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Seanad Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 11 Jul 1962

Vol. 55 No. 8

Courts (Supplemental Provisions) (Amendment) Bill, 1962—Second Stage.

Question proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

The object of this Bill is to revise the salaries of members of the judiciary, so as to bring those salaries up to date in the light of increases which have taken place in recent years in the salaries of the more highly paid sectors of those remunerated from public funds. The new rates proposed are set out in Section 1 of the Bill, and represent increases of about 15 per cent. for Justices of the District Court and for ordinary Judges of the Circuit Court, and increases of approximately 12½ per cent. for High Court and Supreme Court Judges. In its examination of judicial remuneration the Government considered that in all the circumstances increases based on these percentages would form a suitable guide as to what the new salaries should be; Senators will, no doubt, observe that the new salaries which would be arrived at by an accurate percentage addition have been rounded, upwards in some cases and downwards in others.

The question of what would be proper remuneration for the various branches of the judiciary is one on which widely differing views are sometimes expressed. This Bill does not, however, involve any departure from the relative positions in our society in which the various branches of the judiciary have been placed. What we are seeking to do in this Bill is to ensure that the Judges and Justices will retain the relationship in which they were placed, as compared to other sectors of the community, by the Dáil Select Committee which examined judicial salaries, expense allowances and pensions in 1953. The unanimous findings of that Committee were approved by the Government and the new salaries recommended were brought into being by the Courts of Justice Act, 1953.

Following the 1953 report, judicial salaries were again reviewed by the Government in 1958 and 1959, with the result that the Courts of Justice Act, 1959, raised the 1953 rates by a flat 10 per cent. That increase was justified at the time to enable members of the judiciary to preserve a rough parity with other salaried persons with whom they had been equated in the matter of salary in 1953.

Similarly, the Government is now satisfied that movements in salary rates since the terms of the 1959 increases were decided upon now justify a further upward adjustment resulting in the new salary rates set out in the Bill now before the Seanad.

Due largely to the absence of any information as to movements in income in the professions or in commerce, the salaries of members of the judiciary have traditionally fallen to be related in a general way to those of the higher Civil Servants. In 1960 many of the grades in the higher Civil Service secured a modest increase based on increases granted some years earlier to the lower grades in the Civil Service. In addition all members of the higher Civil Service have got the "eighth round" increase of 12½ per cent. with effect from 1st November, 1961. Against this background I am satisfied that the increases proposed for the judiciary in the present Bill are fully justified. The annual cost of the present measure is £21,000. To put the matter in perspective, I may mention that in his speech on the Vote on Account in March last, the Minister for Finance estimated that the cost of the "eighth round" increases in the public services as a whole is about £5¼ million.

I have mentioned that in the case of the higher Civil Service the 1st November, 1961 was adopted as the effective date for the "eighth round" increase. For that reason, the 1st November is the effective date proposed in the present Bill. Considerations of fair play indicate that this date is reasonable. I do not think that the members of the judiciary should be placed at a disadvantage in this matter solely because of the system under which a separate Bill, with its inherent delays, has to be prepared and enacted on each occasion when it is proposed to increase judicial remuneration.

Every reasonable person will agree that wage and salary earners are entitled to receive a good and proper recompense for their services. It would be a very bad thing, indeed, if the Government of any country took legislative measures to tie that recompense to what would result in a low standard of living. We would have discontented workers and, as a result, production would decline and our economy suffer.

Within the category of workers we have all sorts of people ranging from our judges to our agricultural workers. There are not so many of the former and there are many, but not enough, of the latter. All, however, are entitled to fair treatment in the matter of remuneration. I am afraid, however, they all do not get such treatment.

Whenever a worker feels he is slipping back into a position where he cannot meet his reasonable obligations because of rising costs or other circumstances, he becomes uneasy and contacts his trade union which in turn contacts the employer and, perhaps, the case eventually reaches the Labour Court where the employer explains the state of his coffers and the workers' representatives are examined to the point of exhibiting the kitchen cupboards. There is much talk of increased production if increases are to be given. There is then bargaining for increases of pence and sometimes shillings per hour or per week.

The Labour Court, however, somewhat equalises the situation between employer and employee but under the Bill we are now asked to pass, there is no indication that the members of the judiciary have been compelled, through the smallness of their stipends, to apply to their trade union to put their case before any court in order to show their difficulties in maintaining a reasonable standard of living. Yet in the Bill before us we are presenting some of these privileged workers with colossal increases in their salaries without their having to submit to the indignity of having their affairs examined in public and reported and commented on in the daily papers. What is overlooked too often is the fact that a very great number of ordinary workers will have no pensions from their work. Some may qualify for the £2 contributory OAP—but our judges will, in due course, have substantial pensions.

In regard to those to whom this Bill applies, the increases are not pence nor shillings but represent in some cases more than many of our hard working national-revenue producing citizens can hope to earn in any year of hard endeavour. There is also the fact that very generous expenses are payable to the judges.

I should like to ask the Minister, through the Chair, have these lawmen submitted to him a case which leads him to the belief that there is a definite need for the increases mentioned in the Bill before us and if so, how acute has he found the distress of their situation?

If I take the post of Chief Justice, whoever may occupy it, could the holder be living in straitened circumstances on a salary of £5,335 which he has at the moment or, indeed, could he have really been in a really precarious position if his salary had remained at what it was in 1953, namely £4,850 per year? Perhaps, this post carries an abnormal amount of responsibility but, as has already been asked, does it carry more than, or, indeed, as much responsibility as the post of An Taoiseach who, in the light of some of the salaries mentioned in the Bill, is a sweated worker and should consider joining whatever trade union would be appropriate to his exalted office?

I have heard and read statements to the effect that there is a difficulty in getting skilled law personnel to accept these posts even with the overhigh salaries and expenses, because of the fact that their earnings in the courts as barristers, counsel, et cetera, are so high that even at the enormous salary figures offered, they climb to the Bench only at a considerable loss of earnings. Is it not obvious, if this is so, that law costs are too high and should be reviewed?

I hope the Minister, when he comes to renovate our Courts of law, will give very careful attention to this aspect of the cost of the machinery of the law. It is, of course, well known that many ordinary citizens put up with grave injustices and live in hardship simply because they fear to seek justice for no other reason than that the cost of obtaining justice is too high. How true is the Chinese proverb —"He who goes to law gives away his cow for a cat."

We have also heard on occasion the spurious argument that the judiciary must be well paid in order to preserve their integrity and to remove them from the temptation of bribery or other unseemly practices. I think if this point is even considered in fixing their salaries it is an affront to the judiciary. If a man is not honest and trustworthy in himself, no salary, however high, will make him so. Most workers hold confidential information in their occupations, clerks, book-keepers, nurses, doctors, accountants, even the humblest domestic worker and I never heard any trade union put forward the case that such workers must be paid high salaries lest they divulge things learned in the course of their employment or act in a manner detrimental to the interest of their employers for monetary or other reward.

It is also said that the work of judges and their colleagues is trying and difficult and that they have to deal with the lives and liberties of persons charged with serious offences. That is true, but ordinary citizens are called upon to act in the same manner when they are summoned as jurors and are faced with the problem of making decisions which are distressing and distasteful in the extreme. Unlike those trained for the law, they have no special training to prepare them for such work—which they do without fee or reward, indeed, often at considerable loss.

I cannot understand what unbalance has struck the Government in this matter of the payment of the judiciary where sums like £6,000 and £4,500 per year are considered necessary to maintain life with Christian dignity and are handed out to a selected favoured few, together with a bonus of accumulated arrears and an assured, generous pension on retirement, while our aged citizens are precluded from receiving anything in the way of non-contributory pensions if their incomes exceed the preposterously low figure of £104 15s. per year, which sum falls far short of the weekly sum this Bill proposes to donate in at least one case.

It is my view that we are seriously reducing the value of our judiciary by paying them salaries so much in excess of the average salaries paid in this country, not to the ordinary worker, but to highly educated, highly trained skilled persons with high academic qualifications. We are removing our higher judges from an ability to appreciate the realities of life. How can one human being appreciate the temptations and difficulties that might face a fellow human being struggling to bring up a family on a wage representing 1/- or less for each £1 paid to his judge?

The whole atmosphere of this Bill is one of building up a new aristocracy in a country where we were glad enough to be rid of such ornaments. How can there be peace in industry and to quote various Ministers and employers "restraint in seeking wage increases" when the money is handed out in such a manner to a favoured few? At this point I would like to make it clear that the policy of paying good salaries is a good one and in the case of some of the judges the demands are not unreasonable.

The courts which have to work hardest are the district courts and while the salaries of district court justices are not low when compared with those of many other essential workers I would be prepared to agree to the scale in the Bill so far as it applies to the grade of President of the district court down to the ordinary justices. In the other cases, however, I can see no justification whatever for setting up this new aristocracy. I wonder just how many of them would have reached the salary and pension standard now proposed for them by grace and favour if they had remained in business on their own account?

I cannot but remember that the Minister for Finance speaking in this House on the Central Fund Bill said at column 330, of Volume 55, of the Official Report that he had remembered the social welfare group in four out of the five Budgets he had brought in, adding—

The amounts to the Senator's mind were small each time but I think it is better to do that, to give what we can afford each time rather than wait until next year or two years' time when we might be able to give them more.

I felt sure, listening to the Minister for Finance, that he had the greatest difficulty finding the small increase for this group and when the Budget came I felt that was the reason they had to wait until August to get their few pennies. But the judges, I note, will have their big accumulations to lift retrospectively from the 1st November, 1961. Where did the Minister for Finance locate the money the Minister for Justice has now available to distribute to this non-needy section? Senator McGuire at column 182, Volume 55 of the Official Report, said:

I am all for giving a man higher wages for doing more work and giving bigger and better wages for more efficient working but, in the present state of our economy, when we are about to face competition in the open market of the EEC, our workers and many of our people generally want to work less and get more money. It really is beyond my comprehension how any sensible thinking person can justify that proposition.

Statements such as that can be read in regard to workers at a time when wages were 10/- a week and the hours were from dawn until dark, but still the economy has not collapsed and our workers are no different from those of other countries. All are striving for a better standard of living.

I am of the opinion that we should aim at reducing the work, and if possible the number, of our judges. It is well known that much of their work arises from crimes that should never happen, or at least happen much less frequently, if all workers were paid sufficient wages and had shorter hours of work to enable them to bring up their families in decent homes where, as parents, they would be able to supervise their children's work and play and have ample means to educate and guide them to appreciate the dignity and joy of a cultured, useful life.

I should also like to remind the Minister of the dangers of paying over-generous sums to a privileged section of the community when so many have so little. In this regard I can do no better than refer to the fact that our late Holy Father, Pope Pius XII, spoke of "provocative luxury which insults the sufferings of the poor." I do not know why the Minister is so anxious to pay such high increases to the judges and I would be curious to know if there have been cases of real distress among them.

