed again and again in this report —and quite rightly so—to avoid that type of absolutely suicidal undercutting and over-competition by our firms at home in the export market. What we have to sell in any one of these products is little enough that it should be channelled at least through one body.

That is, perhaps, the best justification that can be advanced for the formation of this Board because we have not at the moment the volume of products that will get this Board operating in the sphere in which it should operate. You can take it as an axiom that the cost of selling nothing is appallingly high. That is what we have been trying to do. One other function which this Board will have immediately is that of selling surplus milk to manufacturers here, that is to say, to chocolate crumb, milk powder manufacturers and so on. Those interests have stressed in the marketing report that there dare not be price support by us. It would only provoke counteractions by the English competitors. Of course, the price at which they buy the milk from our Irish creameries is a matter of trade between themselves and this new Board. Consequently, there is, if you wish, a hidden element of support contained in that clause. I think it is one we cannot disagree with so long as the price at which it is sold to them is higher than the price that can be paid for the same product converted into the cheapest type of alternative dairy product.

Let us come to the various milk products. Here we have to be extremely cautious because there is a feeling abroad at the moment in regard to denigrating butter. It is what is called a "sink product". There is the feeling that we should get into all other forms of production, such as cheese, milk powder, chocolate crumb and all the rest. You have got to be very careful about that. You have got to remember that we are in a selling competition. We are opposed by very shrewd businessmen and very keen men from other countries.

I suppose there are long term prospects that one product is likely to sell at a higher price than another. For argument's sake, suppose there was a big market for whole milk, milk powder and that you could get a higher price for that than you could realise by converting the same milk into butter and consequently that we should rush out and put up factories to process milk powder. That situation is quite well known to our competitors. Therefore, if there is a switching of milk products to be done, you can take it that they will switch just as quickly as or, perhaps, quicker than we will. Consequently, the long term view of these products must be that they will all tend to find their equilibrium. Over the long term, if you take, say, a range of 20 years, the one economic fact about which you can be certain is that these products will equalise over that period, when you make due allowance for the cost of capital and all the rest involved in any change over from any one product to another.

Let us face it, our problem is not one of changing or switching products. It is the problem of doing what we are doing a little better and a little more competitively. In saying that, I welcome the opportunity of processing the other milk products and especially do I welcome this new factory in Mallow. I think it offers the type of insurance policy that we need. However, do not let us look on these as the salvation of the dairying industry. The salvation of the dairying industry depends on the products for which there is most demand in the world. If you look at the report of the Advisory Committee you will see that the really significant figures in it are that the total world market today for butter is 10,000,000 cwts; the total market for cheese is about 9,000,000 cwts. and the total world market for milk powder is about 6,500,000 cwts. We know that it takes about 2½ times as much milk to produce 1 lb. of butter as it takes to produce 1 lb. of cheese; consequently when we express these figures in terms of milk we find the world market today is 60 per cent. for butter, 22 per cent. for cheese and 18 per cent. for milk powders. That is the picture and consequently the urgent need here is to improve the main product. By all means, have your subsidiary products but improve and cheapen the production of butter.

What does that mean? It means removing many of the handicaps on the creamery industry, and the short season handicap above everything else, so as to encourage early and late production. I welcome the provision in the Bill whereby the amount of levy can be varied for different periods of the year. I suggest it would be a very good incentive towards lengthening the factory season if slightly higher prices were paid in the early spring months and the late autumn months.

We have one other outlet for milk which could be competitive and could fit into our plans here and that is calf production and especially the type of baby beef that commands a premier price in world markets. I wonder would it be possible to find some way of diverting some of our surplus milk into calf rearing in the future? This might necessitate something akin to what is being used for surplus potatoes, some type of dyeing arrangement that would make the milk unfit either for human consumption or resale to creameries. A certain amount of surplus milk could be sold back to the farmers at its value for conversion into butter. At the moment it would probably work out somewhere in the region of one shilling a gallon and, at one shilling a gallon, a good deal of the surplus would more profitably be fed to calves for beef production. I should like to hear whether the Minister considers that practicable. I take it that such a type of sale would come within the scope of Bord Bainne. There is provision for the Board to sell milk.

On this question of markets we should be very careful. Foreign cows wear long horns and we want to go into markets in Africa and the Middle East, but we should remember that the main markets are on our doorstep, in England and on the Continent, if we can manage to edge our way in. The total market for milk production in England is somewhere in the region of 70 per cent. We must remember also that in going into competition in Africa and those other places we are moving nearer our most dangerous rivals, the New Zealanders. If we go into Africa our transport expenses go up, while theirs decrease—consequently we become less competitive on those markets. While we value markets in those places, we can never regard them as more than small offerings, to be gratefully accepted when offered but having very little impact on our main problem.

In the Bill the Board is charged with promotion. We have many ideas about promotion—shops, selling centres and so on—but these are old ideas and if we are to beat our competitors we shall have to think a little bit better than they do. We shall have to be a little more novel and original than they and to offer something in our products that our competitors cannot offer.

In this regard I should like to renew a plea which I made here a year ago, that the Government, or Córas Tráchtála acting as their agent, should organise some type of sweepstake in connection with Irish products sold abroad: have a number on the wrapper of the pound of butter or on the pound of rashers and have periodic draws in centres like Liverpool or Birmingham, and let the prize for those draws be something that will aid our economy here. It could be free holidays in Ireland and the means of bringing the winners over here could be our own transport system, Aer Lingus; then we would get all the publicity of the airlift of these holiday-makers. If desired, it could be arranged that some of these trips be in the off season, at the end of the main holiday season. That is what we are faced with. We have to be original and to have some sort of overall interlocking arrangement between our various boards, between Bord Bainne, the Tourist Board, the air companies and the rest, so that at all times we can ensure that each one of those boards where possible operates so that it can help the others.

Córas Tráchtála fulfils a very essential and very useful co-ordinating function, to try to harmonise the efforts of those bodies. It shows that with a little more effort in that direction, a body could aid a sister body here. That is the type of overall, co-operative approach that we have to make to the future.

I return to the suggestion in the Bill that the support price shall not be greater than two-thirds. I hope to move an amendment fixing the support in this Bill at the two-thirds, that is, £2 by the State for every £1 the producer contributes.

There is a little bit of reasoning in this. Suppose that by leaving ourselves open to paying a subsidy of £2 million in two years' time or next year, we get an additional £6 million worth of produce from our farmers that we would not otherwise get, thereby returning a cheque for £6 million plus £2 million, that is, £8 million, to the Irish farmer, it is very interesting to trace where that money goes. The farmers spend the £8 million. Some of it goes into buying commodities that are already heavily taxed. That tax finds its way back to the Exchequer. The farmer buys products of Irish industry. The money he pays for them goes to pay workers in the industry. Again, part of their wages finds its way back in both direct and indirect taxation to the central authority.

In fact, the total national income is £500 million roughly and the total tax yield at present rates is around £115 million. In other words, it is almost one-fourth of the national income. So out of £4 million of the national income, £1 million finds its way back into the Exchequer in taxation. If you cause the income of the farming community to increase by £8 million, due to this increased production, you might expect one-fourth of that, or almost £2 million, to find its way back into the Exchequer, so that the £2 million will be there to pay the actual subsidy cost without causing anybody in the community to pay more taxation. That is something that is not appreciated, that subsidisation might cost little or nothing to the actual taxpayers. It is in that framework that we should think of efforts to stimulate and expand production in agriculture by means of guarantees at a certain rate of support.

It is well for us to know also that our problems here are not unique. I would suggest to Senators that there is a very useful publication that has just come to hand from the Food and Agriculture Organisation of the United Nations in reference to an inquiry into the problems of agricultural price stabilisation and support policies. There you will find that every country in the world is concerned with the same problem, first of all, the problem of levelling or stabilising the price to the primary or agricultural producers and, secondly, of giving a certain element of subsidy so as to bring the earnings of the agricultural community up to the earnings of the rest of the community.

We are no different. Every country has that problem. Why is that problem there? I think it is simply and solely because the farmers of the world were very late in getting organised at national level and have yet not got fully organised at international level and consequently were unable to bargain for the prices that were their due.

