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Seanad Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 14 Nov 1962

Vol. 55 No. 16

Farm Apprenticeship Scheme— Motion.

I move:—

That Seanad Éireann considers that a dynamic farm apprentice Scheme is urgently required.

I wish to thank the Seanad for the opportunity for presenting to the Seanad tonight the results of many years of study and discussion on this particular topic. I hope I shall be able to show that this is one of the vital concerns at the moment in preparing for the Common Market, that is, the ensuring that in future our agriculture will be developed at its maximum potential.

I have to begin by taking some figures. Take the figures given in Economic Statistics as issued by the Central Statistics Office each year. I am quoting from the 1962 figures. We find at page 23, table 7, the record of the number of males engaged in farm work as counted on 1st June each year. We find that in the ten year period covered in the most recent issue, from 1951 to 1961, the total has dropped from 452,000 to 380,000—a drop of 72,000 in ten years. That is an alarming drop—72,000, or 7,000 per annum. Recent figures show that the rate is still substantially the same as that; taking the average from 1954 to 1961 we get an average of 6,000.

We may not be over-alarmed at this figure because we are told the numbers on the land are dropping everywhere, that we are no exception, that there is this flight from the land in progress all over Europe and America. We are going down at the rate of 6,000 per annum. At present the figure is at 380,000 and we are not unduly worried at that figure because we feel we will go down and would it not be all for the better if we levelled out at 300,000 fully occupied and profitably employed workers on the land, than our present position? The alarming fact that I want to establish at the outset is that at present we are drifting, not to a population of 300,000 on the land but to a population of, at most, 150,000—a little over 40 per cent. of our present total.

How can I make that conclusion from the figures? It is very simple. We find that the numbers have been going down at the rate of 6,000 per annum. The number of deaths in the farming community, taking national averages, is somewhere in the region of 9,000 to 9,500—the average for such a group. The statistics show that about 6,000 young boys go to work on the land each year, whether as farmers' sons who stay at home or as young boys going to work on the farms. The statistics show a total of about 20,000 of the 14 to 18 age group, which gives a rough estimate of about 6,000 intake but, when you put an intake of 6,000 against the drop of 6,000 it means that, of the 6,000 who enter, at least 3,000 leave the land before they reach their early twenties and it means that only 3,000 or, at most, 3,500 remain behind to provide the farmers of the future. This has not started last year or the year before. It has been continuous every since the end of the war, 1945, when emigration resumed with full force.

A permanent intake of 3,000 or 3,500—what does that mean? You may estimate the average working life of the young boy entering at 15, allowing for deaths, somewhere under 50 years. If they all survived to 55 from 15 there would be a span of 50 years but it is something less than that due to deaths, probably somewhere in the order of 43 to 45 years. If you find the total then, 3,000 to 3,500, for a working life of 43 to 45 years, you come out with the alarming figure of 150,000. That is the figure we have been aiming at ever since the war as an equilibrium figure, or whatever you wish, but it is there we are aiming at.

I should dearly like to see figures provided by one of the social surveys to give us some idea of the number of young men in the 30 to 35 age group and in the 25 to 30 age group that are on the land today. I am satisfied, from my figures and my study, that you will find there are not more than 3,000 to 3,500 in each of these groups. That is the alarming prospect that is ahead of us unless we take some steps to alter the drift and to get greater numbers of young boys to go on the land and at the same time provide means of keeping those young men on the land.

When I speak on this subject, I speak very much from practical experience, as one who has experience of farming conditions in the Golden Vale and in the Macroom area of County Cork. I have talked with farmers in many other areas. I know the picture is as I am giving it here. We do not need figures to prove it. We know that of the young lads who stay at home for a year or two or who go out to work with farmers for a couple of years until they are ready to go to England, it is conservative to say that 50 per cent. leave the land before they reach the age of 25.

I had a case in point recently on a farm with which I was well acquainted. A young lad of 18, after spending four years on it and at a time when he was earning the equivalent of £7 a week, last August, simply got attracted by the nice dress and the free money that some of the parish boys who came home from London on holidays had to show, hoisted his sails and left. That is the general position. There is where we are drifting.

The seriousness of the drift is that by European standards we have far too few people on the land. Figures show that we have on the average 35 workers per 1,000 acres, on the land. The next to us is France, where there are 50 per 1,000. Denmark has 70 per 1,000 acres and Western Germany has 120 per 1,000 acres. Seeing that we have too few people to get from the land of Ireland the wealth that we know is in that land, it means that, far from intensifying our agriculture in the future, we will be forced by the very scarcity of numbers to become more and more intensive, in other words to degenerate into the beef ranch of Europe.

At the moment we are facing the Common Market. We know a little about some of the problems that are there in agriculture. We know the position that the Common Market would like us to occupy in the Europe of the future; they would like us to be the beef ranch of Europe, for two reasons. First, beef is a commodity that will be in increasingly short supply in Europe. It is something they need. But you need extensive acres to produce it at present prices. Secondly, they do not look with favour on Ireland coming in and using her present acres devoted to dairying efficiently, thereby almost doubling the production or, as many of us as would hope, increasing further the amount of our land devoted to dairying. They do not want that because it will cut across their overall plan for Europe, their plan for trying to provide for the small producers in Europe and keep the markets for them.