Being an advocate for the payment of good wages to all workers—not just higher wages for the highest paid—I would say that this Bill reminds me of the farmer who prayed for rain and was rewarded with weeks of torrential downpour. After waiting patiently for an easing of the deluge, he at last fell on his knees and again prayed fervently in these words: "Please, Lord, do not be ridiculous." At this stage, unfortunately, very little can be done in the matter of these proposed payments but I would ask the Minister to look at the wages structure and content of our community and, more or less in the words of the farmer, say to him, with great respect: "Please, Mr. Minister, do not be ridiculous."

Of all the exhortations that I can envisage being addressed to either the Minister for Justice or any other person who can increase salaries I cannot for one moment envisage either the judiciary or any other section of the community exhorting somebody to stop the payment of increased salaries on the basis of it being ridiculous. This is a distasteful measure in many ways. In my view it is an unnecessary measure at this time having regard to the fact that quite recently a similar measure was before the Dáil and Seanad and was passed into law. I am not really concerned about the amounts that are being paid. I do not subscribe to the view which has been expressed elsewhere—but, in fairness, has not been expressed by the Minister in this House—that it is necessary to put a price on integrity, to put a ceiling level. I am speaking from a considerable number of years' experience of our judiciary at all levels from the district court to the Supreme Court and I am satisfied that the appointees to the Bench, under whatever dispensation so appointed, do not regulate the exercise of their integrity by the amount of remuneration which they receive.

I find two aspects of this measure disturbing. One I suppose is something about which some action will have to be taken at some future date and the sooner the better. That is to take the whole question of the remuneration of the judiciary out of the maelstrom of what could very well be muddy politics and judges' remuneration and, indeed, appointments, could be regulated in some other way. The second aspect of the Bill which I find rather difficult to understand is that the Courts (Establishment) Act, which this measure purports to amend, became law on the 16th August, 1961, and in Section 46, which this Bill proposes to amend, there were then written in the salaries of all members of the judiciary, from the Chief Justice, to the rural district justices. That was on the 16th August, 1962, and now looking at the Bill before the Seanad I see it was ordered by Dáil Éireann to be printed on 22nd February, 1962. It was reasonable to think that this amendment was given consideration, first at departmental level, and secondly at Government level for what I dare suggest was some considerable time prior to its introduction.

Why, therefore, was this not done at the time of the principal Act which became law on 16th August, 1961? Of course, the retrospective proposals in this Bill make the matter more suspicious still, because it is made retrospective to 1st November, 1961. What happened at economic levels, at cost of living levels, or at any other level, that might be considered in relation to judicial salaries between 16th August, or a short time before when the principal Act became law, and the 1st November, of the same year——

The Chief Justice retired.

——to warrant these substantial changes? I should like something more specific than the reason the Minister gave on Second Reading for the substantial change in an equally unsubstantial length of time from August, 1961, to November, 1961. If it is necessary to make them retrospective to November of last year that certainly should have been in the minds of our legislators in July or August of the same year.

Allegations have been made that this has been done for the purpose of giving to the select few the advantage of the new salaries. I do not know whether or not that is true but I would be much happier to hear the Minister categorically deny it rather than that the country should go on believing that legislation is brought about in this way for the benefit of the few. I have my own personal view on the matter and I would be prepared to accept a categorical denial from the Minister straightaway on that point, to ease the public mind.

Opposition Parties in Dáil Éireann, and I suppose here, will be accused of casting aspersions on the judiciary and bringing their persons and their offices into disrepute by prolonged and searching discussion or examination of the proposal we are now considering. In my own personal view, if I were not satisfied as to the integrity of our judiciary and if I felt I would be visited with some sort of punishment at some time, I do not think that being as human as the rest, I would dare come in here and criticise this measure at all. My criticism such as it is—and it is not very strong from the point of view of the amount of money involved —emanated primarily from the fact that I have absolute and unbounded faith in the integrity of the judiciary, without giving them this increase.

It is the Government who, by bringing before the legislature so often—in 1959, again mentioned in the Courts (Supplemental Provisions) Bill, 1961, and amended again in 1962—are subjecting the judges to any likely attack. Curiously enough, the only attack I can see in reading the debates in the Dáil has come from a member of the Government Party, where a particular judge was criticised because of an alleged tendency to accept the views submitted to him by a certain member of the Irish Bar. I know both of the people referred to by the Deputy in question, and I would hasten to deny that there is any scintilla of truth in such an allegation.

The Government cannot feel happy about this measure. Indeed, I suspect that they have good reason to believe that the wind of popular opinion is blowing rather chilly against them because when such a doughty warrior as the Tánaiste is sent to the country to defend the judiciary or anyone else it means that it is necessary to defend someone. When he repairs to Templemore in particular to achieve the miracle of stemming the tide of popular adverse opinion against the Government. I hasten to affirm that achieving a miracle in that town is as big a fake as was ever attempted.

The judiciary of this country under any dispensation do not require an apologia from the Tánaiste or anyone else. They do their work and do it well. At times they may be constrained to act somewhat differently when circumstances, shall we say, are embarrassing——

It happened recently.

——but that is no reflection upon the judiciary. It is a reflection upon the interfering hand from without which seeks to impose upon them a practice alien to their integrity and to the oath they took to administer the law.

At 5 in the evening.

Those are the kind of things that tend to bring our laws and administration of them into disrepute, not the giving of extra money. I do not think for one minute that these increases are necessary for the reasons given by the Minister or by anyone supporting them. If they were necessary, and are necessary now, surely it was obvious that they were necessary as late as August of last year, in view of the retrospective nature of the demands now made upon the legislature by this Bill?

The whole matter is suspect. I deprecate the frequency with which Bills of this kind are brought before the Dáil and Seanad. I deprecate the system whereby the judiciary can be subjected to attacks and be compared with other people in other walks of life. I am sorry I have to disagree with Senator Miss Davidson's analogy with the Labour Court. I know she means it by way of comparison, but you cannot have people in the position of judges going before a body, even a body like the Labour Court to plead their case in relation to a rising cost of living. They are men of power, men of prestige, men of integrity, and vitally men of necessary independence, and that is the position in which they should be maintained.

I do not see why this distasteful measure should not be taken away from the forum of public criticism or even private criticism. That should be done, and done soon. I believe our judges should be adequately paid and, indeed, I would go so far as to say that the figures mentioned in this Bill are not far out of the way. But there is a time and a place for everything. What I object to is the manner in which it is being done and the frightfully distasteful results that you can have from organised discussion of these matters in public.

With regard to a suggestion that the district justices work harder than the others and that possibly the increases to them might well be justified, I may say I do not accept that view. There is a common belief, indeed it has been suggested by people who ought to know better, that their work begins at 11 a.m. and finishes at 4 p.m. with an hour's break for lunch. I can assure the House—I do not think it requires any great assurance because there are people on both sides of this House with the same experience as I have had—that a judge's work might run into 12 or 14 hours a day when it comes to dealing with important heavy cases where there is a considerable amount of reading and research to be done and an examination of arguments put forward on behalf of both sides. The actual appearance of a judge on the Bench and the fact that he presides there from 11 a.m. to 1 p.m. and from 2 p.m. to 4 p.m. is but a very small part of the work that is done. I do not think that any distinction can be made with regard to work.

District justices may sit longer but the work is lighter. It consists of ordinary, everyday occurrences with the exception, possibly, of the taking of depositions which, fortunately, is not frequent in this country and not in great demand owing to the relatively small amount of crime we have. The circuit court judge has somewhat heavier work to do. In the High Court the work is considerable, as well as in the Supreme Court. I do not think there is reason for any distinction by way of work or the strain that work causes. I think that the whole objection to this Bill is based upon the fact that it has been brought in at a peculiar time having regard to the principal Act; that it introduces the opportunity of bringing the judiciary not into disrepute but into ill-informed controversy, which is as bad. For these reasons, I would be opposed to this Bill.

If Senator Lindsay is to be taken to mean that he is opposed to Parliament—the Dáil and the Seanad—being responsible for fixing the salaries of the judiciary, then I am certainly very much against him. It is reserved to the Oireachtas to deal with the salaries of the judiciary. It is part of our constitutional structure that the Executive, the legislature, and the judiciary should be each independent of the other and, in particular, that the judiciary should be independent of the Executive.

We have the power to ensure that the judiciary are properly paid. It is a power which we should have. It is a power which we should be very jealous of. I certainly would not approve of any measure or any alteration in the present procedure which would deprive us of that privilege. Because we have the power to deal with this situation, we should treat it in a responsible manner and not give in to the temptation—as I am afraid some members of the Dáil have done and possibly some members of the Seanad might be in danger of doing—to make political capital out of this Bill.

You taught us to do it.

It obviously fits.

It must be emphasised again, even though it has already been stated on a number of occasions, that this Bill does not propose to change the pattern of judicial salaries. The pattern, the proportion of these salaries, their relevance to other salaries, those of higher civil servants, and so on, have been fixed for many years past. It is not proposed to change these in any way. It is proposed merely to bring these salaries into balance with the increases which have been given, all along the line, to every member of the public service and also to wage-earners of every kind.

What about the statement that no man was worth more than £1,000 a year?

There is no reason why judges should be singled out for unfavourable treatment in this regard. If it was right for them to be paid the salaries they were paid five years' ago, ten years' ago, 15 years' ago, then there is no reason to argue that they are not entitled to the salaries which are proposed in this Bill.

It is very easy to contrast the increases which are proposed in this Bill with the payments which are made to old age pensioners and generally with social welfare payments. It is easy to make these comparisons although the comparison has no validity whatever. It must be remembered that the social welfare payments run into many millions of pounds. They are based on the very maximum that the country can afford. They cost so much that even the smallest increase means an increase of millions of pounds.

To say that the Government made the excuse recently that they are not able to pay any more in social welfare benefits but on the other hand are able to pay these increased salaries to judges does not make any sense whatever. As the House is aware, the amount which it is proposed to give to the judges would not go one-tenth part of the way to giving a farthing increase to the old age pensioners. That is not taking into account the fact that probably something approaching half of what will be paid to the judiciary will come back in income tax. It will not even be paid to them. It will be deducted in income tax. Therefore, the comparison is not valid between increases of this kind and payment of social welfare benefits of one kind or another.

We are dealing with salaries in this case. The salaries of many other sections of the community—public servants, the Army, the police, civil servants, and so on, all compare very favourably with social welfare payments.

Like a herring to sole on the bone.

I did not hear any member of the Oireachtas, when increases in salaries were recently given, objecting to these increases on the basis that the salary exceeded the benefits received by the old age pensioners and so on. There was no reason to make that comparison and there is equally no reason to make that comparison when we are dealing with the members of the judiciary. We have in this country a judiciary of which we can well be proud. When I say that, I do not say that they are all men of genius—not by any means. Many of them have not got the qualities which would entitle them to go down in history as outstanding lawyers or outstanding judges. All of them have human failings and some of them leave a lot to be desired in, for instance, their treatment of members of the public and even members of the legal profession, but in my experience they are all men of integrity, who do their duty without fear or favour in accordance with the oath which they have taken to the Constitution and administer justice to the best of their ability.