Can anybody for one moment justify that he should pay something like 8/-per gallon for mineral water, something that you put a few drops of some crystal or other into and bottle it up and grouse at paying 2/- a gallon for milk? It just does not make sense on any level, whether you take it on the nutritional level, on the cost of production or any other level. Yet, that is the situation in which the price structure of the world is set today and it is primarily due, I repeat, to the slowness with which the farming community organised to ensure that they got their rightful share as against the other sections of the community.

We have inherited that inequality of price structure and it is not improving. There seems to be no prospect of any real improvement except through what Governments are forced to do in the way of stabilisation and the policy of price support. When we know that, we will take much more kindly to the fact that we have to do those things and will realise that it is no fault of our farming community that the position is as it is. There is a feeling that the farming community has let down this nation simply and solely because agricultural production has been almost stagnant over 50 years.

The average increase in the past 10 years has been something like 10 per cent. but what you have to remember is that that 10 per cent. increase has been got with a very much reduced labour force. In fact, the labour productivity has been increasing about four per cent. per annum in agriculture here ever since the war. That means that today two men are doing the work which it took three men to do in 1950. Is that not progress as far as productivity is concerned? I venture to say that it is a higher rate of progress than has been achieved in industry over the years. It certainly is an achievement, but my criticism is that our numbers should not have gone down so fast; in other words, we should have been able to keep greater numbers on the land and, by that means, our total output should have gone up as well as our production per man.

If we are to survive, we shall have to have an expansionist policy, especially, in dairying, which envisages that happening because today the average dairy farmer has seven cows and the cost of going to the creamery and everything else would be very little higher if he had two more cows. Yet, we know that present management techniques and subsidies for fertilisers and all the rest make it possible for a man to keep nine cows today where he kept seven cows four or five years ago.

I want to see that type of expansion. In fact, I calculate that our total production would go up something like 90 per cent. in ten years if we could increase by somewhere around 5.7 per cent., if we could raise our general level up to the level that has been exhibited in the farm survey. What does that mean? It means that in ten years we should be able to feed three cows where two are fed to-day and that instead of getting a yield of 500 gallons we should be able to increase the yield to 600 gallons. Any expert will tell you that is not an idle dream. It would be a realistic target for ten years and a target which would provide for An Bord Bainne the continuity of dairy products which it needs in order to function properly.

I am not over-happy about the composition of the Board, even though it is substantially the same as recommended by the Advisory Committee. I have the feeling that it is a case of the tail wagging the dog in that there is one representative for cheese, one for chocolate crumb and one for milk products—three compared with four from the producers, from the creamery end.

The Dairy Disposal Company?

There is the Dairy Disposal Company also.

Five producers out of nine.

I am coming to that in a few moments. I am dealing with another point for consideration by the Minister and others over the Christmas holidays.

The Senator cannot change the figures.

The composition of the Board does to a certain extent over-encourage these other products. Granted they should be encouraged, but I am making that long-term proposition that over a period of ten to 15 years, which is what our planning period should be, these products would tend to reach the same level. Competition will move in wherever there is an opportunity. The point I would make is that putting up a new factory, say, for chocolate crumb, which entails a very heavy investment, a good deal of which is borne by the State, may be quite profitable for the individual, the owner of the factory or group operating the factory who set it up in those conditions, but will the result ever repay the State? In other words, would the same money, if expended to increase the flow to our creameries, for instance, produce better long term results? Above all, we must avoid the situation of creating a number of new factories for new products which would tend to leave us with even greater surplus production capacity in our existing creameries for the manufacture of butter than we have at present. There is a very delicate balance involved.

I put this new proposition to my colleague, Senator O'Brien, and he agreed absolutely that we must credit our competitors with the greatest possible intelligence, which means that they move in as we move in and prices have to level out. It almost comes down to this: what you are doing do better and also have some diversification so that you can do a limited amount of switching; but do not make your money out of switching or pushing products around, but by making a stable product that will take the ups with the downs and, over a period of ten or 12 years, give a profitable return.

There is another real difficulty in relation to the composition of the Board, that is, where you have one representative of the Dairy Disposal Company. That is as it should be. There are some very highly skilled people available from that company and it represents the management. However, I cannot see why this should be denied to the management side of co-operative creameries because they represent far and away the greater pool of trained personnel——

Why does the Senator make that absurd statement? How would it represent the management since the individual will be elected by the producers?

I am not dealing with that. There are three members from the co-operatives appointed by the co-operative societies; there is one from the Dairy Disposal Company representing the suppliers. I am referring to paragraph (b) where there is one member nominated by the Minister——

That is a different matter.

——whom the Minister considers to be representative of the company. That is a wise proposal. It enables the Minister to bring in the most competent manager, that is, on the Dairy Disposal side, the most competent technical person associated with that group, but equally there is a pool of trained personnel associated with the co-operative movement. There are the managers of the creameries; there is also the Irish Agricultural Organisation whose secretary, Dr. Kennedy, throughout the years, has been a voice crying in the wilderness, preaching this gospel of increased production but he was about 20 years ahead of his time.

He did not produce anything himself.

He has produced the most important product ever produced here: he has produced ideas for the rest of us to take up and I have pleasure in paying the highest possible tribute to Dr. Kennedy for what he has done down through the years. Returning to the point I was making, surely it is not unreasonable that one member from the creamery managers should be nominated by that body. I would not quarrel with the Minister if he said he was going to nominate him himself because I do not think for one moment that a person should be there as a representative of the creamery managers. He should be there contributing the scientific point of view and the technical assistance which the creamery managers can supply.

In regard to the Butter Marketing Committee, over most of its period in operation the burden fell on three creamery managers. One of those posts is vacant and the burden still falls on two of them. They have done a good job and I do not see why they should be ignored in this Bill. The Minister may say that the producers can appoint from the creamery managers. That is completely unreal. The producers are represented there as producers and consequently should be represented by members of the producers themselves.

Take our competitors in Denmark. If the suggestion were made there that the producers should be represented on any body by creamery managers or by members who were not producers, the idea would be laughed to scorn. I feel that our suppliers will return three members representative of the producers; consequently, I doubt if one member from the creamery managers is sufficient and I would go so far as to suggest there should be two. The more of the enlightened and scientific management side that can be put on this Board the better. In fact, you can make a very much stronger case for having management represented on it than you can for having the producers. It is a specialised job with which many of the producers' representatives would have had only very little acquaintance. On Committee Stage I hope to convince the Minister that we should increase the number on the board from its present strength of nine to eleven by adding two members of the Creamery Managers' Association.

It is no harm for me to say at this point that the Senator will have a job on hands.

I shall try. I am trying to do the best I can, having studied the economics of our system fairly extensively, and I am trying to give what I think is an independent view. I am prepared to fight as hard as the rules of the House allow to convince Senators of the reasonableness of my views.

One other real fallacy here is in the method of election. We have one member nominated by the manufacturers of cheese to be a member of the board. As far as I know there are about 15 creameries, and one creamery of the Dairy Disposal Company making cheese. How does the Minister propose that these should nominate one member? I think it would be wise to have a regular election system between the two bodies. After all, in the Agricultural Institute in which the members were reduced to being selected by panels of five, there was a regular system of election laid down by which these five voted and one candidate was returned. I think it probably would be wise to ensure this here. Otherwise, we shall find on the one hand the co-operatives and on the other hand you might take the two leaders, Golden Vale and Mitchelstown, and ask can they agree on one representative.

The co-operatives and the non-co-operatives in this case might not agree and that would mean that the Minister would have to nominate. The same applies to the manufacturers of milk powder and chocolate crumb, and you might wind up by having the Minister nominating five out of the nine which would be a majority of the board. I am not accusing the Minister of anything in that but it is an eventuality that should not be left open. If I take chocolate crumb, for instance, there are four proprietary firms and one co-operative engaged in its production and perhaps in drawing up a panel for them it might be well to insist on a rotation principle because the four proprietary firms could always outvote the one co-operative. It might be well to keep the proprietary firms on the one side and co-operative firms on the other and say that in alternate elections the members shall be chosen for election from one group or the other. I think that would go a long way to smoothing the method of election.

