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Seanad Éireann debate -
Friday, 26 Jul 1963

Vol. 56 No. 21

Appropriation Bill, 1963 (Certified Money Bill): Second Stage (Resumed) and Subsequent Stages.

Question again proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

Tá leathchumha orainn i mbliana ag plé an Bhille seo toisc gan na Meastacháin ar fad a bheith pléite ag an Teach eile. Ar ndó, bhí caoi againn ar na Meastacháin a bhreithniú agus ár dtuairimí a chumadh in a dtaobh agus mar a chéile agus cuid mhaith eile de na daoine anseo, is ar Mheastachán an Roinn Oideachais is mó a thug mise m'aire agus b'údar áthais liom a fheiceáil go raibh méadú ar an Meastachán sin. Ach caithfidh mé a rádh go mba údar díomá liom a laghad a bhí an méadú sin.

Bhí an oiread sin cainte anuraidh ann faoin méid ba ghá an córas oideachais a fheabhsú agus a fhorbairt agus a chur ar chomh-chéim le tíorthaí eile, nárbh ionadh liom dá mbéadh an Rialtas nó an Roinn sin ag iarraidh £10 miliúin bhreise i mbliana ach ní mar sin atá. Níl méadú ann ach an méadú a thagann leis an bhfás nádúrtha atá faoin oideachas le blianta anuas.

Is mór an trua liomsa gan an ráiteas bliaintiúil a bheith tugtha ag an Aire Oideachais sar ar tháinig an Bille seo ós ár gcomhair. Tá sé taréis an oiread sin coiníní a tharraingt as an hata le cúpla ráithe anuas narbh ionadh liom cúpla ceann eile a theacht as dá mbeadh caoi aige a intinn a nochtadh don Dáil. Ba mhaith liom a fhios a bheith agam cén dul chun cinn atá déanta maidir lena pleananna agus an fhorbairt atá déanta maidir leis na pleananna atá fógartha aige cheana. Mar atá an scéal, táimid, mar a déarfá, ag tabhairt ar dtuairimí in vacuo.

Bhí de léir-mheas ar an Roinn Oideachais le blianta anuas go raibh sé ró-thámhach ró-fhaiteach ró-réidhchúiseach, ró-choimeádach, sean-bhean chríonna Shráid Mhaolbhríde gan beatha, gan beocht, ach caithfidh mé ar an ócáid seo a thréaslú leis an Aire gur léirigh sé i mbliana nach raibh an tsean-bhean críonna seargtha, calctha ar fad. Thionscnaigh sé scéimeanna i mbliana nár mhór misneach chuca, nár mhór dian-smaoineadh agus pleanáil chruinn. Níl bliain ó shoin baileach ó thug sé céim ar aghaidh ar mhaithe le teagaisc agus foghlaim na Gaeilge sna scoileanna agus ar mhaithe leis an dteanga a bheofhorbairt.

Táim ag tagairt don cheapachán a rinne sé tuairim is bliain ó shoin tré shagart oirearc céimiúil a cheapadh ina chómhairleoir don Roinn Oideachais. Nuair a bhéas an taighde agus an réiteach is gá déanta ag an sagart sároilte sin, tig linn bheith ag súil go dtosnófar ar deireadh thiar ar fheabhas cinnte a chur ar mhúineadh na Gaeilge agus ar mhódhanna nua teagaisc a thabhairt isteach sna scoileanna, agus go dtiocfaidh máistreacht ar an dteanga don aois scoile as seo amach. Ar ndóigh, ní rud é sin a thiocfaidh ar an bpointe. Caithfimíd fanacht leis ach is cruthú dúinne é go bhfuil an intinn ceart ag an Aire chun a ghnótha fhéin, agus go bhfuil tuiscint aige don laige a bhí sa scéal agus gur thug sé caol díreach ar an laige sin a leigheas.

Bhí caint inné ar an gcló Romhánach a thabhairt isteach agus ar an aibitir nua. Is dóigh gur ar chómhairle an Athar Colmáin Ó hUallacháin, a thug sé an fógra sin amach do na scoileanna tosnú ar an gcló Rómhánach agus an "h-alphabet", mar tugtar air, a usáid ins na scoileanna. Ar aon chuma, guímíd rath agus séan ar an iarracht atá dhá déanamh.

This move to improve the position of Irish language teaching in the schools is only one of the signs of a rejuvenation of outlook in Marlborough Street. Since then, we have what has become, possibly, to be known as the Hillery Plan. Now the Hillery Plan came in for quite a lot of criticism yesterday. Senator Quinlan criticised it rather severely, I thought. I would not go as far as Senator Quinlan did in his criticism of it. I see a lot more merit than he seems to see in it. Granted it is not a panacea for all the ills of education and it was not designed to be.

The Minister took note of the most glaring weaknesses in the post-primary educational structure and he set himself the objective of remedying these weaknesses. Now, he has brought about, therefore, two major changes and the one I consider the most important was not adverted to very much at all yesterday. It is the fact that he has opened up the cul-de-sac that was vocational education and has made an exit from it to higher education. Heretofore, there was no outlet from the vocational school. Now, by integrating the two systems at the intermediate stage and leaving the vocational pupil free to do the Intermediate at the end of a three-year course, he has given him equal opportunity with the secondary school pupil.

Senator Quinlan seemed to think that the imposition of that examination on the vocational pupil was foolish, that it was impracticable, that it could not work. Of course, there is nothing compulsory about it. No pupil in the school need take it but it offers the opportunity to anyone who is capable of taking it and who is capable of doing the three-course subjects, of taking these subjects to that standard. It gives him the opportunity of going forward to a future which was not previously there for him. I will say, of course, that probably a majority of the pupils who attend vocational schools will not be taking it up for various reasons. Normally a person who is good on the practical side is not so good on the academic side and you have at least two subjects of an academic nature which have to be taken at the Intermediate level. I welcome, at any rate, the opportunity which has been given and I consider it is a tremendous up-grading of the vocational schools.

Now, the other aspect of education which was discussed at length here yesterday was the comprehensive school, the new type of school. As you all know, this is intended to cater for areas that have had no educational facility of a post-primary nature up to now. The conditions under which these could be established were adverted to here yesterday. They serve an area within a radius of ten miles and for that reason they are going to be out of the reach of competition. They are going to be little educational kingdoms in themselves and I doubt if there are going to be many of them, in view of the conditions laid down for their establishment.

The main thing about them is that they are a departure in principle from the attitude of the State up to now in the matter of post-primary education. It is one field in which the Minister has displayed tremendous courage because he is really setting into the field of private enterprise. Again, I would take Senator Quinlan to task on his views on this yesterday. He said that he welcomed the attitude of the Minister in bringing education to places where it would not normally be brought by private enterprise. At the same time, he seemed to criticise the undue interference of the Government in education. I do not think this is undue interference because surely it is one of the principles we must accept that where private enterprise cannot do the job, then it is the function of the State to step in and do it if the social conditions demand it.

These schools will not interfere in any way with the existing secondary or vocational schools. They will be comprehensive in every sense of the word. They will have a very wide curriculum, covering both academic and practical subjects. The buildings, salaries and so on will be provided by the State. I would venture to think that when these schools are established, the per capita costs in them will be very much greater than our current costs in the ordinary secondary schools. Therefore, I welcome these schools because they will make an incontrovertible case for much higher subsidisation of the existing secondary schools. We will now have the position reversed. The depressed areas will have become the privileged areas as far as education is concerned. In order to reestablish some sort of balance, it will be imperative for the Government to make further investment in secondary education in the areas now served by private enterprise. That is one of the reactions I see coming from these new schools.