The former President Truman of America, when he was asked one time what quality he admired most in a man, answered that he should do his damnedest, whether that was good, bad or indifferent. The judges in this country, whatever their failings may be, live up to that standard set by President Truman.

I think we take it for granted that the judiciary should be people of integrity. I think, perhaps, we take it too much for granted because there are many other countries in which the very opposite is the case, where, far from taking the integrity of the judge for granted, it is taken for granted that his integrity is very much in doubt and that he is probably a corrupt person who will be amenable to fear or favour.

Is anybody doubting their integrity?

No, perhaps not, but perhaps they are; but it is something that we should be very glad to have and something which we should take into consideration when dealing with this question.

(Interruptions.)

Even though it has not been called in question in this House, it is something we should think about and it is something we should take into consideration in dealing with this question. In my view, no price is too high to pay for the contribution which we get from the judiciary, in the sense that they do hold the balance between the Executive and the man in the street and between one citizen and another. They do hold the whole public morality in their hands. It is something for which, as I say, no price is too high to pay. Consequently, although the salaries proposed may be high—the increases in this Bill may give high salaries and undoubtedly they are high salaries—I believe that the country certainly gets good value for the money which it pays in this way.

I am rather surprised at the case put up, and even the case put up by the Minister, as to why these increases should be granted. Much has been said about the importance of paying a salary to the judges, the Chief Justice, the President of the High Court, the judges of the Supreme Court, the importance of paying a sufficient salary because of the importance of the position and so that there will be no doubt about the integrity of each individual judge. I do not think that is a fair way to put it or even as put by the Minister.

Who said that?

That has been conveyed, that the salaries should be such that there could be no doubt about the integrity of the judges.

The Tánaiste said it in Templeogue.

Perhaps I am reading the reports wrongly but I would go so far as to say that was inferred.

Never—it was not. It was never inferred by me.

And by Deputy Lemass in 1959 who stated it in the Dáil.

I am not dealing with 1959. Some Senators conveyed that that is important—no price is too high to pay. What does that convey— that no price is too high? There is some reason for that. I am submitting that it is unfair even to suspect that the judges would not perform their duties impartially and fairly. I have the greatest regard for the way they have performed their duties and the trouble they have gone to to try to be fair in interpreting the law as they found it. That is why I made my comments. I want to assure the Minister that I did not mean anything else.

We must give the Chief Justice an increase of £665 and bring him from £5,335 to £6,000 and so on down along the line. The figure of £350 is the figure for the judges. It has been contended by the Party which I represent here that in so far as the district justices are concerned, a good case can be made for an increase to them because of the salaries they have which do not appear to be high and for examining their case on that basis.

Let me quote what the Minister said on 30th May in the Dáil. As reported at column 1778, of the Dáil Official Reports of this year, he said:

The Government of which I am a member do their best within their resources to look after the social welfare classes but that is a completely separate issue which should be discussed on its merits at the appropriate time. In this House, individual Deputies can discuss and decide whether or not the provision which has been made for the social welfare classes is adequate, having regard to all the circumstances. That is a separate matter and we are dealing here with an entirely different situation.

But how can we separate the social welfare classes from any other class when dealing with the finances of the State? We are expected to be impartial in our judgment and in our decisions. How do we cater for the social welfare classes, who recently got an increase of 2/6d., and some of whom live on 30/- or £2, or, in the case of a widow, on 32/6d.? Can we really separate them when we are granting increases?

It was pointed out that if you divided what is being given to the judges, the old age pensioners would get a farthing, but that is not the point. It is probably true, in so far as the numbers involved are concerned, but it is not a fair way to deal with it. Because of that we are entitled to be critical. I agree that we should have a different type of machinery to deal with the case of judges, or any other citizen for that matter, rather than have the Oireachtas deal with them because here they have no voice. It could be contended that if somebody's income is being discussed he should have a voice in the matter. The case could be made for the judges or any other citizen that they should have a say when their remuneration is being discussed.

That is not so in this case and it is something with which we cannot deal at the moment. I do not know if the Minister has ever thought about this. The Minister might have a look at the rates of pay and compare the difference between the £6,000 at the top and the £2,250 paid to district justices. There is an enormous difference but they are both administering the law as they find it. The same people administer the law to the same type of citizens, whether they find themselves before the Supreme Court, the High Court or the district court, and the same responsibility rests on the judge or district justice deciding the issue. Because of the difference the Minister should re-examine the matter.

I find myself wholeheartedly in favour of this Bill because I feel that thereby I express the views of persons in the community who are least able to defend themselves—the poor men, the individual who may find himself in trouble with his trade union, or if he belongs to a professional body in trouble with his professional body, because of an endeavour to use the big stick on him, the individual who finds himself in trouble with the Government or the State. It is to our judiciary that we look for the protection of our rights as human citizens and for the maintenance of our dignity as human beings. They are one of the three governing bodies of the State. You have the Executive, the legislature and the judiciary. The judiciary in themselves perform some of the functions of all three. By judge-made law they have to feel the pulse of the nation; they have to adjust the judge-made law to meet the ever-changing society and social circumstances. Statutory law in itself is only one branch of the law which governs a community. Decided cases over the centuries make new law. Decided cases every day of the week in the Supreme Court make new law. The amount which they are to be paid, or which they should be paid, depends upon a number of factors. First of all when the Government come to advise the President on who to appoint if there is a vacancy on the Bench, the remuneration must be such that the Government can pick and choose and select the man best qualified to undertake such a serious appointment.

That does not happen.

The Senator should make his own speech.

They are picked from men who are from the Minister's own Party.

It was stated in the Dáil, as Senator L'Estrange has now said, that that does not happen. That was stated in the Dáil by persons in the Opposition who were members of former Cabinets. The selection of a judge, whose appointment is to be recommended to the President, is made at a Cabinet meeting. Nobody knows what takes place at that meeting except the members of the Cabinet who are present. It was said in the Dáil that judges are invariably appointed for political purposes. I express no view one way or the other, but I do say that if that has been the method of selection of judges, if such a gross breach of ethics has taken place in the past, there is no reason why for the future that state of affairs should be allowed continue.

Hear, hear.

Such hypocrites.

We are glad to hear that.

(Interruptions.)

I am afraid the Senator missed the point.

We did not.

I am glad to hear that. Otherwise I would deal with it further.

The Senator said it so poetically that he will invite another stanza from this side of the House. I suggest he should leave it there.

I am prepared to.

(Interruptions.)

I am prepared to leave it aside. Senator L'Estrange interrupted me and I was dealing with his interruption. If, as has been pointed out, Senator L'Estrange is talking in disagreement with the Party to which he belongs that is all right. We can leave it so.

Actually he was not. Leave it alone.

(Interruptions.)

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

The Minister, Senator L'Estrange and Senator Carton should allow Senator Nash to proceed without interruption.

May I request that Senator L'Estrange behave with the ordinary fundamental courtesy which one expects to receive from a member of a deliberative assembly?

I do not want a lecture from the Senator anyway.

The moon is high. I am afraid Senator L'Estrange is interrupting and will have to be admonished.

The Senator had to be admonished by "Dev" in 1929 and 1931.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

Senator L'Estrange must refrain from interrupting.

As I was saying before these various interruptions by Senator L'Estrange, the basis upon which you will remunerate a person depends first, as I said, on the fact that the Minister should be in a position to select those people who are best fitted to fill such high appointments. That does not necessarily mean they should be the best advocates. It includes very much more than that. They must be men skilled in jurisprudence and the science of the law, as well as the science of advocacy, men who are inherently courteous, patient and painstaking, men who have a thorough knowledge of the various legal cases decided over the past 50 or 80 years. They must be men unselfish in their outlook and prepared, when their day's work is finished in court, to study their cases carefully and painstakingly.

Those are the first factors that must be borne in mind. The next factor that must be taken into account when you are remunerating persons holding such high office is the regard in which you yourself personally hold that office. In all walks of life, whether business or otherwise—as they say in business you pay for the job, not the man—you must decide on the importance of the position to be filled. You, therefore, decide on what is equitable and reasonable to pay for that position and then you try to get a suitable man to fill it.

If I may refer to the speech made by Senator Lindsay, he referred to the fact that it is most unfortunate that a matter of this nature has to come before the Houses of the Oireachtas. I should like, however, to point out that under Article 36—speaking from memory I think that is correct—of the Constitution there is no other way in which it can be done. Whether it is desirable or undesirable that it must come before the Oireachtas instead of before any other body, that has been the decision of the people of Ireland as set out in the Constitution. It must be fixed according to law.

Senator Miss Davidson apparently contends that no man should have his salary increased unless there is occasion to look into his kitchen cupboard. I do not think that type of argument should be introduced in a discussion of this nature.

I do not think that is correct. Senator Miss Davidson did not say that. What she said was that those who go before the Labour Court have their cupboard looked into.

If I misinterpreted the Senator I apologise. Our Constitution which, after all, protects the independence of every citizen in the State, makes certain safeguards so far as the judiciary are concerned. We in the Houses of the Oireachtas have, so to speak, merely a limited jurisdiction. Our jurisdiction is limited by the Constitution decided upon by the people of Ireland, beginning with the words: "We, the people of Ireland", stating the wishes of the Irish nation and passed by popular vote.

The Constitution provides that the salary of the judiciary shall not be reduced during their period of office, but there is a substantial difference between a real salary and a nominal salary. The real salary of a person may be a certain amount, and the nominal salary of a person may be considerably more. It depends on whether or not the value of money depreciates. I respectfully submit it is the duty of the Oireachtas to endeavour to carry out the wishes of the people as set out in the Constitution.

The salaries of all other sections of the community and of other persons in the employment of the State have been very considerably increased so as to bring their nominal salaries and real salaries to some extent into line. In actual fact the real salaries of the judiciary have been substantially reduced. I personally know a number of the members of the judiciary. I know at least three brilliant men on the district court bench who were first appointed in the year 1924 and their salaries were then fixed at £1,000 per annum.

Since then the real value of money has depreciated by one-third. Those men at the moment receive £1,900 per annum, so their real salaries have been reduced by something over 33-?rd per cent. Even if this increase were granted to them and they got an increase to £2,250, their real salaries would still be reduced by about 25 per cent. It may be said that we are a deliberative assembly and we will keep to the letter of the Constitution and avoid its spirit, but I do not think that is a very good example to the general public.

Our judiciary consists altogether of five supreme court judges, seven high court judges, ten members of the circuit court and 41 members of the district court. The total amount included in this increase is £21,000. It is proposed to increase the salary of a district justice from £1,900 to £2,250, that is, an increase of £350 each. The first thing you have to consider is, do you in your heart of hearts really believe that £2,250 is an excessive figure for a district justice.