On the question of financing the Bill, I suppose the provision of a loan to smooth out fluctuations is the best way in the circumstances although this contrasts rather unfavourably with the provision for industrial groups. Taking some of them that have had their annual meetings recently, like Irish Steel Holdings, Irish Shipping Limited and the Irish Industrial Corporation, we find that these are provided for by share capital from the Minister for Finance. They declare the dividend on these shares and nobody is any the wiser, if they declare no dividend or a 5 per cent. dividend. In fact, I was intrigued by some recent accounts which said that the profits were ploughed back to increase the reserves and I could not find any suggestion that a rate of interest had been paid. I think it was in the case of Irish Steel Limited that I read that they got £1½ million share capital from the Minister on the 1st April and the report for one year ended 30th June did not even make mention of the fact that the Minister got no interest for those three months.

I should like to have a process by which the interest on the loan to this new Bord Bainne could be equally flexible and could get treatment equal to that meted out to industrial concerns—in other words, that due regard be paid to prevailing economic conditions.

Secondly, there are many functions to be taken over by the Board that are at present paid for by public funds. When taken over, it will mean that the present grant which is shown as a subsidy to dairy products—I think it is £1,400,000 in the current Budget— will be automatically increased by some £400,000 or £500,000 perhaps, roughly speaking, for the services that will be taken over and it will appear to the general reader next year that the subsidy to dairy products has been increased. I suggest to the Minister that it might be possible to give the aid from the Government under two distinct headings in the Budget, (a) which would be for services taken over and (b) which is a direct price.

What services does the Senator mean?

Does the Minister's Department not pay for the Butter Marketing Committee?

There are levies already there to meet these charges about which we are speaking.

But the salaries of the officials?

Yes, and the salaries of the officials.

But surely there are no levies in operation at present?

There are.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

I am afraid we cannot have this kind of cross-chat. If the Minister wishes to intervene he may do so.

But the Senator is so obviously speaking without knowledge that I thought it wiser to put him right.

At any rate, if we go back two years when the State automatically supported agricultural products 100 per cent. I can prove my point. Consequently, there was no contribution from the producers to the fund; therefore the producers could not in any way have paid any salaries to the officials who were concerned with either the promotion of butter marketing or the committee itself.

The Senator is still wrong. There was always a levy for that purpose.

For butter marketing?

In the case of the services that were taken over the charge should be shown separately.

The Senator should check his facts before the Committee Stage.

Let the Minister deal with them.

Also, on the question of finance—

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

Might I draw the Senator's attention to the fact that he has been speaking for close on an hour. I do not want to limit him to a matter of two minutes but I think there are quite a number of other speakers.

Actually I have been speaking for 45 minutes.

The Senator has spoken for exactly five minutes short of an hour.

Well, I shall take the five minutes. On the question of having the Board responsible for the levy, I do not wish the odium of striking a levy, and any adverse consequences that may flow from it, to attach to a Board charged with such a delicate task as this Board will have. In that respect, the Government should accept their full responsibility and should state quite categorically when making a sum available for the following year what the amount of the levy will be. In other words, the Government should take full responsibility for the levy.

We have done that already.

I hope the Minister will continue to do so.

When you take the first fence, it is easy to take the more difficult fences afterwards.

Support for agricultural policies is highlighted in the report. The report says that, from the practical point of view, the problem is how to provide a reasonable level of income for small farmers without an excessively high level of prices and without making heavy payments to large farmers who can make a profit without them. If a levy is necessary, and I concede that it is, in order to sell dairy produce, that levy should not be imposed on the small producers. It is both fair and reasonable they should get priority on the home market. That can be done by providing that the first eight cows, or 4,000 gallons delivered by any producer, large or small, to a creamery shall be free from levy. That is something which is due only to the small farmers. I realise it is something which would be anathema to the Board as at present constituted. Perhaps there is some method whereby the Government can enshrine—admittedly, this is of a quasi-social nature—that principle in the annual price review the Government will have with this body.

There is a grave responsibility on all of us to treat this matter very seriously. We are setting up a semi-State body which will handle at least £50,000,000 a year. We do not wish the criticisms that have been raised in the past to be raised in connection with this body. We want to be in a position wherein both the Dáil and Seanad will realise precisely what they are doing and what powers they are conferring on this body. We do not want to have the position as we have it at the moment with C.I.E. and other bodies, which seem to think they can thumb their noses at the public, and even at public representatives, once they have got their charter.

The dull and uninspiring criticism of this Bill can only lead one to the conclusion that intrinsically the Bill is a good one. However, I suppose dullness is better than the rather colourful and entertaining criticism we had from the Leader of the Fine Gael Party when this measure was being debated in the Dáil. Senator Donegan said the Bill is essentially a good one. He opened on that note. That is an improvement certainly on the wild and irresponsible language used by the Leader of the Fine Gael Party in the Dáil. At column 990 of Volume 185 of the Official Report, speaking of An Bord Bainne, he said: "I do not believe in fraud of that kind."

Maybe he does not believe in fraud of that kind.

The same sort of irresponsible, colourful, but entertaining, criticism occurs again at column 993 where he said he rejected "with contempt the suggestion that the setting up of Bord Bainne is any final or exhaustive solution of the problem that a Dairy Produce Marketing Bill presents to this Legislature." He continued in that vein.

But he did reject it with contempt.

He regarded the setting up of this independent board as a fraud, something which merited contempt and derision. There was no practical solution posed; there was no constructive criticism advanced.

The Senator has quoted extracts. He has not given the whole context of the speech.

Tonight, at least, even if the contributions have been uninspiring, they have not been destructive. Contrary to what Senator Donegan stated, the Bill embodies substantially the recommendations of the Advisory Committee. The really vital sections in the Bill are Sections 4 and 5, under which the Minister will set up a board as the sole exporter responsible for all dairy produce. There is power of delegation to other bodies. The Minister has stated that milk powder and chocolate crumb exported to Great Britain and the Six Counties will be left in the hands of the private enterprise organisations at present engaged in these exports. That does not take in any degree from the power of the Board and the Board can, if necessary, go into the whole field of dairy exports.

One important aspect is that this Board will be a body corporate, empowered to make its own contracts, its own decisions. To that extent, it will be more independent than the Butter Marketing Committee. Sections 30 to 36 empower the Board to raise loans up to £5,000,000 in order to stabilise the market and guarantee prices.

Will it take the blame for failure?

Do not talk about failure.

Senator Donegan welcomed the Bill. I commend his good sense in that respect. Making this Board a body corporate is an improvement on the situation which operated in relation to the Butter Marketing Committee; that Committee was under the day-to-day control of the Department.

It is not free to borrow by itself.

Bord Bainne can borrow up to £5,000,000. The Minister referred to the important principle underlying this measure and which runs right through the report of the Advisory Committee: increased milk production is directly related to increased pig and cattle production. The industry will not be considered in isolation. I do not come from a dairying area, but I know that the dairying industry is an integral part of the whole agricultural structure. Increased dairying production goes hand in hand with increased pig and cattle production. The report says it is the foundation stone of our cattle export trade. With that essential principle in mind, the Bill is to be welcomed. The powers the Board will wield can be directed towards the central plan recommended in the report: you must increase milk output and, at the same time, provide for continuity of supply in the export market. That is essential. Without continuity of supply there is no point in increasing milk output.

We feel this Board will help in that direction. We have taken the first practical step ever taken in that regard by setting up a Board charged with pursuing these two functions of increasing output and providing for continuity of supply on the export market. It may be asked why we need a Board to do that.

There is nothing new in what is natural.

There is something very new in it in this respect. In order to preserve those two factors of increasing output and providing for continuity of supply, you must have a Board or an organisation that will take a long-term view, irrespective of the day-to-day and year-to-year changes in the market. I feel that Departments of State, due to the requirements, perhaps, of coming annually before the Oireachtas, are not suited to organising something like the dairy export market. A continuous supply must be provided over five or ten years, and you must plan on that basis irrespective of the year-to-year fluctuations or the demand at home.

An independent Board, with the financial resources I mentioned, with the ability to act on its own as a corporate body, can ensure an increased milk output, and a continuity of supply even if over a period of years they do so at a loss. An independent body can take a long-term view and ensure continuity of supply so that the output at home can be channelled abroad. Only an independent Board can ensure that continuity of supply so badly needed in regard to our agricultural exports. It is as badly needed in regard to pigs as it is in regard to milk.