Remember, the Common Market is committed to maintaining the family farm, to trying to provide for those on the land a standard of living comparable to that in the cities. To do that in Europe it is recognised that they will, first, have to reduce considerably the numbers employed in agriculture in Europe and, secondly, they will have to intensify their production and keep the intensive lands as the means of raising the income of the small farmers. We cut across both of those and, in four or five years' time, if we are in the position we are in now, with our numbers continuing to go down and down, having taken no steps, or having been unsuccessful in improving our intake both in quality and in numbers of young men to man agriculture for the future, we will have no option but to accept the position of being the beef ranch of Europe.

At first look that position may not appear to be too bad because it is to be expected that beef prices will rise considerably and present total output from agriculture might be maintained even though a considerable portion of land shifted from dairying to beef. Our problem is, however, that there is a very painful transition ahead into the Common Market. I think that is recognised by everyone. We hope that the benefits will outweigh the disadvantages, but the transition will be painful, painful especially for our industry that has been so protected. Consequently, in the change over, the country will be more and more dependent on the agricultural arm to survive the shock. Consequently, we will be looking for more from that arm. The picture I am painting suggests that that arm will not be able to give the necessary assistance unless something is done to help it.

In this setting of Europe we have got to look and think of ourselves in relation to Europe. By European standards we are a nation of ranchers. Our average acreage is 43 to 44 acres. The average acreage in Western Germany is 12. The average in Belgium is 17. The average in Holland is 25. In Denmark it is 38. In Western Europe England alone surpasses us with an acreage of 70. Not alone that but the problem of fragmentation in Europe is far worse than our problem. A man may have 20 acres in Europe. It may be divided up into six or eight lots widely separated from one another. They have a considerable problem there in regard to consolidation. It all adds up to the fact that Europe, in their plan for Europe, would like us to get away as far as possible from dairying and get into beef production. That is what is being forced on us by scarcity of numbers to-day. I speak, knowing many dairy farmers in Limerick, and elsewhere, who just cannot get the skilled help necessary to enable them to carry on their work.

The choice facing us then must be that, despite their advancing years, many of these farmers in their fifties and early sixties will have to struggle on with a seven day a week job, milking the cow, or they will have to take the easy way out and produce beef, produce it scientifically admittedly and, under Common Market conditions, get a reasonable living from it. That is, provided they are able to do that. What alternative will they have? The alternative that faces them at the moment is not an alternative. It is impossible to cope with dairying unless adequate skilled help is provided. When we do get into the Common Market, and when there is that upsurge in prices and so on, that upsurge will mean that a farmer, even though he may change through lack of labour, or because of advancing years, from dairying to beef, will find himself with the same total income. One cannot blame such a man if he takes that way out. If there is not sufficient skilled help available to share the responsibility with him we cannot expect him to take any other course. If skilled labour is available that skilled help will have to be very highly paid. Our only worry about the future is will the differential between dairying and beef be sufficient to pay that skilled help and leave sufficient incentive to induce the farmer to go in for the more intensive and more demanding task?

That is the position as I see it. At the moment we might say that 30 per cent. of our land is devoted to dairying, some 3,500,500 to 4,000,000 acres. If half that shifted to beef production under Common Market conditions one might expect a differential of £20 to £25 per acre gross between the two, dairying and beef. That would involve, in other words, a loss to the nation annually of £40,000,000 to £50,000,000 in output. That is a type of output that requires little or no imports. It is one with a very high labour content. It is something we would dearly love to have in the days ahead. That means that we are faced with the task of increasing considerably the number who enter agriculture.

I have shown that 6,000 a year is not sufficient even if they all stay, because 6,000, on an average life span, would still amount to only 275,000, 100,000 below our present figure. What would be the cost to the Government and the country of finding alternative employment for 100,000 people. If we reduce the present figure of 380,000 by a further 100,000, that is the figure we have to keep in mind at all stages. It means getting more on the land. What is available? We have roughly 30,000 young boys in the 14 years age group each year and of those about 12,000 are from the country. They are either farmers' sons or they live in the country, and a very high proportion might be expected to be attracted to work on the land if sufficient opportunities are provided.

It would be a bit optimistic to hope that two-thirds of them, 8,000, would be attracted and I think we should try and aim at attracting some from the city as well. In modern agriculture there is no reason why city youngsters should not find it as rewarding and as interesting as country youngsters find it. We need at least an input of 10,000 per annum to allow for a wastage of 20 per cent. which would be considerably lower than the present wastage. That would mean an input of about 8,000 to maintain the present numbers or slightly less. We must aim at some figure like that.

The real crisis is that it is not much use planning to achieve that in ten years' time. We need to achieve it before we get into the Common Market, or at least before that Market becomes finalised. It would be one of the strongest possible bargaining points available to us as to why we should get our fair share of the dairy produce market and not be pushed back, as the agricultural planners of the Common Market would like to see us, and going more and more into beef production.

It is not sufficient to attract young men to the land. We have to plan to keep them there. It can be said that at present up to the age of 20 or 21 years a young boy can earn as much on the land—in fact he can earn more —as he can earn in any of the usual run of industrial employment where he has to serve an apprenticeship of some three or four years and build up from there.