Compare it with anything you like. Compare it with the salaries of, say, State solicitors, county registrars, county secretaries, county managers, county surveyors. The salary of £2,250 is considerably less, proportionately, than should really be paid to a man in that position. Compare it with your own salaries for a part-time occupation. Consider the amount of time since this House sat last November up to the present. Consider the number of hours we or any one of us gave to our duties as Senators. Can we seriously say, in conscience, that a district justice, who has been working from last November up to now, working five days a week, should not be paid at least three times the salary which any of us receives as a member of this House? Take forty-one district justices or, in round figures, forty, at this increase of £350 each. It makes a total of £14,000, out of this sum of £21,000 that is in question. That leaves a balance of £7,000.

Now you come to your circuit court judges. I may say that our circuit court judges here are paid very much less than men with similar responsibility even in other parts of this country. Their salaries compare very unfavourably with those of the county court judges in Northern Ireland, having regard to their increased jurisdiction.

In the year 1924, judges' salaries were fixed, when the State was first formed, following the meeting of a select committee. A committee was formed of all sections of the House. They considered the type of man they required for each section of the judiciary. When it came to circuit court judges they considered that the type of man who would be required as a circuit court judge in this country would be a man who, in intelligence and in earning capacity, would about correspond with the top grade or top rank in the civil service. At that time, the top rank in the Civil Service was paid £1,700, which consisted of £1,500 salary and £200 cost-of-living bonus. The Dáil and the Legislature at the time unanimously agreed that that was a fair basis for the salary of a circuit court judge and that it would be fair and reasonable remuneration for him.

There was discussion at the time as to whether the circuit court judges' salaries should be fixed at the £1,500 plus £200 level or whether they would take £1,700 flat. But, as the salary of a circuit court judge cannot be reduced during his term of office, and as the figure of £200 might vary with the cost of living—it might go down: there is no reason to believe that the cost of living will always go up—the figure of £1,700 was agreed to.

A select committee again sat in 1953. They had twelve meetings. They considered the same problems. They envisaged those problems, having regard to the common good. The select committee, again in 1953, came to the same conclusion. They approximated, in 1953, the salaries of the circuit court judges to the salaries of the men in the top rank of the civil service and it was on that level that the increases were based.

Since 1959, three increases have been given, based again on the cost of living to the top ranks in the civil service. I do not say the top ranks in the civil service are overpaid. I want to be clear on that. If anything, I should say they are underpaid, having regard to their responsibilities. When the Minister brings in this Bill, he is merely endeavouring, in so far as he can, to enable the salaries, say, of circuit court judges to follow the same principles as were set out in 1924 and, again, in 1953. I feel that the Minister would be playing false to the people of the country, who have set out their views in the Constitution, and I believe he would be playing false to the judiciary if a Bill such as this were not introduced.

We now come to the salaries of the High Court judges. Again, if anything, even with this increase that is now being granted to them, our High Court judges are underpaid. It is all very well to say in a cynical kind of way that £4,000 a year is too high a salary to pay to anybody. Most people whom I have ever heard saying that any particular salary is too high for anybody to earn said it only when they had given up all hope of ever making it themselves. Away back in 1924, the salaries of our High Court judges were fixed at a figure of £2,500 a year, if my memory is correct. Now they get £4,000 a year, despite the depreciation in the value of money.

This is one of the few countries in Western Europe—in fact, this is one of the few civilised countries in the world—where the judges of the High Court must provide even their own secretarial assistance out of their own pockets. First of all, they must provide their own law library. Those of us who keep even a modest law library know what that costs. To keep the law library up to date they must not only have their own sets of reports and decisions but they must have the sets of reports and decisions of all similar legal jurisprudence. That will cost at the very minimum I should say £150 to £200 a year. In addition, they must also provide their own secretarial assistance. They are not provided with a typist or a secretary of any kind. I should imagine that it must take 15 to 20 per cent. of their salaries to meet those particular expenses. Yet, we are told that £3,500 a year is enough for them and that an increase to £4,000 for a High Court judge is excessive.

In all seriousness, Senators know as well as I know that there is not a single small town in this country with a population of 2,000 or 3,000 people where there is not at least one person, if not two persons, making that amount. Still, do we say in all seriousness that that is too high a salary to pay a judge of our High Court, a man upon whom we depend, a man upon whom the poor citizen depends who has no influence of any kind for protection against all sections of the community, protection against the Government, protection against the Houses of the Legislature, protection against all organisations? We say it is too high? On what basis do we say it is too high? We say it is too high because the old age pensioners have got an increase of only 2/6 a week. Now, surely the House will agree in all seriousness that that is dragging a red herring across the entire argument?

There are 160,000 old age pensioners in this country. An increase of 2/6 a week, which they have got, seems to me to work out in simple arithmetic at £20,000 a week, that is, £1,000,000 per annum. Assuming you agree about the district justices and the circuit court judges—I do not know whether or not you do—it seems to me that there is no other alternative if we approach the matter objectively. The whole amount in dispute in this case would not give a farthing increase to the old age pensioners.

There is one man in this country who is a very well-known figure and for whose special philosophy I have a very great respect. He is Mr. Fintan Kennedy, the Secretary of the Irish Transport and General Workers' Union.

Business suspended at 6 p.m. and resumed at 7.15 p.m.

I had been saying, when business was suspended, that there was one man for whose social philosophy I have a very great admiration: Mr. Fintan Kennedy, secretary of the Irish Transport and General Workers' Union. For that reason I invariably not only read but reread and study his speeches and I notice that in one speech recently he said:

"We possess all the qualifications, requirements and means except one essential for progress and prosperity. The exception is, of course, the lack of co-operation not only between management and labour, but between every possible combination of interests relating to the economic, industrial, social and political structure of our society. Much of this lack of co-operation springs from fear, intimidation, apathy and selfishness, but most of it is based on sheer ignorance and failure to appreciate Christian principles. The failure to work together and live together in harmony is typical of our people in every phase of activity".

I do not think that there is any member of this House who would disagree with that philosophy and for that reason I deprecate the contrast which has been made in the discussion of this Bill between what the old age pensioner gets and what is paid to the judiciary.

No person who has a proper outlook on life can be indifferent to the fate and circumstance of those who have least of this world's goods and who, perhaps, are old and ill. It is undoubtedly the bounden duty of the State to do all that is possible for them. If it were a matter of being able to give an increase to the old age pensioners, to the poor or to the needy, out of the increases which might be given to those thought to have more than an adequate amount, then by all means it would be the duty of this House to refuse to pass this Bill, but the amount involved in this Bill has nothing whatsoever to do with whether old age pensioners get increases or with whether the poor and the needy get increases. It follows the principle enunciated and carried out by the Oireachtas in the recent past that all public servants should get certain increases based on a certain percentage. That increase was given to every section of the public service, the Army, guards, teachers and the civil service from top to bottom. Is there any reason why the judiciary should be the ones left out? Is there any logical reason why they and they alone should be left out of these increases?

Even in the course of this discussion we have heard many praises of the judiciary. Do we express our appreciation and gratitude by saying: "You and you alone will not get increases although the Oireachtas has spent five and a quarter million pounds on increasing the salaries of other people?" It must be admitted, too, that all those other people are not on the border line of poverty. Surely that would be showing very little gratitude; surely it would be knowing the cost of everything and the value of nothing; Surely it would be very poor appreciation on our part of the efforts of our judges who, as I think it will be admitted, since the formation of our State, did everything possible to approximate the human idea of law to the Divine principle of justice? I would submit that salaries of £4,000 to our High Court judges are not unreasonable when their salaries in 1924, when money was worth three times what it is to-day, was £2,500. That was thought reasonable at that time. That was decided upon then as being in accordance with our idea as a young nation of the value we put on justice, of personal independence, of the right of every man to live his life in accordance with human dignity protected against opposition from any section in the State or any individual in the State. Particularly when one considers that out of that amount a judge has to pay for the maintenance of his own library and secretariat, fancy that if anything the amount is inadequate.

Throughout the existence of this State since 1924 a certain balance has been kept between judges of the High Court, judges of the Supreme Court and the Chief Justice. From the outset the salaries of judges of the Supreme Court were fixed 20 per cent. more than the salaries of judges of the High Court. When High Court judges' salaries were originally fixed at £2,500, judges of the Supreme Court were paid £3,000. That discrimination was not unreasonable because there was no doubt whatsoever that the responsibilities are, and probably the capacity and the abilities should be, much higher in the case of judges of the Supreme Court than of judges of the High Court because once a decision is made in the Supreme Court, be it right or wrong, that is the law of the country for the future. If it has to be altered that can be done only by an Act of Parliament passed by both Houses of the Oireachtas. If the Supreme Court make the mistake, say, in deciding whether an Act of Parliament is in accordance with the Constitution or against it, that decision is final and conclusive. The only way it can be altered is by an alteration of the Constitution by referendum to the people. A man does not become a Supreme Court judge overnight so it is not unreasonable that there should be a certain balance and discrimination between the salaries of judges of the High Court and judges of the Supreme Court and a certain discrimination has been kept to date. A High Court judge gets £4,000 and a Supreme Court judge £4,500. The balance is not being kept at 20 per cent. but at least there is something of it. To show our appreciation of the law and those who administer it in this country, I think it is only right and proper that we should express that appreciation in some way and this £500 is probably the minimum which the Government could give. Otherwise they would be increasing the salary of High Court judges and giving no increase to Supreme Court judges but leaving their salary at £4,000. Is there any reason why a Supreme Court judge should be insulted in that manner and why that discrimination should not be kept?

Now we come to the last remaining member of the judiciary, the main occasion of most of the criticism in the Dáil, whose salary was referred to many times here this afternoon: the Chief Justice. In the history of this State we have had three men who occupied the position of Chief Justice, Judge Kennedy, Judge Maguire and our present Chief Justice, Judge Ó Dálaigh.

I thought we had another.

There was none other, unless I am gravely mistaken and I do not think I am.

The Chief Justice in this country is the titular head of the judiciary, the most important servant of the State. The State could carry on reasonably well if the Dáil did not sit for 12 months, if the Seanad did not sit for 12 months and even if the Cabinet did not sit for a long time. The individual citizen would not be oppressed. Judges could by their judgments, apply what would be equitable and proper in their construction of the laws of the Country. When you fix the salary of the Chief Justice it is not a question of pay. Next to the President of this State, the Chief Justice is the most important man in the State.

Who has criticised the Chief Justice?

The increases in his salary are being criticised.

Where? In this House?

Somebody referred to an increase of £600. His salary was the subject of criticism. I think that is so.

The Chief Justice next to the President is the most important man in the State. When you fix his salary it is not by way of payment but by way of showing your appreciation of the titular head of the judiciary in this country, the second most important man in this country who is not only important as Chief Justice, and a lawyer of outstanding ability but also is a man who is capable of representing our country at various functions—a man who is typical of our national life.