Along with that problem of the continuity of supply, you have the other problem of ensuring that the producer will have a guaranteed price, that any increase in productivity will be reflected in a steady increase in his income. Again, it is only an independent Board with financial independence that, irrespective of fluctuating developments, can guarantee the producer that price. For that reason I feel the long-term plan of increasing exports can best be done by a Board that can ensure continuity of supply and a guaranteed price for the producer. That is so elementary that it should not require any great perspicacity to discover it. I am glad this measure is one putting that into effect.

The Senator has only discovered it is elementary now.

It is mentioned in the Report that Britain is the greatest importer of butter in the world. Seventy per cent. of the ten million cwts. international trade in butter is taken in by Great Britain. That market is on our doorstep.

Subsidised.

Another one million cwt. is in Western Germany. There we have two large markets which are fairly adjacent to us and into which we can go. That is a helpful factor. In addition, there is the factor that, despite our weaknesses in the past in regard to continuity of supply and marketing, the quality of our butter is very good. That factor was borne out in the Advisory Committee Report which showed that, in the late autumn of 1958, Irish butter fetched 11/- per cwt. more than New Zealand butter, while at one stage, in December, 1958, it fetched 67/- per cwt. more than New Zealand butter, because Irish butter obviously had the quality that appealed to people in Britain. The one difficulty was this problem of keeping up the supply. It will be necessary for a Board of this nature to ensure that the price advantage we have by reason of the quality of our butter will not be destroyed because of any lack of supply. This Board is there to ensure that continuity of supply and to avail of the price for our quality butter.

The recent developments in regard to the cheese industry in Limerick and Wexford are welcome. The continued expansion in the chocolate crumb industry is another heartening factor. Certain suggestions have emerged, both from the Report and the discussions here and in the other House. The Report refers adversely to the fact that many of the agents selling our butter in Britain act also in respect of the sale of New Zealand and Danish butter. I feel the new Board should take that matter into account and that agents operating on behalf of the Board selling Irish butter in Britain should be well-paid agents selling Irish butter alone. It is commonsense that they should not be dispersing their activities and also engaging in the sale of butter from other countries.

With the addition that they get the sack if they do not sell it.

Yes; that is another advantage in having a Board like this that can exercise ruthless powers such as those the Senator suggests. It is a great advantage for an independent Board to be able to do that rather than have bureaucratic institutions such as Departments of State that would probably be more concerned with maintaining the status quo rather than going into business in an active way. This Board should have well-paid agents acting solely to sell Irish butter on the export market and, as the Senator suggests, they should be able to make sure their agents do their business there.

A second sensible suggestion in the Report is this. Irish butter on the British market tends at the moment to be concentrated in the Lancashire area, particularly around Liverpool. Danish and New Zealand butter finds its way into the London market. We should concentrate our efforts primarily in Lancashire. We should engage in a blitz campaign in selling our butter around Lancashire, which is almost twice as big in population as the whole of Ireland. There is a market into which we have easy entry, in which we have a certain amount of good-will and in which we can work out from Liverpool and Manchester and launch a blitz campaign with our well-paid agents.

Another line of development mentioned by the Leader of the Fine Gael Party in the other House—one of the sensible remarks amidst a welter of nonsense—was the question of having a branded Irish cheese manufactured. Since the war the Danes have developed their Danish Blue cheese, seen on every plate in every country of the world. This Board has authority to engage in the export of cheese directly, although certain types are reserved to existing enterprises. It should concentrate on the development of a branded Irish cheese on the lines of Danish Blue. The Report mentioned the cheese produced by the Franciscan Nuns in Loughglynn, Co. Roscommon, the fine Port Salut cheese we get from time to time in the restaurant, one of the nicest cheeses in the world. If that enterprise were encouraged, we could make progress in the direction of having a branded Irish cheese.

In regard to the home consumption of cheese, which will have to be enormously increased if the export business is to go well, there should be help from the health authorities in emphasising the protein value of cheese. You may talk of all the baby foods in the world, but the best food for a young child is cheese. I think we could enlist the medical authorities in a propaganda campaign in that direction rather than bring in from abroad these various branded baby-food products about which we know so little. If our own cheese products were made available to babies day in and day out, they would wax and grow strong.

The Senator is waxing well in a field in which he is not qualified, I think, but I fully agree with him.

In recent times, I have developed certain qualifications in that direction. However, the suggestion quite clearly emerges from the report that there is an enormous market for milk powder in the new African countries. Nigeria is a classic example. Liquid milk cannot be stored there. Milk must be kept in powdered form, so that outlet for milk powder should be carefully looked into. Even though the Minister has said that at the moment he has delegated functions in regard to milk powder to the people who engage in the export of such products, I feel that, in time, if the existing enterprises do not develop markets in that direction, the Board should consider looking into the export potential of milk powder, particularly to the African Continent.

I am sorry I have spoken so long because I am not an expert in this field. I believe the Seanad and the Dáil should welcome this Bill. I regard it as a milestone in the progress originally outlined in the first Budget presented by this Administration.

Despite what the Leader of Fine Gael said?

I might not be as well equipped as the previous speaker with terms of reference, booklets or other propaganda which he had in the very big volume he showed us.

The Senator is as honest, anyway.

I was born, bred and reared in the dairying industry part of the country, and I think that will reflect itself in what I have to say on the Bill.

I consider this one of the most important measures which has come before this or the other House for a long number of months. It is important in more ways than one. I maintain that never in the history of the small farmers was their position so deplorable. I say that because I meet them and discuss the position with them several times a week. There are several reasons for that. One is the price for liquid milk which has remained static over a number of years, and the second, and even more important, reason, is the disastrous fall in the price of young cattle. Those are the two principal things the dairy farmers must survive on.

We have been informed by various speakers that we are at last considering the selling of our produce abroad. There is no doubt that we have made outstanding progress in foreign affairs. At the moment an Irishman is presiding over the activities of the United Nations, but if I were to give an honour to an Irish Ambassador, I would give it to someone who had helped to sell our products. I believe that if the Government gave priority to people who would sell our products abroad, they would be setting a headline, because that would be of material benefit to the small people at home. People are attaining prominence by presiding over the activities of the United Nations and in other directions, and they are getting the headlines even in the Government-sponsored paper, "Truth in the News,"The Irish Press, but I consider those headlines should be given to someone who will go out and make a job of selling Irish products. That is the job that is in front of the country because the people engaged in their production are the people on whom we are depending. The sooner they are given the headlines, the better for the ordinary people of the country.

It does not matter to the milk producers of the area I represent, West Cork, whether or not the Board is set up because they and their equals will have to contribute one-third of the levy and will not get one ounce of benefit.

That is not correct. They will benefit.

I hope to be able to inform my friend on that position. As I said, we will contribute one-third of this levy and in the area I come from where there are substantial co-operative societies and very progressive people—and I challenge anyone to say otherwise—even though we have been abandoned in various ways which we did not deserve, not alone did we produce thrifty, honest, hard-working people but we also produced people who gave us the liberty to attend this House to-night.

As I said, we will have to pay while people who are producing chocolate crumb, milk powder and cheese will get the benefit. No one can deny that, not even the Minister.

I hope he can. At the moment, we have four factories producing milk powder: Dungarvan, Mitchelstown, Mallow and the Condensed Milk Company of the Dairy Disposal Board. Those people can nominate one member of the Board. I say to-night from experience we have had that if this Board is to be a replica of the Boards already in existence, the members of this and the other House should take serious cognisance of the fact that we have the headline in front of us of what happens once these people are installed and given powers. If there is no agreement amongst the condensed milk suppliers, the milk powder people, and the chocolate crumb people and the cheese manufacturers, the Minister can and probably will nominate at least five of the nine members of the Board.

I say that from the experience we already have, it is about time this and the other House took a serious view of the actions of these boards. The moment they are set up, they seem to adopt a dictatorial attitude—we have seen it here and in the other House, and we will see it again on this occasion—and members of both Houses of the Oireachtas will be told that they are a State-sponsored body and have been set up with full powers, and that what they do cannot be questioned. That is my approach to this question. It is not political. If we had a Fine Gael Government tomorrow morning, I would question them in the same light.