At present it is quite common for young boys at the age of 17 or 18 years to have the equivalent of £7 a week on the land, or £4 10 and their keep. There are very few industries here in which a young boy of 18 can command £7 a week. The unfortunate thing about agriculture is that a boy can earn almost as much at 18 years as he can earn at 28 years. That is where the frustration sets in, so we have to provide some incentive for the future. We have to provide him with a ladder that will give him hope, and the only ladder that will appeal to a young lad is the possibility of one day becoming an owner himself. There must be an opportunity of ownership and that is where the whole idea of farm apprenticeship comes in as a means of creating a ladder to ownership.

We must be almost unique in the world to-day in the difficulties that are in the way of a young man without capital trying to get some acres of land to farm for himself. In other countries like Denmark, Holland and America, a young man who has proved himself a good prospect as a future farmer, and has the ability to farm, can get hold of the necessary finances to put him on the land, or he can succeed in renting land. We did so thorough a job in getting rid of the landlords that we have lost what they have in England and other countries as an avenue to ownership for a young man without very much capital or for renting a farm from a landlord or some agency.

The landlord will be primarily interested in whether the young man is a good prospect for getting the most out of the land. If a landlord wants to ‘maximise' his own profits from the land he can do that only by having the most efficient man he can get to work his land and operate it on a rented basis. No one would suggest that we should return to landlordism here but we must fill the gap that has been left.

Over the past ten or 12 years a great deal has been done by farming organisations and other groups. In 1950, the Muintir na Tíre Congress in Sligo devoted a good bit of time to this topic. I had the pleasure of being there and I read one of the papers on the subject. We continued to work at it until 1955. In the meantime Macra na Feirme had set up a committee to work on it. We had got quite a distance and we felt that we had reached the position where we could get a major push forward. Tuairim offered us their good offices and a most refreshing week-end was held in Killiney in 1956. Everyone was enthusiastic about the job and the Minister for Lands, Deputy Childers, was perhaps the most enthusiastic man present.

We all felt that, at least, a breakthrough had been made and that shortly we would have a worthwhile farm apprenticeship scheme on the way, but the years have passed and Deputy Childers' enthusiasm has not availed him in convincing his Cabinet colleagues about the necessity for this scheme. I know many of the members of those associations and I know the intense frustration they felt at the way their efforts were being side-tracked and pigeon-holed. Now the whole scheme has gone. The Government have refused to provide any land for landless men on the plea—perhaps reasonable in many respects—that the congested districts are the first charge on any land available. Still, it is so urgent that a certain amount should be made available. After all, we are making available many thousands of acres each year for sale to foreigners which, if made available for a farm apprenticeship scheme would go some way towards giving the scheme the push forward it needs.

Apparently at the moment the only Government help that can be got for this scheme is that there is some prospect of offering 20 scholarships a year valued at £500 each, a total of £10,000 per annum, to young men who have served an apprenticeship of four years on selected farms, and have other high educational attainments, including a year at an agricultural college and other qualifications. Although that has not been given yet it would be very inadequate and would be regarded as only trifling with the subject. If the picture is as I have painted it, this scheme would make the difference between the country degenerating into a beef ranch for Europe or keeping the present amount of land under the dairy industry or extending it. Then I think a hundred times £10,000, £1,000,000, would still be inadequate for the task ahead. Therefore, I appeal to the Minister to treat these figures seriously. There is nobody here who wants to see the farming community reduced to 150,000 people. We may refer to equilibrium and shrug our shoulders at the present yearly decline and take comfort in the fact that this is happening all over the world but the fact remains we are aiming at a target of 150,000 people on the land of Ireland and I submit that if we reach that day there will be very few of the Irish race left.

In regard to apprenticeship, I have asked the Seanad to consider that a dynamic farm apprenticeship scheme is urgently required. I think I have given sufficient evidence of the urgency of this but we want to see what is meant by this scheme that is required, this farm apprenticeship system. It would have many component parts. First, you must get the young lad on the land at 14, 15, or whatever age at which they enter it. Then you would have to provide educational training for them between that age and their early twenties, preferably through a system of night classes. Seeing that we have already in a Bill increased considerably the amount of money available to vocational education it should not be impossible to get vocational education to carry its fair share of the burden of providing this additional agricultural education for our young men.

The task here is an educational and a social one because while it should be possible to design a full-time course that perhaps in two years would give sufficient training to a young lad of 16, our aim should be to spread that over the formative period right up to about 21. That would create a sense of comradeship and a sense of purpose in the young boys as they mature in that period.

As well as that there is the question of apprenticeship on the farms. By and large if the apprenticeship scheme is to be of sufficient scope to meet the problem involved it will be impossible to enforce any real standards of apprenticeship; in other words we shall have to take it that all farmers who want help are suitable in the first instance. The mind boggles at the thought of an inspection system and a grading system that would sort out the farmers into grade A, grade B and grade C masters for the training of apprentices. As well as that, we must make sure that the very idea of apprenticeship is not seized on by farmers as an excuse for reducing the wages of these young lads, because while the farmer will undoubtedly be giving something of value to those boys in the training he gives them, they in turn will be giving the full physical labour output that a young lad of that age is giving today. Consequently the farmer should be proud to assist in the training of a young man rather than seek in that way to profit by reducing the wages paid to the apprentice.