Much was said about equality of educational opportunity and that the Minister, by the establishment of these schools, was providing equality of educational opportunity. I do not think the establishment of these schools was really intended for that, because equality of educational opportunity does not consist merely in providing schools in every area. So long as people may be deprived of education because a fee must be paid, there is not equality of educational opportunity. In that way, these new areas have a further privilege over areas like Dublin where there is an abundance of secondary schools but where people are precluded from availing themselves of them because of the fee-paying system.

I am not one who believes that secondary education should be completely free, but there is a proposition to which we all must subscribe, that nobody should be precluded from secondary education because of means. I am afraid, even with the establishment of these new schools, unless there is very much greater subsidisation of secondary schools in the remaining areas of the country, there will still be inequality of educational opportunity.

There is another aspect of this development in education to which I might draw attention. Apart from the merits of this new plan as a plan, the idea of a comprehensive school has got people engaged in post-primary education thinking in terms of integration, co-ordination and co-operation. Where you had in the provincial towns secondary and vocational schools existing in a sort of cold war atmosphere, there is now the feeling abroad, as a result of this plan, that these schools should co-operate with one another, and I think that is actually in practice in a number of cases. There are technical difficulties to be overcome, because we will have to bring about the position where a teacher in one category can get recognition for service in either type of school. A great amount of overlapping which occurs, particularly in the smaller towns, could be eliminated with co-operation between the two types of schools in the same area.

I have in mind one case where there is a boys' small secondary school and a vocational school. The vocational teachers do the practical subjects in the secondary school and the secondary teachers, having done whatever is required of them in their own school, do academic subjects at night in the vocational school. There could be a lot more of that. It would bring the comprehensive school idea into a number of areas which would not qualify under the terms of the plan. The Minister, therefore, deserves our sincere thanks for pointing the way to this co-operation between the various types of schools.

So many aspects of the educational field are clamouring for attention— everything from the size of classes in kindergarten schools to the subsidisation of universities and the provision of schools of dentistry—that it is very difficult to make a selection of what should be discussed. The opportunity afforded here on the Appropriation Bill is hardly adequate for a full discussion of education. Especially in the end-of-term and eve-of-holiday atmosphere we have now, the education of the country does not get sufficient notice in this House. Would it be possible to have a motion on educational matters put down at a time of year when business is not so heavy and probably following the discussion of the Estimate in the Dáil? Could we have an assurance from the Leader of the House that such a motion would be taken with a view to discussing the various aspects of education and that there would be no political tinge to it at all? Many people here are interested in various aspects of education, both as members of vocational committees and, of course, as parents. They would be very anxious to have a general discussion on educational matters.

In the circumstances, and having regard to time limits, I should like to confine myself to one or two items relating specifically to secondary teachers—not really the most important ones but having a special relevancy at the present time. I want first to criticise the Minister for his failure to hold consultations with the teachers before imposing on the secondary schools the new mathematics syllabus and the new science syllabus last year. It came as a complete bombshell to the teachers who read, for the first time, in the newspapers last Easter that the new syllabus was to operate in the schools as from September, 1963. The official notice actually came on 4th April this year. The reaction of the teachers was that this was too precipitate and that time must be given to prepare because a considerable amount of new matter was involved. Teachers in the 50-60 years category are not too anxious for, and it is not too easy for them to accommodate themselves to new ideas without ample opportunity of preparing themselves.

In view of that, consultations were held with all the recognised bodies in secondary teaching and, as one body, they approached the Minister to have the application of these new courses postponed for one year so as to give everyone an opportunity to prepare for them. Despite the fact that that approach was unanimous, that was not done. I must deplore in the strongest terms the attitude of the Minister in that regard. Following that, and on demand, courses were arranged for teachers. One would think that having imposed this new burden on the teachers who were not prepared for it, the Department would certainly have helped the teachers in every way possible to acquire the necessary knowledge in the new matter and would, therefore, subsidise the courses.

Again the Minister has refused to subsidise these courses and again I must deplore that attitude. There is every reason why the courses should be subsidised and why the teachers should not be asked to come to a university centre from all over the country at their own expense and to pay tuition fees to the university as is happening. They had arranged a course to accommodate 70 or 80 people but the demand was so great that they had to extend the course to take three times that number and to open another course in Cork. That shows that the teachers are most willing and anxious to co-operate with the Minister even in the adverse circumstances of having to pay their own way through the courses and having to abandon their holiday plans in order to equip themselves for the task the Minister imposed on them. I think the Minister has treated the teachers shabbily in this matter.

Recently the Minister introduced a scheme whereby in future lay teachers of science, holding a degree in science, are to be given a salary in excess of that given to teachers of ordinary subjects. Again, it is characteristic of the Minister that he wanted to achieve an objective and went the most direct way about it but possibly he did not consider all the implications involved in doing so. He has done this in order to recruit science teachers for the schools. There is only one appeal that operates and that is the appeal of money. He has introduced therefore a new rule whereby a teacher of science, a lay teacher—he made a distinction between lay and religious—holding a university degree in science and teaching for a certain minimum number of hours per week, will be in receipt of £150 in excess of the salary payable to the teacher of ordinary subjects.

While we applaud the Minister's directness in going for this objective and his attitude towards recruiting teachers of science for the schools, I think this is really an acknowledgement of the inadequacy of the salaries paid to all teachers. The question of the recruitment of science teachers has been a problem for some time but the question of the recruitment of foreign language teachers is an emerging problem and may be even more acute than that of the science teachers. In a few years' time, we may have to make similar provision for that type of teacher and eventually wind up with a multiplicity of salary scales.

That is a bad thing and the proper way to cope with the problem is to make the teaching profession attractive enough by giving sufficient to all grades of teachers to induce people to go into that profession. It is imperative that that be done and it should be accompanied by an insistence that teachers will teach only subjects in which they have university qualifications. This is something that has been demanded by secondary teachers generally for a long time, that their teaching be confined to subjects they have studied at university level.

It is one of the marvels of our system here that a person with a degree in science only can teach English, Latin or French in the secondary school. He is held to be qualified and is recognised because he has a primary degree. That is one of the aspects of our secondary educational system that has evoked adverse comment on all sides. Now that changes are being made, now that certain subjects are coming into prominence and that qualifications are being examined, it is the proper time to make a move towards taking that type of anomaly out of the system.

I should like to support the plea made by Senator Brosnahan yesterday for the establishment of a research institution in education. The only research we have at the moment is that carried out by An tAthair Ó hUallacháin who is engaged on one aspect of research for the schools. It is highly important in any country which is taking education seriously that the Department of Education should be aware of what the educational needs are and should be able to meet them.

I should like also to join with Senator Ó Maoláin in criticising the amount of time given to Irish on Telefís Éireann. It was one of the matters I raised on this debate last year and no progress has been made since then. Some effort was made for a short time but it was given up and the position now is worse than it was 12 months ago. With regard to the criticism made yesterday, and which received prominence in today's papers, of the cutting off of programmes at the peak point, the reason, I am given to understand, is that there is a link up with Eurovision in these programmes. They are run to a split-second timing and irrespective of what is happening, they must be cut off at that time and the television authorities are not responsible.

Senator Ó Maoláin last night criticised Telefís Éireann but I feel he should consider himself fortunate to be in a position to criticise them, for despite the fact that I have been the owner of a television set for many years and have paid the television licence fee for two successive years, I have never had the opportunity of watching Telefís Éireann in Donegal. The people in my county are a patient people. We realised that it would take time to provide the service throughout the country and for that reason we waited for the first year, but we are now getting a little impatient and I am justified in registering a very strong protest to the Television Authority. I appeal to them to take immediate steps to let us see Telefís Éireann programmes and possibly we may not be too harsh on them.