In addition to the milk powder factories who can nominate one member to the Board, we have chocolate crumb, Rowntrees, Urneys, Miloko Co-op. and all the bacon interests which can nominate another member. That is number two. The cheese factories—one is German-controlled in County Wexford and 16 others—can also nominate a member to the Board. Under the same section, the Minister for Agriculture can himself nominate representatives from the Dairy Disposal Company which is a Government-sponsored body and also from the Department of Agriculture.

Now we have an idea of the constitution of this Board. Now we have an idea of what is behind the people who are promoting this Board. Now we have an idea of what the other Boards already operating have done. I appeal to every member of this House, no matter what Party or policy he supports, to be very careful in giving special powers to any Board so that these people will not give this House or Dáil Éireann a proper account of what they will do. I know what I am talking about. We have seen what has happened in West Cork. Our lifeline, our railway line, a single line that was in existence even before we got our freedom, is being abolished because of the powers this Legislature has given to another Board. That is the reason I want Senators to be very careful of the powers they give to any new Board.

The people of West Cork closed it just as the people of Leitrim closed the Leitrim line. They would not use it.

They contributed to putting the Senator here. Only for that, the Senator would not be here.

That is a soap-box sort of speech.

The people close railways by not using them.

Under the same section, the Minister has power to nominate a representative from the Dairy Disposal Company and also from the Department of Agriculture. Where will the producers come in? They will come in, in a minority, as they have come in on every Board appointed. I ask this House, in all earnestness, to consider the matter carefully. It may be our day to day but it will be yours tomorrow. You will have to face the music tomorrow. You will have to face what we are facing at the moment.

The Minister will have a majority on this Board of five to four if the people I have named cannot agree to nominate a representative. I should like him to answer this question. What number of representatives will 90,000 milk producers and milk suppliers have on this Board? The representation, as far as we can see, will be very small. The attitude seems to be that the producers are there merely to produce. Will the Minister inform the House what quantity of milk has been exported to Britain—our main market at the moment for agricultural produce —in the form of full milk cream, butter, cheese and chocolate crumb for the five years ending 31st December, 1959? We shall then have an idea where we stand. Will the Minister agree that over the five years ending 31st December, 1959, the price in Britain for manufactured full milk cream powder ranges from 1/10d. while the price of fresh cream manufactured here was 2/1d. per gallon?

What representation has the Minister given to the people who exported the only product that was available for export, the product that gave a good return for milk to the Irish farmer and a return of 2/1d. to the Irish creamery for every gallon put into our fresh cream export? The amount of cream exported from this country amounted to from 10 to 12 per cent. of the total cream consumption on the British market. That is our only chance in the area we represent of having a representative on this Board. But that export is not taken into account at all. In the south of Ireland it is the most profitable part of our creamery business. I speak with full knowledge. Were it not for the amount of fresh cream exported, the creameries in the south of Ireland would hardly be able to pay the 1/6d. a gallon guaranteed by the Government.

This new Board should include a representative of these interests. I do not know why all these new ideas have taken hold of the Department. I cannot say whether the Minister sponsored them but it is quite apparent that they have the goodwill not alone of the Minister but of the Department.

When they are bad, the Minister sponsors and when they are good he does not.

I already know it. I was already aware of that. I am glad the Minister has verified it because now I can say that I have the Minister's support in making that observation.

The Senator has a sense of humour, too.

I shall give the Minister full opportunity to reply and will not even interrupt him. He is batting on a very sticky wicket and he must make the most of his opportunities to interrupt or otherwise.

We should foster and encourage the export of fresh cream. It is the only product from our creameries that can successfully face competition on the British market. The unfortunate position is that Britain herself has improved her position as far as milk production is concerned and has captured a fair share of this market. In spite of that competition, we have still supplied from 10 per cent. to 12 per cent. of the total requirements of the United Kingdom in the form of fresh cream. Yet the Minister or his advisers cannot see fit to appoint a member of the cream exporters on this Board about which we hear so much. He can bring in a German who started down in Wexford and give him representation on the Board but the fresh cream exporters are denied it.

The charmain is excluded, in fact, if the Senator reads the Bill.

If this amount of fresh cream exported at the moment were exported as butter, what would the Irish taxpayer be paying to bring up the levy? I believe it would cost the taxpayers of this country a fair bit of money. I also believe that the Minister should reconsider his decision and appoint one of these people on this Board. They are certainly well entitled to representation because they are, as I have said, exporting in the face of competition to the British market. They are putting their produce on the British market and are able to sell it in competition with the British themselves who have a surplus milk supply at the moment. The saving on subsidy compared with chocolate crumb and milk powder would mean a little bit extra for the producer of milk in this country.

Would the Minister tell the House why it has been found necessary to give a special subsidy in the past four or five months to chocolate crumb, milk powder and cheese? I do not intend to hold up the House much longer, but, as I said in my opening remarks, we are giving powers to a Board to take charge of the export of our dairy produce which is probably the principal industry in this country. It is the principal industry and has been as long back as I can remember. Anything that we can do to help it should get the support of this House and anything that would hinder it or its progress should be opposed vigorously. I am asking the Minister and the Department to take steps to see that any Board appointed will be a body with a majority of producers on it and that we will not be saddled with another board similar to the four or five already in existence who will set themselves up as dictators to the people of this country. I appeal to the members on both sides of this House to ensure that will not happen.

I do not often intervene in the debates in this House but I feel constrained to make some small contribution to this debate. The Seanad has listened with great patience to a number of speeches which may be interesting to it or may not. As a practical farmer, I am getting a little bit bored with the agricultural lecturers and professors on the Fine Gael side and some legal luminaries on the Fianna Fáil side. One thing we have not heard—I make an exception in the case of Senator J.L. O'Sullivan— is one or two remarks from a practical farmer.

When one is done with all these theorisings, what is the most profitable thing, grass or dairying and the myriad themes that have been raised on both sides of the House? Those who are engaged in farming over the years know that the rock-bottom sheet-anchor of Ireland is the dairying industry. We make a great to-do about our exports of store cattle but without the dairying industry, there would be no exports of store cattle.

When we have done with theorising, the matter boils down to this. We must agree with Senator J.L. O'Sullivan when he says that we must enthusiastically support the dairy farmers of this country. They are the sheet-anchor. I think I am possibly the only member of either side of the Oireachtas who was a member of the committee which made these recommendations.

I should like to congratulate the Minister on the expedition with which he accepted the recommendations of the marketing committee. That committee was really a detached, nonpolitical body. They went into the pros and cons of all this and examined it as microscopically as could be done and they made their recommendations. The hour is late and we have listened to quite a number of long-winded speeches. I think many of them——

On a point of order, the Senator should make his own speech.

I am endeavouring to make my own speech. I intend to occupy only seven minutes, not one hour and 70 minutes.

We try to make our contribution.

We listened for over an hour to Senator Quinlan.

Those of us who speak only rarely are entitled to our view, particularly if we know something about our subject and do not lecture the agricultural community as to how they should proceed. The average old farmer down the country equipped with rubber boots in snowy weather knows as much about farming as any professor in this Assembly. It should not be forgotten that that has been proved over the years. Before I sit down, I should like to say that I welcome this Bill wholeheartedly and I hope it has the support of this House.

My trouble is not so much what to say at this stage but what not to say.

That is an excellent idea.

It is a rather sad thing——

I agree with the Senator.

——that so much time should be taken up—I was going to say "wasted"—on matters that were not in my view, important in the discussion of this measure. After the adjournment, we got only as far as taking this Bill. An evil spirit seemed to have taken possession of some of the theorists to monopolise the whole debate on this matter—people with no practical knowledge. I have no particular brief for Senator J.A. Sheridan but I think his was a welcome intervention in the debate. One is not necessarily compelled to agree with his ideas on those matters but I do accept the viewpoint he expressed.