The young lad goes to a technical school and has acquired some sort of training. He may have attended some short courses at an agricultural school. Then the sifting process begins, not in a very severe way, but it will sift to a certain extent. As well as that we have to think of the future. A number of these young men for whom we are planning should be able to farm in their own right. Consequently, they will need money. The farm apprenticeship scheme should be interwoven with a national credit scheme that will attract the savings of these young boys who could save an agreed minimum amount. In that way we achieve a double purpose. There is the national purpose of making more savings available. Nobody will deny that a young boy of 16 or 17 who has £4 or £5 in his pocket besides his keep can save £1 or maybe £2 a week from that. He can do it especially if his nights are provided for in rather inexpensive ways like a couple of nights at the technical school. At the age of 21 a type of natural selection should be achieved so that 50 per cent., 60 per cent. or 70 per cent. of those who entered the scheme would eventually have a training and a sense of responsibility that is very rare today. It certainly is marked by its absence in the circles of labour that is available on the land. When these lads would come to the age of 21 the amount they could earn on the land would be quite high and in fact it would be found that their rates of pay would be more than comparable with rates in industrial occupations especially if they are the means by which a man can intensify and also share in the general increase in prosperity due to the Common Market.

We would have this and finally when you got to the age of 28 or 30, the stage at which farms would be necessary, they would have graduated to being chief helpers on large farms for which they would get a very considerable salary. Then comes the question of land and that could be left largely to the private enterprise of the local credit union. The amount to be advanced to any young man who had passed all the obstacles on the way would depend on the amount he had saved and then perhaps there might be some Government help after that to enable him to buy a place.

The size of the place he should buy is totally immaterial. If at the age of 28, having a certain amount saved and being able to call on a certain amount of credit, a young man finds that he can buy 30 or 40 acres and he is not satisfied to work that—all right, he is a free agent. He can go back and continue working—at that stage I presume that he is the equivalent of a farm manager—for another five years until he has accumulated more capital and more credit to buy a larger place. If he goes on until he is 60, he will be able to buy a couple of hundred acres. In other words we must give maximum flexibility to any such scheme. I am glad in a sense that some of the earlier schemes advocated by Macra were not accepted in their entirety.

Hear, hear.

They envisaged a measure of Government buying and allotment almost impossible to administer and very bad for the general morale of the people concerned.

We have reached the crossroads now. Let us not worry about where the land will come from. The point is that we have not the young men at present that need land. Even if an increase on the basis I have suggested were initiated in the morning it would be 15 years before we would feel the first pressure for land due to that. The pressure would of course increase in subsequent years but the structure of our farming population at the moment where one-third are over 65 years of age shows that it is not a question of finding farms in 15 years' time but a question of finding men for the farms. With the present structure we cannot hope to man the present number of acres unless there is very great putting together of holdings.

I do not wish to detain the Seanad very long on this. I have put the essential facts before you and I would feel very happy if anybody could convince me that the situation is not as grave as I think it is. Its gravity to my mind is very much accentuated by the nearness of the Common Market. We might say that our young people are our nation's greatest asset. Rural youth and the rural community has stability and can give a contribution to the national life. It is a national asset that is prized everywhere and rightly prized in the Common Market itself. It has been prized by sociologists and social teachers down through the ages and I think we have reached a stage where we cannot afford any further reduction. Above all we should combat loose talk and the idea of being a nation of small farmers. We are not a nation of small farmers in the group which we are joining. We should combat any thought of taking refuge in general statistics as an excuse for doing nothing. To say "it is happening everywhere" is no excuse, or to say "we cannot go against the tide". If we do not go against the tide we know the fate which awaits us in the Common Market—becoming the beef ranch of Europe, which is something none of us wants.

I could quote statements on the necessity for spirit by some of our great leaders down through the years like Sir Horace Plunkett, Canon Hayes, the late Father Coyne and others. At all times they have stressed the fact that the contribution of the rural community cannot be weighed up in mere economic terms alone just as a scheme like a farm apprenticeship scheme cannot be approached on economic lines alone. It has to be from the start fearlessly idealistic. It cannot be just a second rate scheme for those who cannot get land — in other words, something that introduces an element of class distinction right from the beginning, because we cannot afford class distinction. Whatever system of training is available should be a system which appeals to the young man staying at home who is sure of a place inherited from his father or to a second son who feels that his father may be able to do something for him or to the son of a rural worker who wants to work on the land. That means that all must share in the common aim of training themselves to become the future farmers of Ireland and they must do it in harmony together. Also any savings—and we know that credit is the life blood of any scheme—must be contributed by all on the land, by the farmer's son at home and by the second son. At least the incentive must be there to get the contribution from them so that when their turn comes to inherit the farm they have saved a certain amount on which they can draw or they have earned credit for themselves in a general credit movement.

I can quote one of the greatest Irishmen of all time, Canon Hayes, who did so much to uplift the rural community, in his broadcast of July 5th, 1945. This was a time when he was ploughing a lonely furrow with one of the few organisations available in rural Ireland. Even then it was in its infancy for it was just seven years after the first rural week Canon Hayes said:

We realised that the land problem (flight from the land, lack of production, etc.) was not merely economic; the merely economic solves no problem. It is more than economic. It was the whole life of the people that needed stimulus. This should come from the people themselves with a true appreciation of their vocation... The parish is the next step from the home in a Christian order. We want it to be as Christian as the home. This is the real work.