Extra moneys are being provided in this Bill to stimulate our major industries. I hope the day is not too far distant when the Government will be in a position to provide much more money for the tourist industry. Senator Fitzpatrick made a point about encouragement for boarding houses which I should like to support. Our tourist potentialities are not by any means being fully exploited and we have a long way to go before this industry becomes top-heavy. We are fortunate in that we are within 24 hours travelling distance of the greatest tourist market in the world—the industrial workers of England, Scotland and Wales. The majority of these people would be content with good boarding houses, clean rooms and good food. If Bord Fáilte were to encourage more of them to extend in order to cater for this market, the all-over position would be greatly improved. In my own county, one would have to travel possibly 50 miles before one could even get overnight facilities. On at least one occasion I have had to keep four elderly ladies in my sittingroom at night because they could not get accommodation. I hope that Bord Fáilte will give this greater consideration in future.

Senator Fitzpatrick was concerned about the courts of justice in Donegal and mentioned a circuit court case in Letterkenny on 5th of July. The Minister for Justice was asked about this last week and made a comprehensive statement which Senator Fitzpatrick must not have read. I shall read the statement he made, from the Dáil debates, Volume 204, No. 8, at column 1174.

Will you give us the whole background to it?

Senator McGlinchey must be allowed to continue without interruption.

It is well known that there were political implications.

The Minister for Justice said:

On Friday, 5th July, a man named Bernard J. McManus was sentenced at Letterkenny Circuit Court to six months imprisonment for larceny. Later on that day an application was made to me, by the solicitor in the case, that the execution of the warrant should be deferred pending my consideration of a petition against McManus' removal to Mountjoy Prison pending the hearing of a jury action against another defendant in the same case which had been adjourned until the October sessions.

I became aware, also, that Bernard J. McManus had been served with a summons on 27th June to appear at Letterkenny Circuit Court on Thursday, 11th July, as a witness in a criminal case.

In these circumstances and, as the law does not permit of a person being detained in a lock-up provided in a Garda Station for more than 48 hours while awaiting removal to prison on conviction, I decided to accede to the request for a temporary postponement of the execution of the warrant, pending consideration of a petition which was about to be submitted.

I may add that the petition in question was received by me on 8th July and on 9th July it was disallowed and on that date the Garda superintendent and the county registrar were so informed and that the law should take its course.

McManus gave evidence in Letterkenny Circuit Court on 11th July and was then brought to Mountjoy Prison to serve his sentence...

I see no reason why there should have been any public disquiet. This power of mine to defer the execution of warrants has been in operation since the foundation of the State and has been exercised time and again by my predecessors and was vigorously defended in this House by Deputy MacEoin when he was Minister for Justice. I do not propose to be stampeded out of the use of this power which is vested in me by the Oireachtas and I will continue to exercise it in appropriate cases until such time as the Oireachtas, and nobody else decides, I should not have this power.

Senator Fitzpatrick mentioned this case which was raised by Fine Gael in the Dáil. The facts and the petition were presented on behalf of the defendant by his solicitor, who happens to be a Fine Gael Deputy from West Donegal.

Give the full facts. He was phoned up to——

Is this Senator to continue to interrupt today as he did yesterday? I think we must strongly protest.

Senator McGlinchey, without interruption.

This matter was raised by Deputy O'Higgins and not by the Deputy tipped by "Backbencher" to do the job.

I think the Senator should refrain from criticising the conduct of Deputies.

I am not criticising the conduct of Deputies. If Senator Fitzpatrick should visit Donegal, he might discover that there was yet another case which never reached the courts at all and he might discover that people in glasshouses should not throw stones.

Senator Fitzpatrick had nothing to do with that.

It had no reference whatsoever to Senator Fitzpatrick.

That is all right.

Senator McGlinchey must be allowed to make his speech without interruption.

We hear some unusual statements from Senator L'Estrange from time to time. Yesterday he said that at one stage or another I had connections with his Party. I may have been misguided in many ways in my youth but never politically. I am very proud to say that neither I nor any member of my family ever had any association with the Fine Gael Party.

That is something to be proud of.

I should like to restrict my remarks to one Vote, No. 32, Secondary Education. My feeling is that secondary education is the Cinderella of the Department of Education. We are in the midst of an industrial revolution. We are now living in the 20th century but we are neglecting our secondary education and in doing so, we are neglecting the leaders of this country of tomorrow—the people who will be the leaders in managerial life, in professional life and in political life.

The Vote for Secondary Education is £3,745,000—a comparatively large sum and an increase of £615,000 on last year—but we have to get those figures, I think, into proportion. If we compare them with the funds spent in other countries on secondary education, they are practically infinitesimal.

I want to pay credit here to the continued work of the Federation of Irish Lay Secondary Teachers who, as the Minister and several members of this House know, have produced a supplemental report to their previous report of last year. The figures which I shall use are taken from the figures produced by that body whose research is a tremendous help to all those interested in secondary education.

I think we should try to get our figures into proportion. If we look at the per capita sums spent by the State in England and Wales on secondary grammar school children, over two groups—the under 15 and the over 15—we find that approximately £140 10s. 0d. per head was spent on the under 15 group and £181 was spent on the over 15 group in secondary grammar schools in England and Wales. In secondary modern schools, of the 11 to 15 age group the sum is a bit lower—and rightly so, I think— £88 10s. 0d. per head.

If we turn to the Republic, the figure per head is only £36 7s. 8d. for secondary pupils. I think it right to compare that not so much with the secondary modern but with the secondary grammar school figures.

There are terrible gaps in secondary school facilities in this country. Senator Ó Conalláin mentioned the gaps in languages, mathematics and sciences and the gaps in getting the right types of teachers for these subjects.

I very much agreed with Senator McAuliffe last night when he said that perhaps too much attention is paid to examination results—that schools and headmasters and headmistresses are too keen to measure examination results and to forget about what a child has to do after he gets his examination. I entirely support him on that and on his belief that some attention should be paid to career guidance for children while they are at school to guide them into the careers they should follow.

May I suggest that perhaps the Department of Education could produce some brochure or booklet or some guidance to students leaving school as to the careers open to them that might be available to all secondary school children throughout the country? Possibly that might be followed up at some later stage by the encouragement of the establishment of a career master or mistress, part of whose duties would be the guidance of children on leaving school because, as Senator McAuliffe said yesterday, so many children leaving school have no idea of what they are suited for. A little preliminary guidance would be of tremendous help to them so that they might then have some opportunity of searching out the avenues which they are to follow later.

Nevertheless, examination results are a yardstick and though Senator McAuliffe may be right to say we pay too much attention to them, they are a yardstick of the results of the educational system. Let us look at some of the figures in Table 13 of the second report. I do not want to bore the House with figures but I want to stress a couple of basic figures which are indicative of the standard of results which we are getting and which are not good enough.

If we equate A level passes in GCE in England with honours in Leaving Certificate in Ireland, I think we get a fairly fair comparison. We can take A level passes at the same time in Northern Ireland. Let us look at those figures for French. Take an age group of 17 to 18 in England and Wales, Northern Ireland and the Republic, and taking the number of A level passes per 10,000 of the population, the figure for England and Wales is 205; Northern Ireland, 232; Republic, only 78.

In German, the situation is worse: 63 per 10,000 in England and Wales; 54 in Northern Ireland; and seven in the Republic. The language figures compare most unfavourably with those of our neighbours. A similar situation arises in connection with the sciences. I do not want to go into the detailed figures for sciences but they reflect the same trend. The total for basic science in England and Wales per 10,000 of the same age group is 980; Northern Ireland, 663; Republic, 218. By the yardstick of examination results, we do not compare favourably.