Many of the speakers were irrelevant and seemed to have no knowledge of the background to this Bill. Without quoting from the report of the Advisory Committee or from the Bill I should like to remind the Senators that this, in my view, is the background. When the first attempt was made in the 1930s to get centralised marketing by the then Minister for Agriculture, Deputy Dr. Ryan, a chaotic position existed. The co-operative societies were so unco-operative that they were cutting one another's throats and trying to sell on foreign markets. The Minister for Agriculture conceived the idea of trying to get some stability and some measure of order. I suggest this is what happened. The farmers, or the co-operative societies—I am not referring to the honest-to-God farmers to whom Senator O'Sullivan referred, but the people who were supposed to represent the farmers—failed to co-operate. The result was that abuse, from a quarter from which it should not have come, was heaped on the Department of Agriculture and on the then Minister. I feel certain it would have been heaped on any Minister for Agriculture no matter to what Party he belonged.

That was the position when chaos reigned in the marketing of dairy produce. The Minister and his Party tried to get stabilisation but it was no easy matter and there was all sorts of destructive criticism expressed. The people who expressed that criticism, the creamery societies, could not co-operate despite the fact that they claimed to be co-operatives. One is entitled to wonder how far has co-operation been a success in this country or is it only a shibboleth with people who have no experience in these matters. One is entitled to wonder how deep-rooted is co-operation and how successful——

I do not think we can enter into a discussion on co-operation on this Bill.

I think it is complementary to the Bill but if the Chair so rules——

The Senator may mention it in passing but he may not enter into a debate on it.

I intended to make only a reference to it. The result was that the creamery societies and the managers were forced by sheer economic circumstances to accept the principle that was involved in the price stabilisation. The Dairy Produce Marketing Committee had a very thankless job of work to do but they did that job and, in my view, this Bill is a further development of the Butter Marketing Committee and stabilisation. It is regrettable that this had to be done at all. I am prepared to argue that if the creamery societies had been co-operative, and co-operated so as to have a federation of co-operative societies, they would have done this job and there would have been no necessity for the previous Acts or for this Bill. It is regrettable that I, speaking as a farmer who sends milk to creameries, should have to make those statements. I am sure the Minister is well aware of the truth of what I am saying.

I hope that this Bill will be successful. As a farmer, I regret that this Board has to be set up because it is proposing to do a job which farmers and co-operative societies should do for themselves. While not criticising the Butter Marketing Committee, I hope that with the increase in power and the better financing of the new Board they will display more initiative, engage in more market research, more exploring of markets and make more proposals for marketing. I agree with Senator Sheridan when he says that the dairying industry is the sheet-anchor of the agricultural industry. Not alone is it the sheet-anchor of the industry but it is the sheet-anchor of the whole economy because without the cow we cannot have cattle and without manure we cannot have tillage. I hope that this Board will explore markets and make a real effort to sell our wares and keep up a continuity of supply.

I often wondered why there was not a package deal done with the consumer. I never agreed with the export of butter in bulk because I do not think it is the proper way to attract housewives in Manchester, Liverpool, or London, with no regard to the way in which the product is ultimately presented to the consumer. I hope the new Board will make a real effort to develop the salesmanship of marketing and packaging our dairy produce for export.

I listened with a certain amount of sympathy to Senator O'Sullivan. One would think that all the Minister had to do was to wave a fairy wand to solve the whole question of prices to the consumer. The Senator also said that milk prices remained static for a number of years. He seems to forget that, because of Government intervention, the price of milk to the creamery supplier was increased by 2d. this year, with the result that it raised the price of the pound of butter to the housewife in this country by about 5d. and had the unfortunate effect of reducing the home consumption of butter by a number of cwts. which I shall not mention. If the Minister elects to give the figure he can. I happen to know it but I shall not mention it. It would be very easy, in the hope of getting support from the creamery suppliers, to increase the price of milk by 6d. or 1/- a gallon but Senator O'Sullivan knows that the consumer has got to pay and there must be some limit to the depth of his pocket.

An increase in the price of milk from 1/6d. to 2/6d. a gallon would mean that the price of butter would go up by 1/6d. a lb. automatically and all we would succeed in doing would be to reduce home consumption and thereby increase the cost of living and reduce the standard of living. It would also mean that you could never possibly sell a pound of butter on a foreign market and would not have the home consumption off which to collect a levy.

Surely the Senator is not suggesting that Senator O'Sullivan said anything like that?

I am only pointing out the ridiculousness of the soft thinking that seems to be common enough.

For the purpose of the record, the record should not suggest that Senator O'Sullivan said that.

The Senator did say that the price of milk had remained static over a number of years. Those are his exact words.

From 1/6d. to 2/6d. a gallon?

I am referring to the fact that it had been increased by 2d. a gallon and am stating what, if you were to have any regard to the increase in the price of raw material, would be likely to happen. I think I am entitled to make that point.

That is the Senator's responsibility. He should not make it too hard on the Minister.

It is all right for people who have no real interest in this matter, whose living is not involved, to theorise. People whose living is involved are obliged to have regard to reality. A little realism should be introduced into this debate at this stage.

There are many other things I should like to say but in fairness to other people who have to speak I shall conclude without referring to them and without quoting what I had intended to quote from the Committee's report. There is one thing, however, to which I must refer, namely, the desire on the part of Senator Donegan, who has no interest in creameries——

I sent out 80 gallons of milk this morning.

Yes, but not to a creamery.

Correct, but I sent it out this morning.

That is grand. There are many farmers in Leitrim who could not do it in a week.

Is it a sin? Is it not giving you some knowledge of the dairying industry?

I know farmers who have no interest in dairying as such.

I live under the shadow of one.

The Senator did try to prove that this Bill completely conflicts in principle with the recommendation of the committee.

I did prove——

I am prepared to take Senator J.D. Sheridan's word. He happened to be a member of that committee. He should be the better judge. Another matter to which I wish to refer is the statement by Senator Donegan that it is fundamental Government policy not to expand dairy produce.

It is so stated in the White Paper.

I am prepared to state that it is the fundamental policy to expand dairy produce.

Then you are at variance with the White Paper.

I know quite well that the Minister will also state that it is the fundamental policy of the Government to expand agriculture generally and, very particularly, dairying because the Minister and the Government realise, and any sensible person will realise, that dairying is the keystone of our whole economy. It is quite wrong and I think a bit unfair on the part of the Senator to try to use this House to suggest that the Government were trying to lower dairy produce.

Send out to the restaurant for some salt and let the Minister read the White Paper.

Senator Donegan also spoke for an hour. We are sick of this knifing.

I agree with some of the things the Senator said. I also disagree with some of the things he said. Some of them annoyed me but I certainly did not interrupt.

May I draw the attention of Senators to the fact that there is agreement that the Minister should get in at 11.15?

In all these matters we have to guard against falling into the costly error, as was said not so long ago by the head of the World Bank, of overpaying ourselves for the little we do. We are inclined to fall into that error in this country in the agricultural sphere. We have a very high ceiling on price for butter which is used to support our price on a foreign market. I hope and trust that the new Board will have a continuation of supply so that when a market is developed, whether in Liverpool, Manchester or London, it will be maintained even though it means that we go short at home. We must be realistic in these matters and we must get down to selling our surplus of dairy produce properly and have it properly marketed and packed. If the Board fails to do that, I shall be very disappointed, and I would hope that if such failure is apparent to the Minister he will immediately take action to ensure that something will be done about it.

Mr. O'Dwyer

I should like to support the Bill. The dairying industry has looked for such a Bill as this for a long time. Dairying is the industry on which the whole prosperity of the country depends. The southern counties have depended to a great extent on dairying for many years. At one time every county in the South was devoted to dairying, but in recent years the tendency has been to replace dairy herds with dry cattle, with consequent loss of employment and production.

I find that there is a general feeling that the marketing of butter up to this has been very incompetently carried on. I do not think that feeling is justified and I take this opportunity, as it is only just to my colleagues on the marketing committee, to state that such was not the case. Since 1934, when the Marketing Committee was first established, the sale of Irish butter has been carried on as efficiently as the sale of any other butter on the English market. The same kind of agents sold our products in pre-war days whenever we had a surplus. In a strange country one has to abide by the system that obtains in that country. One cannot set up on one's own. We had to export our butter in bulk, just as New Zealand, Denmark and other countries did. It was successfully done all the time. We always secured the regular price. In the last year in which we had an exportable surplus, 1958, Irish butter was so well received in Liverpool and other places that we exceeded the price for New Zealand butter for the first time in history by about 12 shillings. There were several English wholesalers who marketed Irish butter in packets bearing the name "Irish Creamery Butter." It was just the same as if we had exported it in packets.