Again we find that Sir Horace Plunkett stressed the same note in his book Ireland in the New Century written over 50 years ago in 1905:

It is undeniable that the pride in country justly felt by Englishmen, a pride developed by education and a knowledge of their history, has had much to do with the industrial preeminence of England; for the pioneers of its commerce have been often actuated as much by patriotic motives as by the desire for gain. The education of the Irish people has ignored the need for any such historical basis for pride or love of country and, for my part, I feel sure that the Gaelic League is acting wisely in seeking to arouse such a sentiment and found it mainly upon the ages of Ireland's story, when Ireland was most Irish.

We have advanced somewhat since 1905 and we have made up some of the difficiencies but after that time we still have a long road to go. The late Father E.J. Coyne, S.J., speaking to a Rural Week in 1941, said:

We are not in this for what we can gain or get out of it, but for what we can give and grant to others and to the parish as a whole. Each member, if he is guided by the principle and moved by the spirit of Muintir na Tire, is concerned with the welfare of the whole parish and as much concerned with the welfare of his fellow-parishioner as with his own.

These were some of the words of our leaders of the past, men who contributed so much to rural Ireland.

Perhaps, in conclusion, I might quote the words of the late Holy Father, Pope Pius XII, in his address to the Italian Farmers' Federation, on the occasion of their National Congress in Rome, on 5th November, 1956:

Accordingly every care should be taken to preserve for the nation the essential elements of what may be termed genuine rural civilisation. These are: love of work, simplicity and uprightness of life, respect for authority especially of parents, love of country and fidelity to traditions that have proved fruitful for good down the centuries; readiness to give mutual help not only to members of the same family but also on the part of neighbouring families and homes...

I put down the motion just to get the facts before the Seanad and before the Minister in the hope that they may think on these matters and that perhaps it might be possible to get a voluntary Seanad committee to work on this problem because, as I said, none of us wants to contribute to reducing the population of the land from 380,000 to 150,000 and, no matter how enthusiastic we may be about the Common Market and about the glorious future that exists for Western Europe within the framework of the European Economic Community, none of us is prepared to accept the price that this country should be degenerated into the beef ranch of Europe.

In seconding the motion, that Seanad Éireann considers that a dynamic farm apprenticeship system is urgently required, I should like first to congratulate Senator Professor Quinlan on the way in which he has presented his proposals to the House.

Briefly, I wish to say that the need for a farm apprenticeship system is obvious from any analysis of the rural problem. It may not dissipate the atmosphere of frustration and discontent which is a potent cause of rural migration but it will help at least to some extent to reverse that outward flow should this bold and determined system as outlined by Senator Professor Quinlan be adopted.

The aim of a farm apprenticeship scheme is to give practical and theoretical training in farming to young men with the object of enabling them to put this training into practice either by farming in their own right or in allied agricultural pursuits. Such a system as proposed and outlined by Senator Professor Quinlan, if adopted, should, in my view, provide facilities for young farmers' sons who can produce a degree or certificate of efficiency from approved farmers who participate in such an apprenticeship course. I believe these young men should have farms leased to them by the Irish Land Commission and thus be enabled to earn their living at home in the profession they were born into and in the profession they were reared up in, and not be forced to emigrate in order to earn a living.

Provision should also be made for the younger sons of farmers having a degree or a diploma or certificate of efficiency from approved farmers. Younger sons who have sufficient capital, by way of their share of the home-place, to stock and work farms but who have not got the necessary capital to purchase farms should get priority from the Irish Land Commission when they come to allocate farms or, at least, they should have an opportunity of leasing farms with an option, if their tenure should prove satisfactory, of purchasing those farms at a later stage.

Senator Professor Quinlan has dealt in great detail and at great length with this entire question. It is long overdue that the Government should give more than serious consideration to it. The fact that rural Ireland is being depopulated, that farms are being robbed of their manpower, should appal us; it is an alarming situation. Great publicity is given to the fact that the Irish Sugar Company are now endeavouring to get the tillage farmers to embark on a system of horticultural husbandry. As the House is aware, that would require a tremendous amount of manpower. If that industry is to survive and to thrive and if it is to play the part it is hoped it will play in the coming years, it is now more important than ever that we should have a sufficient labour force on the land.

I sincerely hope that the system so carefully and painstakingly devised and outlined by Senator Professor Quinlan is accorded the consideration that it deserves. I formally second the motion.

This resolution reads:—

That Seanad Éireann considers that a dynamic farm apprenticeship system is urgently required.

I suggest that the resolution is not sufficient. By the speeches of the proposer and seconder, it is indicated now that they require the Government to do this. I would suggest that the resolution should have read:—

...and that we, the members of Seanad Éireann, consider that the National Farmers' Association should immediately investigate a scheme of initiating such a system.

Let me say immediately that I am not against the National Farmers' Association. I think they are a magnificent organisation, if they did not constantly criticise the Government and constantly want the Government to do something for them. A National Farmers' Organisation is a tremendous organisation in any country and especially in this country. It is, I understand, a tremendous organisation in Cork but I do not agree with Senator Quinlan coming in here and putting down this motion, criticising us because we did not give time for its discussion, and finally making a long speech in the course of which he evaded the issue entirely. I congratulate the Senator on the immense research work he did. He told us thousands of people are leaving the land, and so on.