He must be a man who is an ornament to our social life, who spends evening after evening at one thing or another. I have known even since my earliest days as a student the demands made on the Chief Justice. If we wanted a subscription or anything, the Chief Justice was always the first man we would approach and we found he was always the most generous. He has been more at the beck and call of everybody than anybody in a comparable position. He has to study law in the evening and he has to do all that out of his own pocket. He could do it out of a lesser salary than £6,000 a year, but when the salaries were fixed, they were fixed approximately one-third higher than the salaries of the Supreme Court judges and a reasonable balance had to be kept with the salaries of the Supreme Court. Supreme Court judges get £4,500; the Chief Justice gets £6,000 and is there any practical reason for departing from that? It is not the amount of money because three-fifths of it at least goes in tax and surtax back to the Government. I do not think it is reasonable or proper to criticise the payment on appointment of a salary of £6,000 to the Chief Justice.

There are many people in this country who are earning £6,000 and over per annum, many people who have formed their family business into private companies and are paying less than surtax on it and whose income is well over £6,000 a year. Surely it is no more than we owe them and not so much him as the office he holds? If anything, the salaries we give the judiciary are on the low side compared with other countries. They are low even when compared with the little section of our own country cut off in Northern Ireland. They are low compared with smaller countries. I do think, therefore, it is a very great pity that we should fail to show our respect for democracy and our determination that every man in the poorer sectors of this country will always be protected. I think it is a very great pity we are not unanimous on this.

Like Senator Nash but with, perhaps, not quite such enthusiasm, I am very much in favour of this Bill. I think all sides of the House are agreed on the integrity of the judges and it is a pity in many ways that the integrity of the judges was ever mentioned because there should not be any question about it.

I believe the judges should be paid the salaries set out here. I think they are fair, and in all the circumstances, reasonable. I do not agree, I am afraid, with Senator Miss Davidson who compared the judges with the jurors. The jurors may be in their own way experts, but they are not experts in the law. I entirely agree with Senator Nash when he points out the immense responsibility our judges have to bear, and the fact that they have to know the law, and knowing the law is not an easy thing. They do not work just sitting on the Bench. They must know the law, and as much of our law is made up of case law, our judges must know their cases. We are not paying them just for doing a job of work on the Bench. We are paying them for their responsibility, for the knowledge they have accumulated over many years and for hard work. We are not paying them for integrity. We are paying them for the job they are doing. I think we are paying them properly, particularly bearing in mind the high rate of tax they pay and that they have to provide for their own secretarial expenses and buy their own law books and periodicals.

These salaries are quite fair and I support them but there is one point about this Bill on which I am afraid I am not completely satisfied and on which I have heard nothing here today to satisfy me. Why does this Bill provide that these salaries be paid retrospectively from 1st November? I am in entire agreement with the argument put forward that there can be no comparison between what is paid to the old age pensioners and the judges' salaries. The amount involved in giving these increases to the judges is in total infinitesimal in comparison with the amount involved in making increased payments to the pensioners. They are certainly not to be compared from a monetary point of view.

It is a pity that the Government, who have here a Bill which is fair and reasonable, have made the operative date retrospective and I would ask the Minister, even at this late stage, to consider making the effectiveness of this Bill run from the same date as the date on which the old age pensioners were to be paid their increased pensions—not as a matter of money, but as a matter of principle, because I think that when you have a good Bill, it is a pity to destroy it by laying yourselves open to the jibe that there is one law for the rich—the judges—and another for the poor—the pensioners.

Senator Lindsay said he would like to take the salaries of the judges out of the maelstrom of muddy politics, and I agree with him. It is pity that this should ever have been made a political matter, and I am sorry to have listened in part to a political debate. My own feeling is that the salaries of judges are not the only matters that should be taken out of Party politics. I should like to see something else taken out of Party politics also, and that is the appointment of judges.

That matter is not in order. The appointment of judges does not arise on this Bill.

I will leave that point and raise it on another occasion, but in doing so, I should like to ask the Minister particularly to reconsider the date on which this Bill is to become effective.

The House earlier debated the Finance Bill which deals with the collection of money for the coming year. It is in the light of that that I want to underline why I and other Senators who think like me are opposed to the Bill. It is always difficult for trade union people whose vocation it is to plead and argue and advocate adjustments in salaries and wages to oppose a measure which provides for an increase, but we are doing so in the context of a Government who are providing increases for judges ranging from 10½ per cent. to 17½ per cent. per annum with retrospective effect to the 1st November last, and a Government which at the same time are providing an increase of 2s. 6d. a week on 30s. or 8? per cent. for the old age pensioners, with effect from the 1st August next. Senators like myself in the Labour Party cannot vote against an increase of 2s. 6d. a week for old age pensioners, neither can we propose an amendment which would increase that 2s. 6d. because such an amendment would be out of order.

The reason we are opposing this measure is to underline our dissatisfaction with a Government who treat old age pensioners and other badly-off sections of the community this way while at the same time they are treating judges in this other way. I am not going to enter into an argument about whether the increase for the judges is sufficient or not, or whether it is too much, but I am underlining our dissatisfaction with a Government which can do this and at the same time provide an increase of 8? per cent. for old age pensioners with effect from the 1st August next. I know that our attitude will be misrepresented but if it stirs the conscience of some individual, or perhaps, a few individuals, it will be worth the misrepresentation.

Some time ago, I noticed that the Minister made a statement in the Dáil that he had not heard one sound argument against the proposals to increase the judges' salaries. I do not know what has happened since, whether he has heard any good reasons why he should not increase these salaries, but I should like to bring him on a trip down the country and if he wants to get good reasons the people who will give them to him are some of the people employed by the State or who have given good service to the State. I would not include people in receipt of home assistance, disability allowance, the blind pension or anything else like that. If the Minister asks these people if they were satisfied that he should give increases of from 12 per cent. to 17 per cent. to the judiciary I believe they would all say: "You should not do it until you do something more for us". It is our duty to keep the people I have mentioned, people who might be regarded as a load on the community, in reasonable comfort but let me speak about the people who are working in the country, the farm labourers who get a miserable increase of six shillings a week, or people working for the State, who have not even got the right to go to the Labour Court, people working for the Board of Works or the Land Commission, or for the Forestry Division. None of these has received a single penny of the eighth round increase. They have not got arbitration but are dependent on the goodwill of the Minister for Finance. My regret is that Deputy Haughey, the Minister for Justice, is not Minister for Finance because if he was, we would all be in Heaven.

He is on his way.

If he treated other State servants as he is treating the judges we certainly would like to have him as Minister for Finance. The Minister for Justice also mentioned that in 1924 the Chief Justice had £4,000 a year and that this increase up to £6,000 meant a paltry increase of 50 per cent. Against that, he said, all other grades of workers had received an increase of 200 per cent. I am one of these people but I was not out in 1924. I was out in 1934 and I had £12 a month. That is what all male teachers had then, but in 1932 I had £11 a month, Mr. Haughey.

The Senator should address the Minister by his proper title.

Minister for Justice pro tem.

May we add bon voyage?

We claim that you could not compare the increase of 50 per cent. on the £4,000 at that particular time with the increase of 20 per cent. for State servants.

The Senator had approximately £240 in 1924 and he has £750 today.

A national teacher had £240?

A Senator.

I am not talking about Senators.

But I am.

Senators were always well off compared with people who had to work.

I knew this would end this way if it went on.

The Labour Party have made a decision with which I am not in complete agreement, that they would give increases to certain categories of the judiciary. I was a little bit doubtful about that. The Labour Party should either have said they opposed the increases completely or that they would give an increase and see that the differential was kept. Something should be done about the differential and a person who has the greatest responsibility should have that differential over the person who has less responsibility. Senator Nash told us that the Chief Justice is the second most important person in the country but the person who is the most important has got as much as the Chief Justice and that argument did not seem to carry water.

I was treating the President as the most important person.

Of course I understand what the Senator meant, but he has not got the same salary as the Chief Justice.

Despite his integrity.

It is an extraordinary state of affairs that the Labour Party have reached this decision and said: "Thus far and no further." It is a break-away from what we have done in the past. In the past we always supported increases in salaries and wages. This is the first time we find ourselves voting against an increase in wages. There must be some good and sufficient reason why we should have decided to take certain action, that is, to vote against it.

Politics.

No, not politics.

That is disgusting.

Politics never stopped us in the past from doing so. We are doing it because we represent a section of the community who believe they are not getting the treatment they should get, and that people who are well off are getting treatment that they should not get either.

The rich get richer and the poor get poorer.

Senator Ross referred to the retrospection. I think he hit a very good note when he asked why the old age pensioner should have to wait until next August, but that the judges' increase would be paid retrospectively from November. There is an under-current here. We are told quietly along the corridors that it is being done to bring in a certain man and give him the full benefit of the Bill. It is a pity that that under-current is there. There must be something in it or people would not be whispering about the place. The whispers do not come from this side of the House. I am told I should not refer to sides of the House here.

I believe that every section of the community should get as fair a deal as the judges and the district justices got all the time. In 1924, the Chief Justice had £4,000. It was 29 years before it was thought worth while to change that, and he was moved up to £5,335. Now we find that after nine years it is necessary to add on another 12½ per cent.

I cannot understand the arguments that we are giving with one hand and taking away with the other, that it is prestige value or that it is for status reasons we are giving it, that we do not want the Chief Justice to have less money than anybody else. The Minister gave the number of people in the State earning over £6,000 and seemed to think it would be a terrible disgrace if the Chief Justice earned less money than anybody else. That seems to me to be the Minister's argument for this increase. That is what I read into it whether I am right or wrong. We have decided to support the increases for the district justices who do a lot of work, but we cannot support the increases for the higher judges.

I agree wholeheartedly with those who said that the judiciary perform an extremely important function in this country, or, indeed, in any country, that it is of the utmost importance that they should be accepted as men of integrity, as they are, and that it is of the utmost importance that they should be respected by all sections of the community as I think they have always been.

It is regrettable that the judiciary should be hauled before Parliament at frequent intervals, and there discussed and criticised as is inevitable when they are brought before Parliament, notwithstanding the Minister's hope that the debate would be conducted with decorum. I do not think he made that request here.

I knew it would be.

He made it elsewhere. I think the judges were criticised and insulted, and I think that some of the most unreasonable criticism and some of the most unforgivable insults came from a member of the Minister's own Party.

It is not usual to refer to the speeches of the members of the other House.

I shall leave it at that. It follows from what I have said that I believe the judiciary should be adequately remunerated, that they should be well remunerated. That has always been my view and the view of my Party, but I do not think the judges should be extravagantly remunerated, or that they should be remunerated on a basis that would suggest that there is full and plenty for all sections of the community, or on a basis that would suggest that everyone who is dependent on the State, whether as a servant or as a recipient of social welfare, has been fairly and adequately treated and catered for.

In my opinion the most futile argument that could be advanced in favour of the Bill is the argument that it costs a mere £21,000. What I want to know is how far you can push that argument? Where is it to end? If you push that argument to a logical conclusion you would over-remunerate the small groups, and you would neglect the large groups or the people it would take a lot of money to pay. That, in my opinion, is the meaning of that argument.

It is just as futile as the argument that we are giving to the judges with one hand and taking away on the other hand in the form of income tax. That argument is unworthy of the Minister. It is unworthy of any member of the Government. Surely everyone pays his income tax. Everyone who is liable pays his income tax and no thanks to him.