In the north of Ireland, there was great demand for southern Irish butter and they would have taken any surplus that we had. We were getting very close at the time to the home subsidised price. Suddenly, export had to stop. The supply was shrinking and there was a danger that there would be a shortage for home requirements. Exports had suddenly to stop at the height of prosperity. That is a lesson which we must bear in mind.

The first essential to proper marketing is continuity of supply. There is no use in developing markets unless there is continuity of supply. We had developed markets. We sold butter in Germany, France and other countries. The new Marketing Board will have to undertake the task of ensuring continuity of supply. There should have been some means of developing exports, whether by loans or by establishing dairy herds or some other scheme. Continuity of supply is essential. Certain difficulties will arise in regard to price. A certain price has to be maintained and we cannot always be sure of that price in a foreign market. An increase in the price of home-consumed butter is not feasible, without a big reduction in consumption. These are difficulties that will have to be met as they arise. However, we wish every success to the Board which is being set up to develop the dairying industry.

It is scarcely worth my while to speak in the limited time at my disposal but I wish to congratulate the Minister on introducing this Bill. I should like to condemn as strongly as I can the two Senators, Senator Donegan and Senator Quinlan, who took two hours to discuss the merits of this Bill.

On a point of order.

I do not intend to give way. I have only three minutes while the Senator had an hour.

The Senator should make a contribution.

I refuse to accept points of order.

Points of order are matters for the Chair. The Senator, to continue.

I meant that I would refuse to give way. If I have to give way on your ruling, I shall do so.

Senator Ó Donnabháin, to continue.

It was very hard to listen patiently to the two long speeches by those Senators. I wish to comment on Senator Donegan's reference to the dirty conditions in which milk was produced in the southern creamery areas. I spoke in the Seanad many years ago in connection with the eradication of bovine tuberculosis and the prevalence of tuberculosis in our cattle and I was brought to account by the late Senator Baxter who said I was fouling my own nest. I suggest to the House that Senator Donegan was fouling the nest of the Irish dairy farmers in the remarks he made in relation to milk and other dairy products.

Those remarks were qualified.

The 1935 Act introduced by the Fianna Fáil Government was the first measure which dealt with liquid milk and with those engaged in the distribution of liquid milk for human consumption. The other Dairy Produce Acts dealt with the supply of milk to creameries. Every creamery carries out a test of the cleanliness of milk supplied to it. Then there is the large milk bottling institution in Dublin which has its own tests and checks, apart from the control under the Milk and Dairies Acts. In the light of all that legislation, it ill befits Senator Donegan to make the criticisms he has made, especially when we are trying to promote the export of our dairy produce.

Senator Quinlan rambled all over the place and contradicted himself in many of the statements he made. He said he did not approve of changing or switching products. Many of us would be interested in what the Dutch and the Danes do. A couple of years ago, I was at a Dutch institution where I was shown how the cooperative creameries there operate. These co-operative organisations produced butter. If there is too much butter, they can produce cheese. They produced tinned sweetened milk and unsweetened milk. They had a map to show us the unsweetened milk area which was the nearer area and the sweetened milk area which was further away. They could produce milk powder and baby foods. If a doctor wanted a special prescription, they could provide it. There was switching. They could switch automatically from one thing to another and could supply the export market. The Senator also referred to market research. On one occasion he referred to market research here and I said it was market search rather than research.

I said no such thing.

The records will show that what I have said is correct. Senator Quinlan tonight decried efforts to secure markets in Nigeria, the Congo and elsewhere, and suggested that we should look to the home market.

The question of regular supplies is a practical problem to which I want to refer. As Senator O'Sullivan said, we should have winter and summer production as the dairy farmer in Dublin has. In West Cork, they supply milk during winter and summer. Unfortunately the Limerick-Tipperary district does not do it. As is well known, if regular supply is to be maintained, you must have it during the winter as well as during the summer. Now with later grass production and early grass production, Limerick and everywhere else should try to secure a regular supply of milk instead of having a rush in the summer and no activity in the winter.

I think it very unkind of the last speaker to refer, in connection with the elimination of bovine tuberculosis, to the late Senator Baxter, the man who had the first tested herd in County Cavan, in conjunction with the Senator's own theoretical contribution in respect of bovine tuberculosis.

Now that I have the whistle in my hand at this late hour of the night, I am almost inclined to use it against myself. The staff and, I am sure, all of us would like to get away as soon as possible. It is understandable that a discussion on milk and milk products and all they mean to us should prove of interest in this deliberative assembly but when we talk about the importance of milk and milk products and of our plans for the future we ought to take a look at what the position is and what the position has been since the war. We have only had a year or two in which any appreciable butter surplus existed here. We had a few cwts. in 1950; none in 1951, 1952 or 1953. In 1954, we had a few cwts. for export but it was only as we came to 1957 that we began to realise our true position, having regard to the difficulties that existed and still exist in the outside world in respect of the marketing of dairy products. It was then that we truly realised the importance of this industry.

I do not think I should delve too deeply into the subject, although I should like to do so, but when I hear Senators and people outside attempting to use, as I admit they are entitled to do, discussion like this for the purpose of exhibiting their political wares and for the purpose of flimsy, silly misrepresentation, I often say to myself that the number of fields in which they can engage in a political sense should be sufficiently large to enable them to eliminate fields like this where we should all try to use our minds intelligently in the hope of making a contribution that will prove helpful to the community at large.

I have heard inside and outside this House talk about the Government's publication Programme for Economic Expansion and I have heard attempts to misrepresent that document. People are quite free to do that and I would almost invite them to do so because, as a good politician, I know that it is not what they think or say or their capacity to misrepresent that will count with those who matter. The people know that ever since 1932 when our difficulties were great, because of the many obstacles we had to contend with, we supported the export of butter, and all the milk producers recognise this Party as the Party that have supported to the fullest extent all down the years the milk producing industry.

Is this a political speech or is the Minister speaking to the Bill?

It is the Minister's business what he speaks on.

The Minister must be allowed to continue without interruption.

We appreciate what the Minister is saying but he should keep to the Bill. Senators opposite blamed us for not keeping to the measure and now the Minister is not keeping to it.

I am trying to deal with the vital points that have been made. I am dealing with a reference made to a document issued by the Government and I contend that the attempts to misrepresent that document and to prove for political purposes that we were not a progressive Party, so far as milk production is concerned, were ill-founded. I was going back on the history of this organisation and this Government and showing that when, as Senator Donegan——

Is the document to which the Minister is referring a Government document or a Party document?

The Minister is entitled to reply to the debate.

We have sat here and listened to the speeches from the opposite side and the sniping from Senator Carton. I suggest that if the Minister is not allowed to continue his speech, something will have to be done about it.

The Minister, to continue.

I was inclined to bring my speech to an end very quickly but I could be encouraged to go on.

Go ahead; I undertake not to say anything more.

I am thinking of the public men whom I meet from time to time who are inexperienced and who have to be taught a lesson. I may not have any deep interest in them but I should like to contribute my share to their education. I contend that as a Party and a Government we have established long ago in the public mind that we have supported and will support to the fullest extent the expansion of the dairying industry. It is because of that that paragraph 34 was not read by the Senator who spoke.

This document was prepared at a time when, as Senator Quinlan properly stated, what one might call this world difficulty arose in the marketing of butter surpluses, at a time when beef and store cattle prices were very attractive and when trends here and abroad were towards calf-rearing on the suckling system. Having regard to these considerations, it was only right that a document prepared in those circumstances should be carefully worded.

Paragraph 34, which was not read is, in fact, mine and I shall read it. It says:

However much policy may be tilted towards having beef rather than milk products as the marketable surplus, any increase in cow numbers will result in an increase in milk production, and it is urgently necessary that production costs be reduced so as to enable the increase over home needs to be economically exported.