He dealt with farm apprenticeship. He started in 1950 proceeded to 1955, went on to 1956, praised Deputy Childers for being enthusiastic, and then referred to the Government pigeon-holing the recommendations. Subsequently he said he was glad the Government had not accepted the recommendations of Macra na Feirme.

As far as the Boyne was concerned—just one point.

We all realise the importance of keeping our people on the land. The Government, the National Farmers' Association, Macra na Feirme, and Muintir na Tíre, all of us, must try as far as in us lies to make the people on the land happy. I do not accept Senator Quinlan's argument that a system of farm apprenticeship is ultimately required, but he does not want the National Farmers' Association to indicate the (a) (b) and (c) of the system. I think it is the duty of that Association to formulate the basis of such a scheme. The Senator cannot ask the Government to direct that such-and-such a person must be apprenticed on such-and-such a farm because it is grade A and another to some other farm because it is only grade B. I suggest that it is the National Farmers' Association that should do that in co-operation with the other and ancillary organisations.

I made no such statement.

The Senator mentioned Grade A, B, and C. Who is to grade?

I said it could not be done.

I suggest the National Farmers' Association should adopt the old system of fosterage. The farmers should take on foster students or pupils. When they are out of their apprenticeship they should say to the Government: "You should provide suitable farms for these". Senator Quinlan does not want the Government to do that, but he does want the Government to establish a national credit scheme.

The scheme I suggest would be the most satisfactory one. They have the money themselves to do it. They need not run a sweep, as I understand they are doing at the moment. I do not say that in criticism. I am dealing with the remarks made. The Government cannot do everything for the farmers. No Government can. There are similar organisations in other countries; I am familiar with one such organisation.

Muinntir na Tíre is a different organisation altogether from the National Farmers' Association, Macra na Feirme, and Macra na Tuaithe. We have too many "Macras", too many "Muintirs" and too many "Tuaithes". We get lost between them all. The National Farmers' Association is the parent body.

The Senator is quite wrong.

It is not the senior body.

It is the youngest body.

It is just five years in existence.

Macra na Tuaithe is the youngest body.

The National Farmers' Association consists of the senior landowners. They are the people who can lead the farmers better than any Government can. They are the people who can devise the best system and supervise it themselves. They have the money if they want to do it.

I do not want to delay the House but I advocate a system of insurance whereby the older folks could retire to the town or to the dower house and hand over the farm to a son to run. That could be done by the National Farmers' Association with the co-operation of some of the insurance companies.

Senator Quinlan burned the midnight oil producing these statistics, statistics which are useful. I congratulate him on them. I do not congratulate him on his national credit scheme and his suggestion that the Government should take over.

Help, not take over.

Provide the money and we will spend it. We want no supervision from the Government.

I did not say that.

How can the Government provide the money and take no responsibility? We would have the Senator in here in no time criticising the Government for doing such a thing. A system of apprenticeship would be a grand system if it were organised by the National Farmers' Association in co-operation with the other interested bodies. I do not agree that the Government should draw up a system and present it to the National Farmers' Association.

Finally, the Senator and the seconder of the motion introduced a side issue, the question of the Land Commission providing a special farm for a special candidate. There would be endless trouble immediately. I believe a scheme of apprenticeship properly organised and not dependent on State moneys would produce results. I believe such a scheme would be of great benefit, particularly from the point of view of rehabilitating the land. There are others on the land who want rehabilitation and there might not be room for many of them. I think the presentation of the motion here tonight deserves criticism.

I do not intend to detain the House more than five minutes because I do not think it is necessary to do so. The three people who have spoken, the proposer, the seconder and Senator Ó Donnabháin, all seem to be in agreement that the resolution is a good one, but they seem to differ on the manner of implementing it.

I did not understand Senator Quinlan to suggest that the Government should take over the scheme and operate it. I understood him to say that the Government should give a lead. Senator Ó Donnabháin seems to think the National Farmers' Association should take it over completely and run it. At any rate, the fact that this motion appeared on the Order Paper and has been discussed will ventilate it and perhaps something good will come of it.

The National Farmers' Association have been extremely busy for the past couple of years and perhaps they will now get an opportunity of doing something about it.

Senator Quinlan gave a lot of statistics to prove that there is a flight from the land. I am not an authority on statistics but I think it is apparent to anyone, even if he has not got a book on statistics, that there is a flight from the land. The House will know that when a job is advertised for the position of lorry driver for a county council or porter in a hospital, several farmers' sons apply for it. Some will be the only remaining sons left on the land but they are prepared to abandon the land and take a job as a porter in a hospital or a lorry driver, instead of working on their farms on which they were reared. I think that is an unhealthy sign.

The real reason I rise is to avail of this opportunity to appeal to the Minister for more technical instruction for farmers. After all this farm apprenticeship scheme is a form of technical instruction. Most of us attended the picture on the Common Market this morning in the Savoy Cinema.

Some of us accepted the invitation.

We did not get one.

Some of the Senator's colleagues did because I was sitting beside Senator Moloney.

It will be shown again.

At any rate, it was a short picture and the one sentence that stuck in my mind was a sentence in the commentary which stated that the people in the various countries in the Common Market are specialising in the subjects about which they know most. That suggested to me that we will either stand or fall as a member of the Common Market as an agricultural nation. If we are a success agriculturally we will be a success in the Common Market, and we will hold our own against our competitors. If we are not, we will be washed out. I respectfully suggest to the Minister that these last two years should be availed of to step up instruction for the agricultural community in the art of farming.