In the light of these figures, do the Government deny that there is something seriously wrong with our secondary education system? I cannot think they would dispute it for a moment. What are the remedies? Perhaps there are a number of immediate remedies and a number of long-term remedies but I should like to deal with a few of them as I see them. Basically, money is perhaps the major problem but even with a little money, certain things can be done. First, I think the capital grant must be increased. It is very small and within the system of administering that grant, there is far too rigid control. I suggest that the 4-2 system, as I understand it is called, should be abolished, that is, the system by which a recognised pupil following a recognised secondary course spends four years in a junior capacity and two in a senior. This penalises the clever student because, if he is clever enough to get Intermediate in three years, there will still be a capitation grant available for him only for two senior years.

There should be some relaxation of this system so that a clever student can get a grant all through his secondary school career and if he wants to stay on for further years to continue the senior course and work for a university scholarship, the capitation grant should be available for him, even though he got Intermediate at a much earlier age than the average.

Senator Ó Conalláin spoke of the difficulty of attracting maths, language and science masters. That is a very real difficulty and I suppose the standard of teaching would be very low indeed if it were not for the devoted service and real patriotism of many secondary teachers who prefer to work in this country rather than get much higher scales elsewhere. But that is not a situation which should be allowed to continue. It is very dangerous in the long run that it should continue. The figures show that in this country at present, of the 680 secondary school teachers teaching mathematics, only 33 are honours graduates. In England and Wales, 1,600 out of 3,600 are honours graduates. In spite of devoted patriotism, It is very difficult to get honours graduates to teach here and the time will come when we probably will not get any.

The same is true in many other subjects. The Department of Education will have to face the situation in which salaries, official salaries particularly, will have to be brought in line with what is paid in Northern Ireland and Britain and at the same time, in order to attract people back here, they must envisage giving credit for teaching experience in Northern Ireland and Britain in regard to incremental salaries. Teaching is not so very different in the neighbouring countries and anybody who has taught there should be given credit for that service.

Secondary education is very much neglected in the matter of scholarships. The number available to secondary school students needs to be tremendously increased if it is to be brought anywhere near in line with our neighbours. In Northern Ireland in 1960/61, the scholarship grant per head of the child population from 12 to 18 was £16 12s. I think it was a good deal higher in England and Wales but I have not got the figures. In the Republic, it was not even 16/-; it was 11/3d. per head of the same age group of the population.

The Minister for Education has set out the very laudable aim of making secondary education available to all. All of us here and outside would support him in that but it is one thing to express the aim and another to carry it out, and unless the number of scholarships for secondary school students and scholarships available to students of poor means so that they can go to secondary schools is substantially increased, I see little chance of that aim being realised in the near future.

Finally, there is great need for capital building grants. Senator McAuliffe rightly pointed out that the costs of building are continually rising and it is becoming increasingly difficult, if not impossible, for devoted bands of voluntary subscribers to support secondary schools in their present need for new building accommodation. The Government make generous grants for equipment, particularly science equipment, but what is the good of scientific equipment, and grants for scientific equipment, if there is no grant for the place in which that equipment has to be housed?

We talk of investment in education. Any businessman making an investment thinks in terms of putting down some fairly substantial sum on which he can get an adequate return. What sort of investment is 11/3d. per head per secondary school scholar? Does the House, and does the Minister, consider this an adequate investment? What sort of return does the State expect from an investment of that size? It is the aim of the Minister for Education to make secondary education, by widening post-primary education, available to all. If steps are not taken to increase the money available, and to increase the grants, then we will be a very long way off the Minister's aim.

Senator Ó Conalláin said that as so much had been spoken about education here, he hoped a motion would be tabled and that the Minister for Education could be present so that we could discuss education in its wider aspects and in greater detail. I have felt this for some time and, with regard to secondary education, Senator Brosnahan and I will table a motion that the Government should give it more financial support because we feel that this is of tremendous importance to the future of this country; it is something which, up to now, has been tragically neglected.

Is main liomsa caint ar rud ar leith go bhfuil baint aige leis an airgead atá in áirithe san mBille seo, ní hamháin don Roinn Oideachais ach don Rialtas go hiom-Ián. Sí ceist atá ag cur imní orm ná ceist athbheochan na Gaeilge, go bhfuil an athbheocan ceangailte ar an Rialtas agus go bhfuil obair mhór ar siúl ina leith ag an Rialtas. Ní fonn cáinte ná cnáimhseáin atá ormsa i leith saothar an Rialtais sa ghnó seo agus ba mhaith liom go dtuigfí nach do Roinn amháin, an Roinn Oideachais, atáim ag tagairt ach don Rialtas go hiomlán agus don mhéid atá curtha i gcrích acu i leith an dualgas a cuireadh orthu faoin mBunreacht a ceapadh don tír seo. Is fíor a rá go bhfuil saothar mór déanta ag an Rialtas ar chuid de gnéithe na ceiste go dtí seo agus go bhfuil torthaí maithe tábhachtacha le feiscint de bhárr an díchill agus na féile sin i bpáirt an Rialtais. I gcúrsaí oideachais is mó, ár ndó, atá rian na hoibre sin le feiscint.

Bhí tráth ann im chuimhne féin nuair ná raibh aon fhocal Gaeilge dhá mhúineadh in aon scoil phoiblí. Ní hionann agus mar atá anois, ach níl aon cheann dar scoileanna poiblí nach bhfuil an teanga dhá mhúineadh inti go maith nó cuíosach maith. Is ar éigin atá oide scoile i mbun-scoileanna na tíre seo ná fuil cáilíocht mhúineadh na Gaeilge aige agus eolas na teangan go sár-mhaith, go maith nó cuíosach maith aige. De thoradh obair an Rialtais i leith oideachais tá anois againn na fichidí mílte daoine in Éirinn go bhfuil an Ghaeilge acu agus eolas acu cad is ciall don Ghaeilge sin agus, tá súil agam, a fhios aca cad na thaobh gur múineadh dóibh é agus na fáthanna náisiúnta a bhí leis an dícheall sin ón Rialtas agus óna múinteoirí a bhí i mbun na hoibre. Tá na mílte daoine sin anois ina nGaelgeoirí ná beadh aon eolas ar an dteanga acu mura mbeadh dúthracht an Rialtais a sholáthraigh an teagasc dóibh as a dtáinig an t-eolas sin chuca.

Sa Státseirbhís anois, de thoradh chúram an Rialtais, tá an tseirbhís sin lán de Ghaeilgeoirí agus eolas maith acu a chuirfeadh ar a gcumas a gcuid oibre a dhéanamh i nGaeilge dá mba ghá dhóibh é. Sí an cheist atá agamsa anois agus agamsa ar an Rialtas gur mithid scrúdú iomlán a dhéanamh feasta ar staid na gluaiseachta i láthair na huaire, ar na torthaí atá le fáil ón tsaothar a deineadh le 40 bliain, agus ón eolas a gheobhfar as an scrúdú agus an léirmheas sin céim nua ar aghaidh a thabhairt in obair na hathbheochana. Is féidir a rá gur ullmhúchán í an obair atá déanta go dtí seo agus na torthaí atá le fáil aisti don lá nuair a thabharfar iarracht ar an nGaeilge a chur in ionaid udaráis agus cleachtaithe i ngnó na tíre nó in ionaid Rialtas agus gnó an phobail. Is chun go mbeidh ar ár gcumas é sin a dhéanamh atá an t-ullmhú ar siúl le mór-dhícheall agus le cuid mhaith costais le 40 bliain. Is mithid dúinn anois toradh an tsaothair sin a chur i bhfeidhm chun an cuspóir a bhí leis an saothar sin a shroichint.