They could have decided that they were not liable at one stage but they did not.

I think a case was brought before the courts.

The Supreme Court decided.

The Supreme Court decided that they were liable and that was that. The present salaries payable to the higher categories of judges are: £5,335 for the Chief Justice; £4,070 for the ordinary judges of the Supreme Court and the President of the High Court; £3,575 for the ordinary judges of the High Court and the President of the Circuit Court; and £2,832 10s. for the circuit court judges. I think they are fair, adequate and reasonable and do not require to be increased at this stage.

Senator Nash made a very considered and very forceful speech in favour of this Bill. He spoke with the utmost confidence and I am sure he impressed. However, I would warn the House not to accept everything that Senator Nash says as factual. He did tell the House that the present Chief Justice is our third Chief Justice. He did say that we had only Chief Justice Hugh Kennedy, Chief Justice Maguire and the present Chief Justice. Unless I am greatly mistaken, he left out completely Chief Justice Timothy Sullivan who adorned the Chief Justice's seat for a considerable number of years. Perhaps Senator Nash was in a terrific hurry to get from Chief Justice Kennedy to Chief Justice Maguire and in that way forgot Chief Justice Sullivan. I am only saying that in order to keep the record correct and to warn the unfettered people here that they just cannot accept everything that Senator Nash says as infallible.

I apologise. Senator Fitzpatrick was correct when he interrupted me. I am sorry he did not correct me fully.

Thanks. That is very nice.

It is not an earth-shaking statement.

I do not think it is necessary to remunerate the judges on the income of the highest-earning bracket group at the Bar. I do not think that is necessary at all. First of all, I should like to say that all this talk about members of the Senior Bar earning £7,000, £8,000 and £10,000 a year is simply in the realm of fantasy. There may be a very small group that could be named—they are known all over the place—who may be earning that sort of money, perhaps.

The number of men at the Senior Bar, I venture to suggest, who are earning, one year with another—and that is the important thing—the salary paid to a High Court or Supreme Court Judge at the present time are few. I would say that to trot out here that there are people at the Senior Bar earning £10,000 a year, when everybody knows that there might be one, two or three such people in the country, is not facing this Bill in a fair manner, is not facing this Bill in a realistic fashion.

Be that as it may, the position of a judge, and the life of a judge, and the life of a member of the Bar, are two totally different propositions. There are men who would prefer to toil on and work hard at the Bar, first of all, because they like it and they like the life and, secondly, because they like to earn large incomes. I make no apology for saying that, perhaps, those men might not necessarily make the best judges. Those men might not have the best all-round grasp of law. They may be specialising in a particular sphere of the law in this country which is remunerative at the present time but which is only one very small part of the law.

There are the other men who would prefer to accept the security of the Bench and the more leisurely life of the Bench than the competitive life at the Bar. It is all right to say that men at the Bar in their thirties or forties are earning good money. Those men are living from year to year in the sure and certain knowledge that each year that goes past will bring more competition, that each year that goes past will bring more fashionable Seniors in the younger age group who are well known and well respected by the younger age group of solicitors.

When a man goes on the Bench, he is sure and certain that for the rest of his life he has a good salary, a salary at least as much as he could hope to earn at the Bar, taking one year with another, and that, at the end of fifteen years, he is assured of a good and substantial pension. If he is the Chief Justice, under the Bill, he would have a pension of £4,000. That is the reason I say it is not necessary to take the earnings of the busiest and best paid man at the Bar or even the second, third, fourth or fifth best paid man at the Bar and remunerate judges accordingly.

We do not remunerate the County Medical Officer of Health on the earnings of the busiest doctor in the county. For the same reason, we do not remunerate the County Engineer on the basis of the earnings of the busiest and best paid engineer in private practice. We certainly do not remunerate the County Solicitor—who has a very leisurely, free and easy life, free from worry, free from the task of having to meet the public every day, free from the task of having to meet difficult clients and to try to please them—on the basis of the money earned by the solicitor who sits up until 2 or 3 o'clock in the morning and earns, perhaps, a lot of money.

For those reasons, I say that no case can be made for remunerating the members of the judiciary, who have security, who have an easy life, who have pension rights, on the basis of men who work and toil at the Bar and who for a few years may make big money and then may meet unexpected competition and find themselves going back down the ladder.

The history of the judiciary in this country to date also proves that it is unnecessary to pay extravagant salaries in order to get the best men. One could very easily get personal in a small country where everybody knows everybody else, but we do know that at least one member of the Bar, who might have been in the higher income group that we hear so much talk about, did leave the Bar and take a seat on the Bench because, weighing one thing with another, weighing one life with another, at that age of his life he preferred the Bench even at the expense of accepting a lower income. But that is not the end of it. I might be told that that man had got on in years.

There have been—and I will use the plural being afraid that I might identify anybody—men in the past who at a very early age adorned the bar library, men who were assured a brilliant future at the bar, men who without a doubt, if they had stuck to private practice, would have risen to the highest income group at the bar, but those men, in the full knowledge that if they accepted a seat on the Bench would immediately be accepting a lower income, accepted a seat on the Bench. That, in my opinion, conclusively proves my case that there is no comparison between the life of a busy barrister and the life of a judge.

I really think that this thing about status is so much nonsense. It would be very much different if the judges had some people working for them who are better paid than they are but they have nobody working for them. This higher income group at the bar who practise before them are men who like that sort of life while judges like the life they have and the question of cash income or earnings does not enter into it. Surely the secretary of a Department does not look down his nose at an efficient Minister of State simply and solely because the secretary is earning considerably more than the Minister of State, be that right or wrong? Therefore, I say that the judges whom I have mentioned are at present adequately remunerated.

This Bill is made retrospective and the proposed increases are made retrospective to the 1st November last. As far as I know, and I am sure the Minister will at once correct me if I am wrong, this is the first time that increases in judges' salaries have been made retrospective. I am apparently wrong.

You are wrong, not for the first time.

Maybe retrospective as to the date of the passing of the Bill, but so far as I know the increases given to the judges under the 1959 Act became payable from the 1st January, 1960. I do not think that is wrong and I do not think it is wrong to say that the Bill under which those increases were given was introduced in October or November 1959.

Wrong again.

No, he is not. He is right. It was discussed in the Seanad on the 2nd December, 1959.

It was retrospective to January, 1959.

He is right as to the date he said.

Tell that to some of your own colleagues, please.

The Senator needs no assistance from you.

Somebody needed it from you recently, in an unorthodox way.

If you want to start swopping remarks of that kind I will give them to you. I know plenty.

Perhaps Senator Fitzpatrick will address the Chair.

Be that as it may, I think it is wrong that these salaries should be made retrospective. Senator Nash said: "Are we to say to the judges: ‘you and you alone shall not have the advantages of the increases that have been given'? ". I did not intend to discuss old age pensioners had Senator Nash not introduced them. Are we to say to the old age pensioners: "You and you alone are the only group who are getting an increase and who will have to wait for six months or more after it was passed before it becomes effective? " That is what we are saying but now questions are being asked all over the country about why this Bill is made retrospective. It is maybe a coincidence that by making it retrospective to the 1st November last it gives a substantial increase in the pension of a chief justice who retired some few weeks after the 1st November last. I think that is a dangerous precedent to set by Act of Parliament.

It happens every day of the week.

Not to chief justices.

What the people are saying may not be the explanation why the Bill was made retrospective to the 1st November but it may be the explanation why the Bill was introduced now a short two years after the salaries of the judiciary were fixed and fixed, according to the Taoiseach, on a long term basis.

This sort of thing is not worthy of the Senator.

This sort of thing is a fact.

A sermon in worthiness from the Minister should be very interesting.

It may be a coincidence but there it is. In the case of a man of such importance, as Senator Nash mentioned, people are saying that this is the reason why the Bill was introduced and this is the reason why it was made retrospective. It is really reducing members of the judiciary into the realm of criticism, a realm they should not be brought to whether they are retired or active.

Like some of the other Senators who have spoken I have no objection at all to the increases to the district justices. A good case can be made for them. At present district justices in rural Ireland are being paid less than county solicitors on full time salaries, less than county engineers, less than county medical officers of health. That is the position at the present time.

The county registrar in Dublin has more than a circuit judge in Dublin.

Dublin really is a law unto itself.

It is a fact.

I am going to deal with that shortly. When the Minister was increasing the salaries of the district justices he did not give the ordinary district justices in the city of Dublin the same salary as the ordinary district justices in rural Ireland. I do not know if it is on the basis of the amount of work done. I venture to suggest—and I am certainly convinced of it myself—that a district justice in the country has more work to do than a district justice in the town. A district justice in the country is entirely responsible for the administration in his own district.

That was all taken into account by the Select Committee to which your Party subscribed.

If it was it was wrong. People make mistakes. If mistakes have been made, they should be rectified. The district justice in the country has complete charge of the administration of his own district. The district justice in the city of Dublin operates on the criminal side of the court; tries road traffic cases all day and deals with the children's court and the civil side but he resides convenient to his court. The country district justice has to be an expert in criminal and civil law. He must know the Road Traffic Act.

So must every solicitor.

Thanks for the compliment, Mr. Minister. I accept it.

And even every barrister.

And every Minister. The district justice in the country is responsible for all branches of the civil law and all branches of the criminal law. The district justice in the city, as well as the district justice in the country, must have a great knowledge of people, but the country district justice must have a great knowledge of rural life and he must be a man of understanding who is able to give a decision on an intricate question there and then. The city district justice has the assistance, if necessary, of members of the Bar. They are there and can appear before him at comparatively small expense. The country district justice has to depend on the general practitioner who is a solicitor and who is not an expert in all or, indeed, any branch of the law. The district justice in the country has to bear a higher cost of living—at least I believe he has. He very often has to send his children away to secondary schools and certainly has to send them away and pay for their keep in one of the cities when they reach the university stage. The district justice in the city lives convenient to a variety of schools and universities. The provincial district justice has to forgo the more varied amenities of the city. I know a case can be made for paying a rural or provincial district justice a lesser sum than the ordinary district justice in Dublin, but I think, if real justice were to be done, the country district justice should be paid a higher salary than his colleague in Dublin. In Dublin the district justice is paid exactly the same amount as his colleague in Kerry or Cavan. Why pick on the district justice to differentiate between the city man and his country colleague unless it is that as you come down the ladder and come to the weaker sections you want to be harder with them and not be generous with them?

This thing of remunerating provincial district justices on a lower level than city ones is part of a very unhealthy and a very undesirable policy which is developing in this country— the policy of believing that everything that goes on in Dublin is more important, that anything is good enough for the country, that the country does not matter, that the activities of the people in rural Ireland are less important to the nation than the activities of the cities. I do not subscribe to that for one moment nor does any person.

I do not want to be interrupting the Senator but the country justices got an increase of 17 per cent. while the Dublin district justices only got an increase of 16 per cent.

But the Bill proposes that the country district justice should get £150 less than his colleague in the city of Dublin or Cork.

Up to now he got £145 less.