There are vocational schools, secondary schools, technical schools, studded all over the country—and that is very good; the more we have the better—but it is a sad reflection on our approach to agriculture that our agricultural schools can be counted on the fingers of one hand—or certainly on the fingers of two hands. It may be said that the committees of agriculture are discharging the duties of instructing the farming community, but with all due respect to those bodies I do not think they are, and I do not think they have been a success.

I understand that away back in the years gone by agriculture and technical education were both under the same Department. They parted, and the vocational education section under the Department of Education has gone from success to success. I am afraid the agricultural instruction division under the Department of Agriculture has remained static. Now is the opportunity to improve that position and the country will be agreeable to spend money in view of our impending entry into the Common Market as an agricultural nation. The taxpayers and the ratepayers will agree to spend money to prepare the country for entry to the Common Market as an agricultural nation.

I do not know if members of the Seanad—I was going to say if they could tell me when this motion was put down on the Order Paper by Senator Quinlan——

This time two years.

The Senator is apparently aware that since that motion was placed on the Order Paper agreement has been reached as between the organisations interested—the organisations which concerned themselves back as far as 1957 with the provision of a farm apprenticeship scheme—and that since some time in July when the Press announcement was made by the National Farmers' Association that agreement had been reached on a farm apprenticeship scheme it rests with those bodies to implement it.

I should like to cover a lot of the ground that was covered by Senator Quinlan. In the knowledge of this approved scheme on the part of those concerned he still persisted in moving this motion. As well as that he covered a very interesting field that had very little to do with the motion itself or its purpose: the flight from the land; the depopulation of the countryside; the desirability of encouraging some 6,000, 7,000 or 8,000 young boys each year to remain on the land; the desirability of milk production as against beef production. I cannot remember all the flights the Senator took, any one of which would take a considerable time to analyse. I have explained that a scheme has been approved. Of course each and every one of such schemes must be experimental. They will be found to contain weaknesses in operation and if they are reasonably successful these objections can be dealt with at a later stage.

There is nobody denying the importance of agricultural education but I would not dream of admitting that any apprenticeship scheme that is designed could possibly be as useful to the numbers of people who are concerned in this matter as, say, the agricultural night classes conducted in the different counties, the classes that have been promoted by the county committees of agriculture and the vocational education committees. Then there are as well the agricultural colleges. I should like to remind Senator Fitzpatrick that while we all agree as to the importance of education for these boys who are intended by their parents to remain to work on the land, he will find in his own county of Monaghan that where an agricultural school had been established some years ago and scholarships were offered for boys who would be interested in remaining on the land, they were not taken up. It is also a disappointing thing that many of those young men would go into agricultural schools and colleges not for the purpose of working on the farm but to secure employment elsewhere as a result of the knowledge they obtain there.

I should like briefly to refer to some of the remarks the mover of this motion has made about the depopulation of the country and the contribution that has been made by the different organisations, some of which he has mentioned, to the cause of helping rural Ireland. There is one thing I notice and I have noticed it for years, as do thousands of farmers, that the keenest advocates of keeping people on the land are those who themselves are not on it and those who make sure that their children do not remain on it if they are on it themselves.

I remember one time I went to a rural week in Virginia under the auspices of Muintir na Tíre. I think it was about the first rural week that was held and a very good friend of mine went there just to vet the show. He was intelligent, a good worker and a good farmer and he listened to the speakers with great interest. I met him outside and he said: "Yes, I agree with most of what has been said there but the one thing that is not convincing about that platform is that I could not see one person on it who was himself in conflict with the problems of the land."

When we talk about depopulation and express our regrets about depopulation and when we hear speakers like the mover of the motion castigate us for making a comparison with what is taking place in other countries in this matter, you would think that those of us who are living on the land and mean to remain on it enjoy this development. Some of those who speak so fluently on this subject are not half as devoted to this cause as those of us who look around not for the purpose of making excuses for ourselves but to derive some benefit from seeing what is happening in the world outside.

I criticised the misuse of the comparison.

It is not a sign of defeatism to see something happening around us and to regret it, to look outside and to see are we the only people who are showing this tendency or are the people in other lands doing likewise. To follow up that line of approach and reasoning, I know a fair share about this country.

The Minister used that approach. I did not.

It is not that I mind the Senator interrupting me but it is bad manners.

The Minister should not attribute to me what I did not say.

We have to be realists in this matter. It is the people who are realists who have some chance or some hope of getting to grips with this problem. If it is incapable of complete solution, it is the realists who will be likely to achieve the greatest success towards the partial solution of the problem. I am a realist when I say this to the Members of the Seanad: I look at West Cork. I look at Kerry as I know it. I look at my own county especially the north west end of it. I look at much of North Monaghan from which Senator Fitzpatrick comes. I see the small farms of eight, ten and 12 acres of poor, hungry land. I see the backward location of some of these farms, the tremendous hardship in even getting to them. I see and appreciate the cost of erecting a reasonably modern house and farm buildings on one of these little holdings.