Sé dob áil liom anois a chur i láthair an Rialtas ná an fiosrú sin a dhéanamh, agus an dea-mhéinn atá fásta in aigne an phobail a úsáid agus dul ar aghaidh go misniúil chun an cuspóir atá romhainn le 40 bliain a thabhairt i gcrích. Tá ar an Rialtas cúram an phobail, cúram chorpartha an phobail, a sláinte, a leas agus a gceart a chothú. Sé atá mé ag iarraidh anois go dtógfadh an Rialtas— an Rialtas uile—mar chúram orthu féin dul i muinín an phobail, an pobal a theagasc, an pobal a ghríosadh agus a threorú chun na h-aidhmeanna uile a bhí againn, agus atá fós againn, a thabhairt i bhfeidhm, agus an teanga Ghaeilge a chur san ionad inar cóir dí a bheith ag ár gcine agus ag ár náisiún.

Fé mar atá freagarthacht ar an Rialtas an pobal a theagasc i leith a leasa, agus a sláinte, cén chúis ná beadh an fhreagarthacht chéanna uirthi i leith chultúr an chine dhúchais. Táimíd, dar liom, ar tí dul i gcómh-pháirt le náisiúin na hEórpa. Má théimíd, imeoidh a lán neithe atá anois mar chúram orainn. Má théimíd i gcómh-pháirt leis na náisiúin eile sin dar liomsa, tá an baol ann gur múchadh agus dearmad buan a bheidh i ndán dar gcultúir. Chun na cómharthaí a bhí beo againn gur chine ar leith sinn, gur náisiún ar leith sinn, go bhfuil traidisiún ar leith againn, go bhfuil cultúr ar leith againn agus go bhfuil an teanga náisiúnta mar phríomh-chómhartha ar ár seilbh do theideal cine agus náisiúin, ba mhaith liom tathaint ar an Rialtas an scrúdú agus an léirmheas sin a dhéanamh, cineadh ar ghnó teagaisc agus gríosadh a dhéanamh ar an bpobal chun an Gaeilge atá anois acu a úsáid agus a chleachtadh agus a bheith maoíteach as go bhfuil an cómhartha sin orainn fós nach Franncaigh nó Sasanaigh sinn ach Gaeil nár scar riamh leis an dtraidisiún is dual do Ghael.

Tá somplaí maithe ag an Rialtas chun aithris a dhéanamh orthu. Bídís dáiríre, cinnte, san obair fé mar a bhí na Giúidigh san Israel a thóg teanga a bhí marbh le míle bliain agus a dhein teanga bheo agus teanga oifigiúil dí do phobal Israel. Má scrúdaíonn siad an Fhionnlann chífidh siad cad a dhein Rialtas agus muintear na Fionnlainne nuair dob áil leo deireadh a chur leis an teanga Sbheirgeach a bhí in uachtar acu, gur chuireadar a dteanga féin ó bhaol a múchta faoi thionchar na teanga gallda sin. D'éirigh leo na neithe sin a thabhairt i gcrích mar bhíodar dáiríre san obair. Déanfaimís aithris orthu. Tá pobal na tíre toilteanach le teagasc a ghlacadh agus glacfaidh siad le saothar na hathbheochana agus an cuspóir atá ag gabháil léi a thabhairt i gcrích in Éirinn.

Tá ní amháin san obair seo atá ar siúl ag an Rialtais—an nós, agus is baol liom an deachtú, atá ghá dhéanamh deireadh a chur leis an bhfoirm liteartha a bhí ag gabháil riamh leis an nGaeilge. Do réir deallraimh tá beartaithe anois deireadh a chur le húsáid na litreach a bhí ag gabháil leis an teanga Ghaeilge le míle go leith bliain. Deirtear gurab é an cló Rómhánach a bheidh feasta ann. Is cúis gháire cuid den scéil mar ba chló Rómhánach agus cló a bhain leis an Laidin féin atá ins na sean-leabhair Éireannacha go bhfuil an oiread sin gradam againn dóibh—Leabhar Laighean, Leabhar Bhaile an Mhóta, Leabhar Darmhagh agus Leabhar Árd Mhaca. Anois ar chúis éigean níl an cló Rómhánach sin le húsáid feasta. Is cló Rómhánach a bhí riamh ag gabháil leis an Ghaeilge agus cén fáth go ndéanfaimís é mhalartú anois ar chló ná fuil fiú amháin oiriúnach don Ghaeilge chun leasaithe, athraithe agus neithe nua a chur léi. An bhfuil aon chiall le bheith ag déanamh ath-chumadh agus míchruthú ar fhocla Gaeilge le "h-anna"—"h-anna" atá marbh? Ní dóigh liom gur ciallmhar an rud é an screamh "h-anna" sin a chur gan chúis mar loit agus ábhar mearthaill i bhfocla in áiteanna nach rabhadar riamh iontu.

D'iarrfainn ar an Rialtas d'achainí mór dáiríre deireadh a chur leis an rud ainis sin an "h", agus gabháil leis na comharthaí a bhí ann riamh agus a oir seacht n-uaire níos fearr do riachtanaisí an litriúcháin Ghaeilge. Tá aithne ag daoine ar bhun-fhoirm na bhfocal agus maireann na bunfhoirmeacha sin fós le feiscint sa chló ba dhual don teanga.

Bhí trá ann nuair cuirtí leabhair i gcló ar an Mór-Roinn nuair ná raibh caoi nó cead ag ár sinsir in Éirinn leabhair a chur i gcló agus bhíodar san cómh cinnte sin do riachtanas an chló Ghaeilge, mar thugaimíd air, a úsáid gur éirigh leo i bParis, i Louvain agus sa Róimh, cló a dhéanamh go speisialta i leabhra Gaeilge. Iarraim ar an Rialtas deireadh a chur leis an "h" marbh atá dhá chur isteach gan riachtanas i bhfocla na Gaeilge.

I dtosach mo chainte do thagraíos do dhualgas an Rialtais—cuid den dualgas san, dar liomsa, an pobal a theagasc agus a ghríosadh chun feidhm a bhaint anois as an Gaeilge atá an Rialtas agus na dúthrachtaigh leasmuigh den Rialtas taréis a thabhairt do phobal na hÉireann. Tá gá leis an dteagasc sin. Cinneadh an Rialtas ar an gcéim nua sin a thabhairt. Cuiridís gléas ar siúl chun an pobal a theagasc. Bíodh an Rialtas féin, lena gcomhacht, lena núdarás agus lena ndícheall, ag gríosadh an phobail chun an cuspóir atá leis an ngluaiseacht a thabhairt chun tortha agus críche. Is é dualgas an Rialtais é sin a dhéanamh agus a chur in iúil go bhfuilimíd in Éirinn dáiríre i dtaobh an scéil.

May I intervene before the next speaker to say that as a result of the understanding last week on the business to be taken in connection with these Bills, I informed the Minister for Finance that we would have finished this Bill last night? As a result of that, he made arrangements for this afternoon of which I was not aware. Therefore, it is desirable that we should finish this Bill before lunch. I should like to get an indication of how many speakers there are.

According to my list, there will be five other speakers.

If it were possible for the Minister to get in to reply, say, at one o'clock, it would facilitate matters very much.

We will do our best.

First, I should like wholeheartedly to support the remarks of Senator Ó Siochfhradha as far as the recurring h's in the Irish language are concerned. In doing so, I should like to mention that if provincial papers in Naas and Carlow are able to do this and do it quite well, I do not see that there will be tremendous difficulty in the rest of the country following suit.

Speaking in the debate yesterday, Senator Ó Ciosáin referred to the Government's agricultural policy. I regret that he did not elaborate on this particular topic a little more fully. I should like to know if it is a fact that the Government have decided, should the weather improve and should the harvest of 1963 be good, to introduce again this year the wheat levy. That is a question that is troubling all the wheat farmers at this time and I feel that it is something that should be settled as it was heretofore.