This is fundamentally wrong. It is unsound. It is an undesirable practice to give district justices in rural Ireland £150 less than their colleagues in the city of Dublin who have less responsibility, less work and no trouble. The same distinction is not drawn between the circuit court judges. There is this undesirable tendency to regard the people of rural Ireland as less important. There is just one other point I should like to make. The Minister stressed that there was a certain ratio between the various income groups when the judges were first remunerated here and that there is some merit in continuing that ratio. The tendency here and all over the world has been to increase the salaries of the people who at the beginning of this century were grossly underpaid and give them something of a living wage. There is no reason at all why this very wide differentiation should be maintained all along the line. Therefore, I say with the greatest respect that it is a pity this Bill was introduced at the present time. I repeat that the higher paid judges are adequately remunerated. I think the proposal to increase the lower paid district justices is desirable but the provincial district justices should be paid the same salaries as the ordinary Metropolitan district justices.

Like Senator Ross, Senator McAuliffe and Senator Fitzpatrick, I cannot understand why these salaries should be retrospective from November last. It is hard to accept that provision when we consider that other sections are getting increases only from the 14th August next and when we consider that in order to maintain the price of a gallon of milk, in order to restore a penny per gallon taken off at the time of the Budget, the Government found it necessary to invoke the Imposition of Duties Bill. It is difficult for the people to understand these facts and I hope the Minister will reconsider that provision.

All I can say is that I am glad to see the respect certain people on the far side of the House seem to have at present for our judges and our judiciary. It is a pity they had not the same respect 30 or 40 years ago, but, perhaps, it is better late than never. I am opposed to this Bill. I believe the time is not opportune for it. These gentlemen got an increase from the 1st January, 1960. According to the terms of this Bill, it is proposed to give them an additional increase retrospective to November, 1961. In other words, after getting what many people thought was a very generous, perhaps an over generous, increase in 1959, less than 20 months afterwards we are proposing to give them a further increase.

The Bill comes at a time when, as we all know, we have a falling population, high emigration and when, in my opinion, we need a period of relative stability. The granting of these increases will spur every other section of the community to demand increases immediately. We cannot blame, say, the agricultural labourers, who are trying to live on £5 per week, or other lower paid sections, if they go to their unions and say: "Well, if the Government can give increases of £10 per week to people who already have £100 per week, surely we are also entitled to another increase? " If we are prepared to grant these increases of £10 a week, or £600 a year, which I think we are giving to the Chief Justice, and make them retrospective to last November, how can we close our ears to the demands of the old age pensioners, the widows and orphans and the other needy sections of our community? If we look at statistics we will find that roughly 60 per cent. of our people work for less than £10 per week and that we have 40 per cent., mainly producers and small farmers, people who are helping to keep this country on its feet, working in many cases for £4 or £5 a week. They have to try and rear families on that amount. In other words, in Leitrim, Sligo and parts of my own county you would have 30 families trying to exist on the salary we are giving to the President of the High Court. The Proclamation was quoted here to-day and I should also like to quote from it:

"The Republic guarantees equal rights and equal opportunities to all its citizens and declares its resolve to pursue the happiness and prosperity of the whole nation and of all its parts cherishing all the children of the nation equally."

I do not believe we are cherishing all the people of our nation equally. If we grant these increases I believe we will have one law for the rich and another for the poor, because the cost of living affects all sections and it affects the poorer sections more than any other section because they use tea, bread and butter, perhaps, four times a day. If the Government believe that 2/6 per week is sufficient to cover the increased cost of living for the old age pensioner, or the 10/-, 20/- or 25/- they have agreed to give certain workers in the 8th round wage increase, is sufficient to cover those sections, how can they justify £10 per week to a man who already has £100 per week? Surely they cannot claim they are living up to our Republican Proclamation about which they often speak and that they are cherishing all the children equally?

Which you accept and defend I hope.

Well, at the time I was not born. In 1953 a Select Committee of Dáil Éireann, composed of members of the Government and the Opposition, considered a memorandum submitted by the judges of the Supreme Court, the High Court and the Circuit Court. I think the district justices also made submissions on their claim for an increase in salaries. As a result of the Committee's recommendations at that time, the Government increased substantially the salaries of all members of the judiciary. They received increases varying from £250 to £450 per annum. That was in 1953. I should like to point out to the House that in that memorandum submitted by the judges of the Supreme Court and the High Court they stated—and I give this quotation because Senator Nash asked if there was any reason why the judiciary should be the black sheep, or if there was any reason why they should be left out—and I quote from their own memorandum submitted at that time:

We wish to make it plain that we do not claim any right to have our salaries increased from time to time on account of any temporary increase in the cost of living, whether reckoned by reference to the index figure or otherwise.

That statement was made in the memorandum submitted by those learned and responsible gentlemen in 1953. They made a statement like that in 1953 and then waited six years for the increase which they got in 1959, and with which they seemed to be satisfied. It was paid from 1st January, 1960, and why should it be necessary now to make these increases retrospective to 1961?

It was January, 1959.

They waited six years, and two years afterwards——

The Senator is wrong again. They got an increase in 1953 and then in 1959.

Yes, is not that six years? The Senator is not wrong again. I said they waited six years. I went to school for a little while and I think from 1953 to 1959 is six years.

The Senator said that after the 1953 committee they waited six years.

No, I said they got an increase. I said they got a substantial increase and I quoted the increase varying from £250 to £450. They were satisfied that they could wait six years and then get this other increase.

In 1959 when this increase was going through, the Taoiseach said that it was not the intention of the Government to give an increase every time the cost of living increased. As I said, in their memorandum they said that they did not claim any right to have their salaries increased from time to time because of any temporary increase in the cost of living, whether reckoned by reference to the index figure or otherwise.

This is being made retrospective to November, 1961. The increase to the old age pensioners was not made retrospective. As a matter of fact, they have to wait from last April to next August. Many of the old age pensioners who heard the good news over the radio last August after the Budget, have passed away to their eternal reward now and will not get the miserable increase of 2/6 a week.

If this Bill goes through, we are assuring that the increases to the high court, district court, and circuit court judges will be paid retrospectively to the 1st November, 1961. Senator Lindsay and Senator McAuliffe said that a rumour is going around the country that the increase is being paid retrospectively for a particular purpose. Senator Lindsay said he would like the Minister to deny that categorically when he is replying to-night, because the rumour is spreading throughout the country.

(Interruptions.)

In any case, it is very peculiar. Why not say 1st January, 1962? Why not take that date, or the beginning of the financial year? Either of those two dates could easily have been taken.

Which was taken for the civil servants?

I am more concerned with the date which was taken for the old age pensioners.

Which date was taken for the civil servants?

I will make my own speech. The 1st August, 1962, was taken for the old age pensioners and 1st November, 1961, is being taken for the members of the judiciary.

The civil servants are probably related to the cost of living.

Some Senators have said—and Senator Nash in particular —that the district justices and the judges have nothing to live on but their salaries. I was looking at a paper and I saw that in 1958-59 one judge got £1,113 and 15 others got over £400 in travelling expenses and subsistence allowances. It might be no harm to inform Senator Nash that those gentlemen have more than the salaries we are speaking about here to-night.

Senator Nash and Senator Ross said it was a pity that the integrity of the judges was mentioned. I should like to ask who mentioned this question first in this debate? It was mentioned by the Tánaiste in Templemore.

He was not here all evening.

He may not have been, but members of his Party are here. I daresay that when the Tánaiste takes himself to Templemore he goes there to speak on behalf of the Fianna Fáil Party. At least, he mentioned the integrity of the judiciary. There might be no harm in stating also what the Taoiseach said in Dáil Éireann in October, 1959. At Column 560, Volume 177 of the Official Report, the Taoiseach said:

I am sure all members of the House accept that the independence of the Judiciary is something which we should try to preserve. It is certainly something that all democratic Governments strive to uphold, and they try to express that aim in the levels of the remuneration fixed for judges.

He also said:

It means putting them into a position in which they will be, as far as possible, immune from improper influence of any kind, and it is no exaggeration to say, in my view, that an adequate and, indeed, a generous basis of remuneration for judges is the basis of their independence. It has always been so regarded here. It is, indeed, so regarded everywhere.

I should like to know who mentioned the integrity of the justices there. Surely it was not the people on this side of the House? It was the Taoiseach who said: "... and, indeed, a generous basis of remuneration for judges is the basis of their independence." I want to know is this increase being given for the reasons stated by the Minister, for the reasons stated by the Tánaiste, or for the reasons stated by the Taoiseach, to make them "as far as possible, immune from improper influence of any kind."

I think that those are outrageous statements and, in my opinion, they exhibit a mentality, child-like in its innocence and in its ignorance of human nature. I believe you cannot purchase integrity. A man is honest or dishonest. Giving a man extra money will not make him honest. I am surprised that the Tánaiste and the Taoiseach made those statements. People who accept bribes do so because they are men of light character. Generally, they are rich, well-off people, because it is to the rich who have the power and the influence bribes might be addressed. Bribes are seldom addressed to the ordinary poor people, or to the ordinary working person, because they have not got the power, and the people would not get value for their money.

In this country we expect, and we get, integrity from the ordinary people, from the vast majority of Irishmen and Irishwomen. We get it from the chambermaid, the road worker, and the bank manager. We do not say that we have to pay the bank manager so that he will not become corrupt or embezzle the funds entrusted to him. Indeed, it is a pity those statements were ever made.

The Taoiseach went further and said it was a small price to pay for the preservation of independence and the status of the judiciary. This Bill deals with only a small, you might say a relatively privileged, section of the community. It leaves the problem that the weaker and more helpless sections, economically and financially, are untouched. I am not in favour of the Bill and I definitely am opposed to the provision to make it retrospective to 1st November last.

The debate in this House I think has, in the main, followed the lines which to some extent it took in the other House. I suppose that was inevitable but I think that the Seanad, as I usually find it does, has approached this measure in a much more constructive fashion, by and large. I admired particularly the contributions made by Senator O. Ryan and Senator Nash.

Imitation is the sincerest form of flattery.

Contributions of this sort to my mind enhance the reputation of the Seanad and justify the high place it holds in the esteem and affection of the community.

Senator Miss Davidson, who opened the debate, mentioned a couple of points with which I should like to deal. First of all, she touched on something which interests me very much and that is the high cost of litigation generally in this country. I want merely to point out that in regard to that matter the Government have taken positive and concrete action. We have set up what might be called a high-powered committee, under the chairmanship of Mr. Justice Walsh of the Supreme Court, to go fully into the costs and procedures of our courts and to see whether we could in the first instance reduce costs and, secondly, make the dispatch of justice more expeditious. I am optimistic that valuable and useful results will flow from the work of that committee.

With regard to Senator Miss Davidson's arguments generally—and this I think applies to the arguments put forward by many other Senators— I think the logical reply on my part is to insist that the Seanad in this regard should compare like with like. It is no good, I suggest, comparing the salary of a judge of the Supreme Court with the salary of an agricultural labourer or the amount paid to an old age pensioner with the salary of a Senator.