I see all these things in different parts of the country and I understand that land with its roughness, its crudeness and its lack of response. I should like to invite those who do not live on the land but who look at it and talk as theorists and idealists—I would say much of it pretence—to give a personal demonstration of what they could do in these parts of the country, and unfortunately there is a great area in the country where the conditions are as I describe.

In the course of a long speech which had no reference at all to this motion I was delighted to hear the mover of the motion say he was glad some of the earlier recommendations that had been made by this committee of Macra na Feirme and the N.F.A. were not accepted. It was a very belated admission indeed. The Senator apparently was not even sufficiently well informed to know that the State was providing 30 scholarships and not 20.

We were then invited to deal with agricultural education and its ineffectiveness or otherwise. I understand that some time ago a creamery committee—I think it is in Boherbue—in agreement with the Department of Agriculture decided to appoint an agricultural instructor to advise and encourage some 350 farmers in the district. I heard—I do not know to what extent I am sufficiently informed —that Cork University were very much interested in that experiment, very much interested in seeing what these 350 farms and farmers were like before it started and that they made some arrangement that they would keep an eye on the scheme. I believe that is now ten years in operation and —I may be misinformed—I believe that nobody has since heard of the outcome of that investigation on the part of the university.

Cork University have no connection with that.

If we want to be helpful to agriculture, to rural Ireland, if we want to give practical aid and if we take on an assignment like that which is a small matter indeed and which if it were successful could be pointed to as something which could be repeated in many other places, I would say myself that if those responsible in the university took off their coats and kept up to date they would be making a far more useful contribution; they would be doing more to help the people on the land by showing those who were not part of that investigation what could be done if it were gone about properly than by merely giving lip service to what was taking place and blaming somebody because they were making comparisons and giving as an excuse that these things were happening in other countries.

That is typical of the approach.

We could have had a discussion on farm apprenticeship schemes, on the terms that have been approved, on the different proposals made prior to agreement being reached on the scheme that will be tried experimentally. We could have examined all the proposals on the provision of farms for young men after they had served an apprenticeship. I do not agree with that at all. I believe that we have not the land that would enable us to do that to any extent— apart altogether from the fact that the Land Commission's activities and their legal powers are designed to enable them to enlarge existing holdings.

If you were to look at the areas I have mentioned you would say that by far the most important work in which the Land Commission could become engaged for the next ten years is to follow up the announcements made following the report on the small farms of the West and elsewhere by acquiring neglected land and deserted land and by trying to reach agreement with a number of other landowners who are still in possession but who are unable because of many circumstances to operate their holdings successfully so as to secure land from them—by agreement of course—for distribution among their neighbours with smaller farms. I see far more prospects in that sort of activity for the brightening up of the countryside and improving its appearance and apart from improvement of appearance of ensuring that it will fall into the hands of those— and we have many of them—who work their land intelligently and well. It will fall into the hands of these people and they will, we hope, make a better job of it than those who held it before them.

There is this to be said about land: you can have an unsuccessful business man, an unsuccessful barber, an unsuccessful doctor, an unsuccessful lawyer or an unsuccessful teacher and nobody really feels it or notices it because there are still enough left to fill the gaps in most cases, but when you have an unsuccessful farmer everybody ultimately feels the effects of that man's inactivity. But it is hard to see how a system can be devised where farmers, people who own the land, will all be successful. I know there are young boys reared on farms who are excellent farmers and yet they never spent one single solitary day in an agricultural school. Even if a boy gets the advantage — undoubtedly the tremendous advantage—of a year in an agricultural school, unless he is fundamentally designed to be a farmer all the training and teaching in the world will not make him one. That has been my experience and I have watched them. To those destined to be farmers it is a tremendous advantage. To those who have not the urge to work on the land and secure land for themselves it is a disadvantage. I would have to knock down any apprenticeship scheme that provided, as the seconder of the motion said, for leasing a farm. You would lease a farm to a boy who if he was any good would want to have a farm of his own and if he was not any good you would want to be sure of the kind of lease you would give him. You would want a lease which would ensure that you could remove him if he failed to work it properly, if he failed to pay the rent or if he failed to pay the interest accruing on the cost of providing the holding. If you did not have all these stipulations you could have a number of bad farmers on your hands even after all your efforts. You do not want to listen to me any more.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

I was going to ask the Minister if he would like to finish or if the House would accommodate him.

I will finish. The subjects raised around this matter have been settled by the parties concerned, the NFA, Macra na Feirme and the Government, and any one of these questions would need almost an hour's speech. I was very pleased to have an opportunity of saying some of the things I have said because I have personally noticed this: mind you, farmers who attend functions and public debates may not be very vocal or talkative but they go home having made up their minds about those who have been glib and if they do not put the questions I have addressed to Senators tonight at those gatherings they feel them and in the main they are right.

I understood from the Leader of the Opposition that we were to rise at 10 o'clock and that the reply was to come when we took up the motion the next day. I think the libel made on UCC is something I will have to investigate carefully before the next day. But this I know speaking in my capacity as a member of the governing body: it was an outright libel. UCC had no connection with the Boherbue costings. A couple of members of UCC in their spare time which is very little were given the usual leave by the university to contribute if they wanted.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

Will the Senator postpone this and move the adjournment?

Some other Senators should have joined the few.

The Seanad adjourned at 10.5 p.m. until 3 p.m. on Wednesday, 28th November, 1962.

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