When the inter-Party Government were in power, the Minister for Agriculture, Deputy Dillon, always announced the wheat price before the crop was sown in the spring. Senator Ó Ciosáin, of course, as usual criticised Deputy Dillon on the wheat question but he seemed to forget all the propaganda and talk of his Party, when they were in opposition, about the 82/6 a barrel for wheat. When we consider that last year the majority of our unfortunate farmers received only 52/6 a barrel for their wheat, we see that it is high time that the Government made a clear-cut statement on what their wheat policy is now and what price our farmers can hope to receive for this year's harvest.

Senator Yeats asked were the Government spending too much money on agriculture, was the Estimate for agriculture too high. The farmers are not asking that more money should be spent on agriculture; they are not just asking that more money should be spent on the Government's agricultural policy as it is, but what they do expect is that the Minister for Agriculture will assert himself and fix proper agricultural prices. He should insist that the millers and all other middlemen pay the farmers an economic price for their produce, based on the cost of production in 1963 and not, as at present, on the cost of production in 1953.

Last night, Senator Flanagan mentioned the decision to scrap the " Stop" signs on our roads. If the Government decide to scrap these signs, they should bear 100 per cent of the cost of the change. The local authorities in Laois, Offaly, Kildare and Carlow have spared no effort adequately to signpost their roads, and if the Government decide to change the signs after only a few years of operation, it would be unfair to ask the ratepayers in these counties to pay for the mistakes of the Government.

I should like to refer briefly to the general dissatisfaction about the telephone service. I met a subscriber in Dublin who, when looking for a trunk call down the country, was told by the operator that there was a 90-minute delay on all lines. But ten minutes later, he dialled again and got through straight away. There is something wrong with a system that allows that to happen, and grave public concern is being expressed. The Minister for Posts and Telegraphs should take more drastic action in an endeavour to have the service improved.

There are many small things in the Department of Posts and Telegraphs which aggravate the public. In the case of telegrams—whether from a few miles away for a few shillings or from Australia or America at great cost to the sender—the writing on these telegrams when they arrive is sometimes childish and almost undecipherable. I have here some telegrams which came from the Kilkenny post office a few days ago. One would expect a child of six to have a better standard of writing. It is a disgrace to have a scribble like this come from any public office. These are matters which closer supervision should be able to rectify.

It is quite obvious that the Minister for Transport and Power, his Department and indeed the Government themselves, have no respect for public opinion. The public have definitely conveyed to those concerned their opposition to the decision of the ESB to tear down the Georgian houses in Fitzwilliam Street. It is also an expression of CIE's lack of faith in the people that after so many years of operation, if any society wish to run an excursion or even a pilgrimage to Knock, they must guarantee to pay for 400 or 500 people on that pilgrimage. The policy of closing down railways in the teeth of public opinion is further proof that the present administration have no regard for the wishes of the people they claim to represent as a democratic Party.

I would appeal again to the Minister for Transport and Power to review the matter of the bimensal charges by the ESB for rural electrification connections. It is extraordinary to see the occupants of a house with a poor law valuation on buildings of £15 having to pay £30 or £40 a year for the privilege of having the ESB service connected. The ESB overhead charges are based on the floor area of the house. If the ESB did the wiring of the house, perhaps one could understand their charges; but since they only bring the supply to the nearest external wall, it is a bit too much to ask people to pay £4 or £5 every two months for a connection. In many cases where the Land Commission acquire old country mansions, the occupants are unable to avail of this great national service because they cannot afford to pay the overhead charges. I would appeal to the Minister to fix a maximum overhead charge for all these rural houses.

Senators McAuliffe and Ross advocated the introduction of a guide to careers. I should like to point out that the country's leading morning paper recently ran a comprehensive series of articles on a guide to careers, and I understand that they also publish these articles in book form. In doing so, they have done a wonderful service to parents and young people. They deserve our very best thanks for making the choice of a career much easier for so many people.

The present situation in the political life of the country is obvious. The electorate, as shown by the result in Dublin North-East, want to get rid of the present Fianna Fáil administration. They are looking more and more to the Fine Gael Party for the leadership necessary to prevent the present critical situation worsening further.

There were some other remarks I wished to make on the Bill and I should like to express my dissatisfaction that on practically every Bill that comes in here back bench members are asked to be brief. Ministers seem always to have to get away and I feel that when the Leader of the House and the Leader of the Opposition are making their arrangements, they should stretch the time a little more.

In this Bill we are considering the cost of running the nation for the present year, and the length of our debates here is adding to the cost of running the nation. We have a Vote for the Houses of the Oireachtas which increases a little each year. I should like to consider for a moment the cost to the nation as a whole of the kind of debate we have had here during the last fortnight. Some of the debate has been relevant, honest and sincere. Most of the speakers this morning come under that heading. But some of the matters referred to earlier in the debate clearly do not. We have had discussions on the majority in the Treaty debates, the Civil War and on alleged bribery.

This kind of thing is costing the country time, money, energy and prestige. I would make an appeal to those members of this House and of the other House who indulge in this kind of discussion to consider what it is costing the country in general as well as its cost in the Vote for the Houses of the Oireachtas. The money spent from the Exchequer does not, for example, cover the cost to our energy of these debates which have made us angry when we do not want to be angry so that when we go back to our work, as many of us must do, we are less fit for it. In this way the production of the country is suffering in 60 cases, when all members of the Seanad have been involved.

What gain is there to the country from this kind of discussion? Perhaps there is a gain in votes. I can think of no other reason for it. But I know a good many young people and I know a good many older people and I am quite certain that there is no gain in votes from this kind of discussion. I believe the younger people are disgusted, and I believe the members of the older generation are appalled and disgusted at it. The younger generation have no use for the drums and fifes of the old political brass bands, north or south of the Border. Too many times in the past fortnight we have heard echoes of these drums and fifes in this House.

One of the most expensive liabilities in any country is the back-looking, angry politician, and those who deliberately foster old feuds, antagonisms and divisions. Every day when we come into the House, we see the magnificent Proclamation of the Republic in 1916 hanging in the main hall. When bringing visitors through the House, I always make an effort to point out to them the phrase in the Proclamation which describes the intentions of the Republic and I quote:

Oblivious of the differences carefully fostered by an alien government, which have divided a minority from the majority in the past.

That is a magnificent declaration of idealistic freedom. The recurrence in this House and in the other House of such debates as I have mentioned would seem to indicate that the idealism behind these words has almost died out.

The cost can be reckoned not only in the Estimate before us. It can also be reckoned in the spirit of the country as a whole, and in that way it is a long-term cost. The deadliest and most insidious evil that can enter into any family, school, university, or church, is the evil of discouragement and disillusionment of the younger generation. In his play "Back to Methuselah," Bernard Shaw brings some people who are living somewhere about the year 15,000 to pay a visit to the west of Ireland. There they see some sad-looking, drooping people. The `perfect ones', as Shaw sees them, ask their guide, who would be the counterpart of a Bord Fáilte guide of the present day, what is wrong with the natives of this country. "They are suffering from the national disease" says the guide, " the national disease of discouragement." I am quite certain that words that have been said and exchanges that have been made in this House in the last few weeks are adding to such discouragement.

The poet Yeats, who was a member of this House, in one of his poems, in agonised uncertainty, asked whether certain words he had once written had sent some young men out to their deaths in 1916. The poem reflects the agonised uncertainty of the poet. He asks himself if he were partially responsible for the deaths of some of these young men. We should ask ourselves whether words spoken in this House in the past few weeks may have caused members of the younger generation to fall into the apathy of the beatnik, the violence of the delinquent, or the bitterness of the cynic. Are we happy that some of those words may have driven away young men and women from the honourable paths of public service into that pit of disillusionment and discouragement?