There was no abandonment there of a policy which was regarded as completely and absolutely fundamental and which had been supported by us through the Exchequer all down the years back to the hard old times of 1932 which the Senator will surely remember. He will remember them for reasons different from the first that may happen to come immediately to his mind.

That disproves nothing.

The Minister must be allowed to continue without interruption.

There are none so blind as those who will not see.

The sentence has no relevance whatsoever.

Senator Donegan referred to the fact that only a small portion of the money granted for the purpose of investigating marketing possibilities and making recommendations had been expended so far. The fact is that since 1957 we have supported the export of butter alone to the extent of £5,700,000 from the Exchequer. How far would £250,000 take us in meeting a single problem where supporting exports is concerned? I hear Senators and Deputies talk in what I describe as a childish way, possibly for political purposes, of the fact that the producer will be asked to contribute towards the sale of surplus produce arising from the increased production we hope will take place and the fact that the Advisory Committee actually recommended this levy for that particular purpose.

I do not say that everything committees recommend is sound and must always be accepted. The Advisory Committee, however, was constituted of people who, in the majority, would load the dice heavily in favour of the milk producer. Not only that but the body was constituted of people who would load the dice, and who did load the dice, heavily in favour of the composition of the sort of Board they would like to see because of their fundamental interest in the producer. It was because I knew that the Committee was so composed and had these things firmly before their minds that, in giving instructions for the framing of this Bill, the draftsman was told to keep as near as possible to the recommendations.

Can we have the reference?

The Senator can read the recommendations.

Give us the reference.

The Bill is before the Senator. They were instructed to keep as closely as possible to the recommendations; the recommendation that a levy would be struck——

That is not so.

——the recommendation that the Board would be constituted of nine. They were given instructions as to the manner in which these nine should be elected or appointed. In the Government White Paper the number was reduced to eight. Subsequently I met a deputation from the Creamery Managers' Association. That body complained that we had abandoned the recommendation that their organisation should be represented on the Board. They also complained that there was no representation for the fresh cream exporters. I decided then to increase the number and to revert to the number recommended by the Committee. The member is designated in this Bill as one who must be elected by the co-operative creameries of the whole country and one who has an interest in, and a knowledge of, cream. For some reason that I cannot understand efforts are being made to misrepresent and distort the position. In fact this is written into the Bill we are now discussing and the misrepresentation is something that, to put it mildly, baffles me.

Senator Quinlan referred to the fact that, while the Minister was taking power to nominate a representative of the administrative side of the Dairy Disposal Company he was depriving the Creamery Managers' Association of similar representation. There is absolutely no comparison between the two bodies, and well and truly the Senator knows that. The Senator can debate all right but the Senator's capacity in debate does not always satisfy me that he is himself convinced of the wisdom of some of the arguments he puts forward and some of the evidence he adduces in support of a proposition in which he pretends to have some interest.

Can we not debate it on the Committee Stage?

I am making my comments on what the Senator has said tonight. The creamery managers are members of the Creamery Managers' Association. That Association is a trade union. It is designed to look after its own interests. The members of it know that it is worth while having it for their own purposes. To compare it with the Dairy Disposal Company, which is a semi-State body, is absurd. They represent one-fourth of the milk suppliers; they handle about one-fourth of the milk supply in the country. They have no committees. The manager is completely responsible on the spot.

We have provided in this measure that the suppliers to all the creameries, including Cork University's two creameries, will elect by ballot one representative directly and, because of the special circumstances, I shall have the right to nominate one from the other side. I do not think anybody with a capacity to reason could, with any degree of sincerity, make a comparison legitimately between these two organisations. I can understand, as I said in the Dáil, how a body like the Creamery Managers' Association could have a recommendation in the report along the lines of the recommendation made by the Advisory Committee. I am sure the matter was not regarded by that Committee as a very important one.

They had reached agreement on a number of points. A request from the Creamery Managers' Association to have a representative on the Board would not be resisted very strenuously. I met the Creamery Managers' Association on the basis of friendship and respect, as men who were in many cases doing an excellent job. But I also met them on the basis of their being a trade union.

On a point of order——

Do not be so sensitive.

The Minister is mistaken. I made it quite clear——

That is not a point of order.

What the Minister said is not what I said.

I cannot understand why Senator Quinlan is so sensitive. I do not think a Senator who has been so monotonously disturbing should give such a display here coming on to 12 o'clock when I am trying to rattle a few barrels at Senators. As far as my dealings with the Creamery Managers' Association are concerned, I do not understand the reason for all this pressure. I believe what I said in the Dáil on this matter would be generally accepted, that is, that creamery managers, whether they be in charge of co-operative concerns or concerns owned by the Dairy Disposal Company, have a very big job of work to do. However, I would take a very poor view of any Board we set up if it came to be controlled or manned by a majority of creamery managers. I said in the Dáil it was quite possible—I did not say it was desirable—that that could happen. I still believe that. With all due respect to these gentlemen and their organisation, I believe that would not be a good thing for this industry or for this Marketing Board.

I have not spoken with any great enthusiasm about what this Board will do because I understand the difficulties. As I said in the Dáil, this industry struck me as the one for which a Board of this kind, set up for the purpose of having diversification and for marketing our export surplus, would be the best suited. I believe it could make a useful contribution and, if successful, could enable us to go to the milk producers and say to them with greater confidence: "If you want to help yourselves and the community, you will have to get down to business, take advantage of every encouragement the Government is giving you to fertilise your land, increase its output and increase the milk capacity of your cows. You will have to face the fact that, to enable you take advantage of these things, the taxpayer is being called upon to make a sizable contribution to the cost."

This board, if successful, will enable us to market any exportable surplus we have in the most favourable conditions. I disagree entirely with Senator Quinlan on this question of diversification. I do not want to have a will-o'-the-wisp policy as far as milk products are concerned. We badly need a new approach to this matter. As I said in my speech to the Dáil, the creamery managers knew from the Butter Marketing Committee the price they were going to get for butter and were thus enabled to say the price they would pay for milk. But if they took a chance and went in for cheese or milk powder, they might find that, when they embarked on the venture, there was a profitable price for cheese, but when the cheese matured, they might find it was not profitable. Therefore, they would have to withstand that loss.

It was because we in the Department appreciated that danger that we decided, ever before this Board was established, to include all other dairy products. I would have preferred to leave that decision to the Board, but I did not want to waste any more time. Senator Quinlan appears to be in some doubt about diversification, but other people have no doubts at all. If we could divert a substantial proportion of our milk into these other channels, I believe it would be profitable to do so. Even if we had to import butter for a time, I would still regard that as a wise policy.

I am very pleased indeed with recent developments in regard to the manufacture of milk powder and with the coming of this world-wide organisation to Mallow. Such world wide concerns establishing themselves here will be prepared for fluctuations in price and will be able to carry them. They will have a planned programme. They will know the price to be paid for milk and will be able to meet any future fluctuations in price. I welcome that development and I feel if further concerns of that kind were established here, we would be on the right road. When these big organisations come in, they do not desert us at the first difficulty encountered.

I could talk for a long time on this subject because it is a subject for which I have considerable enthusiasm myself. There never was a paper, be it white or black, that could alter my convictions in this matter. Sometimes I do not know when to stop. However, it is now coming up to midnight, and we shall have the Committee Stage on the 4th January when, I am sure, we shall go over all these matters again. I have often noticed in public life that politicians, be they Independent, which is a particular brand of politician I have never really understood, or be they anything else——

Alleged Independent.

Party politicians.

——always indulge in repetition. I will hear again the arguments in favour of the Creamery Managers' Association, and they will hear again the arguments I have to make against them. If the members of the Association had satisfied me that their case was good, there would have been no need for any special pleadings in this House from any quarter, because no matter what my friends say—be they official Fine Gael, or Independent something else—I know that, even though they would not admit it, they regard me as a very just man who will see that justice will be done, if I feel it lies on the side of the Creamery Managers' Association.

One of the four.

Sul a gcuirtear an Seanad ar ath-ló, ba mhaith liom beannachtaí na Nollag a ghuí do na Seanadóirí, don Aire agus d'oifigí an tSeanaid.

The Seanad adjourned at 11.55 p.m. until 3 p.m. on Wednesday, 4th January, 1961.

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