I did not do that. I mentioned highly-paid, well-trained university personnel as well.

Yes. I should very much like to see highly-trained university personnel well paid.

So should I.

I think I can agree fully with Senator Miss Davidson there. If they are not well paid, I am sorry they are not. I should very much like to see them well paid but that should not prevent us from paying the judiciary well.

I was not quite clear where exactly Senator Lindsay stood with regard to this whole matter. It seemed to me that, generally speaking, he expressed himself in favour of the increased salaries but he felt that there was something deplorable in the manner in which it was being done. There is a simple answer to that. There is only one way in which judicial salaries can be dealt with and that is by legislation of the two Houses of the Oireachtas. This is provided by the Constitution and, as Senator O. Ryan pointed out, I think it is a very valuable and desirable situation.

The argument put forward, as far as I could see, by Senator Lindsay was that it is undesirable to bring this matter into the realm of political controversy and political debate. I am afraid that, in certain circumstances, that is unavoidable. In 1953 the Dáil set up a select committee to deal with this matter. Even the setting-up of that select committee and its submission of a unanimous recommendation to Dáil Éireann did not prevent a subsequent debate along political lines on those recommendations in Dáil Éireann.

I fully agree with Senator Lindsay that it would be desirable that this matter should be dealt with on a basis of dignity and decorum. I do not think it is my fault that it has not. I can do no more than come before the Oireachtas with my proposals, give the reasons for them as clearly as I can and then hope that the Oireachtas would accept them as reasonable. I should like to see both Houses accept the bona fides of the Government in this matter. After all, no Government will deliberately set out to do something unpopular or something which is not good politics. Why should the Government bring in a measure of this sort unless they were convinced that it was the right and proper thing to do?

Senator Lindsay made the point that the judicial salaries were fixed with the two Courts Bills which we had in 1961. Of course, they were fixed on those two Bills only in so far as they were confirmed. Those two Bills set out to do a very major job, that is, to establish and regulate our courts. It was necessary in that regard that the judicial salaries which existed at that time should be confirmed in those Bills. It is wrong to create the impression that judicial salaries were actually fixed at the time of the passing of those Bills. They were not. The salaries were merely confirmed.

I am asked to give certain assurances with regard to the timing of these salaries. I have no hesitation in giving the Seanad the most categorical assurance that 1st November, 1961, was fixed upon by me and the Government because that was the date from which the eighth round increases to the higher level of the civil service became operative—no other reason. I feel sure that if some Senators are concerned with rumours which are percolating to any other intent, they will accept that assurance from me. The eighth round of salary increases worked itself out and came to an end in so far as the higher level of the civil service is concerned in mid-December, 1961. It is because of that eighth round that this Bill is now introduced. So these proposals could not be brought into operation at the time of the Courts Bills earlier in 1961.

When eighth round increases were awarded to the higher levels of the civil service they were fixed to come into operation as and from the 1st of November, 1961, and that is the simple straightforward reason why the 1st of November, 1961, is proposed in this Bill. Would it not be manifestly unfair, if we agreed that the judiciary were entitled to certain increases in January, 1962, and because of the fact that the Constitution stipulates that we must have legislation to deal with these matters and legislation takes a certain time, that the judiciary would not get these increases until now or next month? I do not think that would be reasonable or fair.

But it is fair to the old age pensioners.

The tradition has now been established that Budget increases for social welfare classes become operative in the following August. As I said in the Dáil, that is a separate matter. In this regard I am asking Senators—and I know that most reasonable Senators will agree with me in this matter—to compare like with like. The increases proposed for the judiciary are based on and related to the increases proposed for the higher levels of the Civil Service and the date is related to the dates on which those increases became operative for civil servants of the higher level. That is my simple answer to Senator Ross and I hope he will accept that. In this matter I am doing no more than trying to preserve the traditional relationship that has existed between the higher levels of the Civil Service and the judiciary.

A number of Senators—Senator Desmond was one of them and Senator Miss Davidson, I think, said the same —said they agreed with the increases proposed for district justices. I want to suggest to Senators that if they do agree with that they must logically go the rest of the way with me because the Select Committee of the Dáil set up in 1953 considered the whole fundamental basis of judicial salaries and, taking everything into account, all the duties and obligations of the judiciary and so on, they fixed a certain rate of salaries and established these differentials again. The differentials were first laid down in 1924 and were re-examined and re-established by the 1953 Select Committee. If Senators accept the increases I now propose for district justices as reasonable and if they accept that the Select Committee of 1953 made proper proposals in fixing the relation of one branch of the judiciary with another, then, because I am doing no more than retaining these differentials, they must agree with all the other salaries right up along the line.

I want to mention a point made by Senator Fitzpatrick. He suggested that in dealing with this matter the lower down the scale we go the harsher the person concerned is treated. That is simply not so and the table of percentage increases in this Bill disproves that. Provincial justices get 17 per cent. and metropolitan justices only 16 per cent.

The base is very low.

I am prepared to agree that that is marginal.

I do not want to interrupt the Minister but the point I was making was not the differential between city and county circuit court judges but between provincial and metropolitan district justices. That is the point I was making when I made that statement.

It would appear on the surface that there is some validity in that, but that is not so. The differentials were established in 1924. They were begun by the people at that time in their wisdom and stood the test of time until 1953 when the Oireachtas decided to re-examine the whole basis of salaries. The Committee came to the Dáil with a unanimous recommendation which confirmed the differentials. They indicated, having taken everything into consideration, that provincial justices should be paid a certain amount, that Dublin city justices should be paid a certain amount, Circuit Court and High Court and Supreme Court judges a certain amount, and in this Bill I am not interfering with the differentials, good, bad or indifferent.

I know the districts of various district justices throughout rural Ireland were increased, and some substantially.

Agreed, but here is the answer: the Committee in 1953 took that re-organisation into account when fixing salaries. That re-organisation of district court areas that took place was adhered to and given account to by the Select Committee in 1953 in fixing these salaries. I am basing my Bill on the results of the fundamental re-appraisal carried out by the Committee in 1953.

There must have been a lot of city men on it.

There were not. In fact, the chairman was a Corkman.

Raison de plus.

This Minister and the last Minister are also city men.

Senator Fitzpatrick has said that it is a futile and unworthy argument to say that only £21,000 is involved and that anyway half of that will go back to the Exchequer in the form of increased income tax and surtax. I do not know whether it is a futile sort of argument but it is a fact and it is as well to put it on record and establish exactly what we are talking about. One of the functions of Parliament is to protect the public purse and scrutinise jealously money voted for any particular purpose. If on this occasion we were raiding the Exchequer to extravagantly enrich some particular section of the community, the Dáil and Seanad should be very much on their guard to deal with the situation but it is as well to establish here, so that we can clear our minds on what real issues are involved, that only £21,000 is involved and that half of that will go back to the Exchequer in the form of taxes and so on. No matter what way we look at it there are no Exchequer reasons for opposing this measure so any opposition to the measure must be firmly based on the fact that we just do not want the judges to get what they are entitled to in relation to other sections of the community, and let us face that.

I think as Senator Nash has said— and very well I thought—the judiciary are probably—I do not say the most important—but one of the most important institutions we have in the State. I want to say simply and honestly to the Seanad that I have a solemn duty in regard to that institution. The welfare of our community and the happiness of our citizens depend in very large measure and in a very real way on the independence, integrity and quality of our judiciary. I would be very negligent and culpable if I did not do everything I can and should do to protect that institution and maintain its position and dignity in the community. I would be blameworthy if I shirked what I should do because political difficulties are involved and there are political difficulties involved. I knew that the measure would be attacked in the way it has been attacked for political motives. Nevertheless, I felt it to be my duty to do this. The Government agreed with me and we are coming to the Oireachtas on that basis and in that way.

I think, whatever the criticisms levelled against us may be, that, by and large, responsible people in the community realise what we are doing and why we are doing it. It would be an easy way out, as I say, to shirk my responsibilities in this regard and let the judiciary fall behind the rest of the community in regard to remuneration.

This question of integrity has been mentioned on numerous occasions and what has been said about it has been misinterpreted. I have never said—and nobody else has said from our side of the House—that you must pay the judiciary to keep them honest. I do not think any Senator would suggest that. I certainly do not suggest it but this is what I do say. If we want over the years a good judiciary and make sure that the best people are attracted on to the Bench, then we must preserve the salary level of the Bench in relation to the rest of the community. Is it not obvious that if over a period of years we let the income level of the judiciary fall behind other sections of the community, then over a period you will not get the best people to take appointments on the Bench? You will get them in a short term but, over a period of years, if you denigrate the position of the judiciary income-wise vis-á-vis the rest of the community, then you cannot expect that you will get the sort of people you need and require. That is all that is involved. We say that if you want a good judiciary you must pay them and that is a simple straightforward proposition.

I recommend this measure to the Seanad. As I say, it is just put forward by the Executive on the basis of fair play. We think that the judiciary are entitled to fair play the same as any other section of the community and when we came to examine what should be done for them we simply looked at what is being done for that section of the community to which they are traditionally related in this matter, namely, the higher level of the public service. We propose to give them increases commensurate and no more than commensurate with what has been granted to that section of the community. That is the basis upon which I commend the Bill to the House.

Question put.
The Seanad divided: Tá, 29; Níl, 13.

  • Ahern, Liam.
  • Boland, Gerald.
  • Brady, Seán.
  • Brennan, John J.
  • Browne, Seán.
  • Cole, John C.
  • Fitzsimons, Patrick.
  • Healy, Augustine A.
  • Hogan, Daniel.
  • Killilea, Mark.
  • Lahiffe, Robert.
  • McGlinchey, Bernard.
  • Mooney, Joseph M.
  • Nash, John Joseph.
  • Nolan, Thomas.
  • Ó Ciosáin, Éamon.
  • Ó Conalláin, Dónall.
  • Ó Donnabháin, Seán.
  • Ó Maoláin, Tomás.
  • O'Reilly, Patrick.
  • Ó Siochfhradha, Pádraig.
  • O'Sullivan, Ted.
  • Ross, J.N.
  • Ruane, Thomas.
  • Ryan, Eoin.
  • Ryan, William.
  • Sheldon, William A.W.
  • Stanford, William B.
  • Yeats, Michael.

Níl

  • Carton, Victor.
  • Crowley, Patrick.
  • Davidson, Mary F.
  • Desmond, Cornelius.
  • Fitzgerald, John.
  • Fitzpatrick, Thomas J.
  • Hayes, Michael.
  • L'Estrange, Gerald.
  • McAuliffe, Timothy.
  • McDonald, Charles.
  • Mannion, John.
  • Murphy, Dominick F.
  • Quigley, Joseph.
Tellers: Tá: Senators Ó Donnabháin and Fitzsimons; Níl: Senators Fitzgerald and McAuliffe.
Question declared carried.
Committee Stage ordered for Wednesday, 18th July, 1962.
The Seanad adjourned at 9.25 p.m. until 3 p.m. on Wednesday, 18th July, 1962.
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