Most of us here are fairly veteran politicians. I have been a member of this House for some 15 years and in my own heart there is a sense of discouragement after the kind of debate we have been listening to part of the time here in the past fortnight and for a longer period in the other House. In the current issue of Studies, there is an article by Roland Burke Savage which I strongly recommend to all interested in the honour and welfare of Ireland. This is part of what he writes:

Economic development is essential but if it is not based upon values we cherish, and if it is not seen as a means of preserving and developing these values, it cannot give a vital purpose to the people of Ireland, an attractive ideal to draw the best out of them.

Our pressing problem is to express in terms of today's world an ideal, true to our nature and traditions, that will satisfy the intelligence of our young people, and will speak to their hearts. Only such an ideal will impel them to work for its fulfillment. Through lack of such an ideal many of them indulge in endless bouts of arid and depressing criticism that is essentially sterile because destructive and never directed to action.

I shall not continue to read from it. The whole tone of this article is that unless ideals are created and maintained in this country, there will be no happy future for the country because of the disillusionment and discouragement of the younger generation.

Now I shall deal briefly—I have been spending a good deal of the last one and a half hours tearing up pieces of my speech—with matters of detail. First, the universities. The grants to the universities have been generously increased. It is very reassuring for the university which I represent to have this generous treatment. On the other hand, it is our duty more and more to show that we are trying to run our university as efficiently as possible since we are receiving more of the taxpayers' money. We are doing that. I can prove it from a recent development in Trinity College. We have brought in consultants in managing and organisation. They have suggested drastic reforms in the office work of the college. We are putting these through after careful consideration. The reason we are doing this is that we feel a responsibility to the taxpayers to see that what we are spending is spent only on essential costs. At the same time, for some years now there has been a committee of development working in the college to see how we can improve the teaching and the accommodation for students. Already these have been improved very considerably. I had intended to say more about this, but I do want to assure the House and the taxpayers in general that the determination of Trinity College is that any money given to them from public funds will be well spent.

In today's paper, we read some important statements by the principal of Gurteen Agricultural College Roscrea, the Rev. R. C. Livingstone. The Minister for Agriculture was there and said he would do everything in his power to help teachers and students in agricultural education. I simply want to mention a fact which may be of use to him and to the country. We have in Trinity College a well-equipped farm between Slane and Drogheda, the fertility of which has been greatly improved by experimental methods. We are willing and eager to receive agricultural students. The supply has not been satisfactory up to the present. If the Minister can do something for us, he will be doing something worthwhile for the country in helping us to develop this experimental and educational farm.

I shall not at this late hour try to argue the case for spending more money on education. Plenty has been said by Senator Ross, Senator Ó Conalláin and many others. The facts are there and the need is there and I believe the Minister and the Government are aware of this. But if some of us pass it over without emphasis do not let him think that we do not very strongly support what Senator Ross emphasised—we need greater capital grants for the secondary schools.

There is just one point in the statement made by the Minister for Education a month or so ago which alarms me a little; otherwise I welcome the statement. His intention is to build a number of new post-primary schools. Good, but what about the old secondary schools? Senator Ó Conalláin said that they will not be affected. They will not be affected only if the State is prepared to provide almost twice as much money as before, because if money is spent on building those schools, there will be less money for the existing secondary schools. The point is there: I shall not press it. Our schools in the Republic need capital grants immensely at the moment.

Senator Ross mentioned—and I concur with him—the need to bring scientific and mathematical teachers back from outside our borders. This is desperately urgent. The figures are given in the document Investment in Education from which Senator Ross quoted. The main need is not a rise in salaries but a recognition of their service for increments over here. I really cannot understand why the Minister is holding back on that. It is simply an administrative matter if he would see to it.

In regard to the Vote for the Office of Public Works, there has been a suggestion that the care of our public monuments should be a matter for a separate organisation. I do hope the Government will consider that suggestion favourably. Our historic buildings are of enormous value to us in every way. I believe they could be better looked after if there were a separate sub-Department to look after them. I should be very much interested to hear the Government's opinion on this or whether they have arrived at a decision on it. I hope it will be a favourable one.

Up to the moment I have been speaking vocationally. For the next three minutes, I shall speak as a mere taxpayer. I mean to give the impression that I have confidence in the Government's policy and in the Department of Finance and other Departments. It is ironic that any members of the Fine Gael Party or others should complain or vote against the main method of bringing in money and then advocate spending more money. It is a ridiculous contradiction in terms. We need this money and we must get it and it is ridiculous to say we reject this method of getting money without offering an alternative means——

That is not our job.

If people have the interests of the country at heart, it is their job and all politicians should be constructive and not negative.

Fianna Fáil voted against every inter-Party Government Budget, although the money was wanted.

There are two matters with which I propose to deal very briefly. One is in regard to the considerable losses in State-sponsored companies. Mr. Garret Fitzgerald in a valuable article in the Irish Times of 17th July, 1963, pointed to very grave losses in what you might call State investments. The country is perturbed about this. I am not an economist, but I do hope that the strictest scrutiny will be exercised when putting money into such projects as the St. Patrick's Copper Mines or the Industrial Engineering Company.

One other point—I speak as a tax-payer—is that I see hotels being lavishly subsidised. Good. To take my own region of Dalkey, County Dublin, I see good hotels being set up. They benefit such people as taximen, shopkeepers and publichouse owners. I also see the prices going up steadily in the shops during the tourist season for basic food supplies. That is an inequality. The working classes, from street cleaners to secondary teachers and professors like myself, are suffering from this policy of developing the hotels in certain regions. We are paying more money for our goods and I appeal to the Minister to keep that in mind in the next Budget. The hotels and many others do well, but the salaried workers do not and if the Minister could do something to help them, he would be doing justice.

That is all I propose to say. There was much more I had to say. I repeat that I believe the present Government have the confidence of the country generally.

Dublin North-East did not say that.

Further, though perhaps it is embarrassing to do this on some occasions, I should like to say that the country has great confidence in the team of experts the Minister has in his Department. They have done magnificent work, and they encourage us to think well of the financial future of the country. We need firm Government, and I would encourage the Government to continue it. Perhaps the various Ministers concerned will meet our views on the many matters raised.

I am sure all of us are conscious of the statement made by Senator Stanford at the outset. Like most of the latter speakers, I have to cut down on what I had intended to say. I shall not deal with the theme song of the Fine Gael Party — emigration and unemployment. Somebody said a record should be made of it because we have heard it so often but I doubt if it would get into the Top Ten.

We have not heard anything from the other side of the House about the benefits flowing from the Government under the various heads. I could go down through the Departments and enumerate the various such benefits. In my county of Leitrim, a document was issued by no less a body than the NFA. It was issued with a view to encouraging greater membership. They pointed out under various heads the amount of money that had come into Leitrim from Government sources. They gave information in relation to cattle, pigs, sheep, wool, calves, fertilisers and rates relief. The document was the greatest vindication of Government policy I have read. Unfortunately, I have not a copy of it with me.

There was reference to small farms but no reference was made to the Government's initiative in relation to the small farmer, to the report on small farms and to the implementation of that report. Earlier this year, a team of experts was set up in the western counties to investigate and implement this report. Therefore, as far as the small farmer is concerned, the Government are looking after his interests.

I resent the implication which is made time and time again that it is the intention of the Government to get rid of the small farmer and that they are being advised by the economists to do so. An indication of their policy in regard to the small farmer is the fact that they have set up an inter-Departmental committee and hope to implement the recommendations.

A proposal was put forward as recently as yesterday to the Taoiseach by a representative body from the west of Ireland following a meeting held in Claremorris quite recently, at which I was present, that the sugar company should be given sufficient funds to provide a number of fruit and vegetable plants in various areas of the west of Ireland. I urge the Minister for Finance that when it comes to his level, he will give it not alone the utmost sympathy but the utmost practical consideration.

No reference was made to the new Land Bill. I am sure it will be welcomed on all sides of the House.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

Legislation may not be discussed.

I agree with what has been said in regard to tourist promotion in foreign parts but I do not agree with bringing over representatives of various travel agencies and wining and dining them because when most of them leave this country, they have no idea of the position here. The material which they received—the various brochures—was found afterwards in the hotel. One of those people asked me after having had lunch and been well received, the name of the town. That was not very encouraging. Unfortunately, from the point of view of commission, these people may find it more profitable to concentrate on what some other countries have to offer in the way of tourism.

In our county recently, a unit was established for mentally defective children and is run by an order of nuns. It is an indication that efforts are being made to deal with that problem.

I want to appeal to the Minister on behalf of cancer victims. There may be places of which I am not aware but it is rather unfortunate that people who are known to have cancer and for whom there is no hope have not a rest home to go to once they have been sent home from hospital as incurable, only waiting for the end. Some effort should be made by the Department of Health and by the Government to provide some rest homes for these people where they may stay from the time the verdict has been given until the inevitable happens.

I was rather surprised that no reference was made to the dynamic policy being pursued by the Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Lands in regard to inland and sea fisheries. I have a cutting here about Irish salmon rotting in course of transport in Britain and the matter might be taken up by the Department of Agriculture with British Railways. Here is the relevant extract from the Daily Telegraph of 25th July, 1963. Under the heading “Irish Salmon Rot”, it is stated:

When Sir David Robertson, Independent Conservative for Caithness, tried to raise by way of a Parliamentary Question with the British Minister for Transport, the delay by British Railways in getting supplies of salmon from Paddington to Billingsgate and to prevent further losses to Irish fishermen and their British customers, he was advised to get on to the Transport Users' Committee. It was stated that in the old days Irish salmon from Rosslare used to be put on the boat train at Fishguard and got into Paddington at 11 a.m. Now it does not arrive until 6 p.m. and is liable to be kept overnight. Sir David said that the quality fish was worth £50 a box. He stated that he had been complaining to the Paddington authorities and was promised some improvement but was told by a Billingsgate firm that 313 boxes at Fishguard would not reach Paddington until that evening and that British Railways refused to guarantee delivery apparently for lack of porters. Sir David intended to raise the matter with the Irish Embassy in London.

That matter should receive immediate attention. It is not the fault of the Department of Agriculture at this stage but apparently of British Railways. It is very serious, as we are trying to develop an export trade for fish, that this should happen just for lack of porters.

There have been tributes to and criticism of Telefís Éireann. I should like to join in the tributes that have been paid, particularly in regard to their coverage of the death of Pope John XXIII and the accession of Pope Paul VI. In particular, I should like to pay a tribute to sound radio for all that was done during that period. The people were kept well informed of events as they happened.

Like many others, I was rather perturbed at and annoyed by the cutting off of the programme of the coronation of Pope Paul just at the time of the actual crowning. I accept the explanation that it was a matter of timing and that our television authorities had no responsibility in regard to it.

I congratulate sound radio on their efforts in regard to Irish culture, particularly Irish music. I have in mind the radio programme "Fleadh Ceoil an Radio" and their " Town Hall" programme. I do not agree with the programme "Ireland's Top Ten" which is broadcast on Monday nights. I do not believe the records chosen are representative of Ireland's Top Ten. I believe it should include records of Irish céilí music and ballads. I certainly do not think that foreign music under the title "Ireland's Top Ten" should emanate from our radio service.

Emigration has been mentioned. One of the sad results of it is the mode of life some of our people live over there. Again, in reply to a parliamentary question in the House of Commons, which was reported in yesterday's English newspapers, it is unfortunate to learn that of 182 convictions for living under certain conditions in the metropolitan district between the 1st July last year and 30th June this year, 22 were in respect of people from the Republic of Ireland. I think the Department of Justice should keep a wary eye on those people.

Surely the Senator is not suggesting that the Minister for Finance is responsible for convictions in England?

It is part of the emigration problem. We have criticism of emigration and I think those who criticise it must accept some responsibility for it, as the previous speaker pointed out. I agree with the statement quoted yesterday by the Leader of the Opposition that emigration is a national problem. It is also an international one. People are leaving all countries and so far as the land is concerned, they are leaving the land in Japan and in America. That trend is not peculiar to this country. Those who criticise it should make some effort and contribution towards the solution of the problem. The best way is to avail of the policy pursued by the Government and work it until such time as these people are given a mandate by the country to take over.

Unlike Senator Stanford who tore up only some of his speech, I am scrubbing practically all of it to assist the Leader of the House who wants to let the Minister away. I am anxious to co-operate but when one builds up an amount of material about a Department on which he can speak—the Department of Defence in my case — where an expenditure of nearly £10 million is involved, one naturally feels sad about not getting the opportunity to expand on the matter. We shall probably get an opportunity of tackling the Minister at a later date about it.

You surely will.

I shall not delay the Minister and I hope he enjoys the evening. He is entitled to it. This is a type of reiteration of a matter I wrongly referred to on the Finance Bill. I was told to raise it on this Bill and I am doing so. Certain officers in the Defence Forces by their ability and qualifications obtained posts in the Civil Service and qualified for a modified pension from the Army. I understand those pensions are being withheld from these former officers who are now officers in the Civil Service.

Another group in the Post Office got four years' incremental service for their service to the nation during the Emergency and they feel they are entitled—and so do I—to have the four years added to their service for pension purposes because they will soon have reached the retiring age and will be deprived of a year's pension. If their Army service entitled them to the incremental service, it should also entitle them to the pensionable service.

Another point I should like to hear about in that connection is this. Those men in the Post Office are about to be retired and they are led to believe that their military service pension will be cut from 1920 when they became entitled to the Post Office pension. That information may be wrong but they tell me they believe they will not be paid their IRA pensions along with the Post Office pension when they finish work in the Post Office. I do not want to wax too eloquent on the point which may be entirely wrong. It has been said that you cannot draw two pensions from the same State at the same time but we all know a number of people are doing that in the case of military service pensions. I know officers in the Army who had broken service and got IRA pensions in addition to the Army pensions, and rightly so. These men, it appears, feel they will not be paid their IRA pensions. I think the Government would not do that but I should like to have it clarified.

I am omitting references to Defence in the hope that we shall have another opportunity but I want to refer to an auction I attended early this year. This relates to the Department of Industry and Commerce. It consisted of the sale of machinery from the Wicklow copper mines. They sold about £100,000 worth of heavy machinery, Euclids, scrapers, dozers, et cetera. I saw these wonderful machines going for £2,000 or £2,500 for each machine. The public paid no more than £25,000 for well over £100,000 worth of machinery. That is bad in the ordinary way but it is worse when one considers that only across the river, there is to be a nitrogen factory for which we were legislating in the Oireachtas and I am positive that factory will need quite a lot of machinery of that nature.

I do not blame the Government but the administration. I made a few inquiries; perhaps I heard the wrong information but it was sad to see this machinery being sold for a quarter of its value, some of it scarcely used. If the Euclids in any case were used daily from the beginning of the operation of the mines, they would be well worth more than what was paid for them and we are probably going to buy new machinery for the nitrogen factory. Further, on the way back from the auction, I saw obsolete machinery trying to scrape the roads of County Wicklow. The same is the case in County Dublin.

Perhaps the Minister will correct me if I am wrong but I made inquiries and I believe that local authorities and Civil Service Departments are precluded from buying second-hand machinery; they must buy it new. If it is true, something should be done about that. I happen to know that some of the machinery bought at the Wicklow auction was going abroad. I presume the same type of machinery required subsequently by a county council would have to be imported. There seems to be a tremendous loss involved and the Minister should take cognisance of that fact and authorise local authorities to participate in these auctions or, better still, let local authorities take their pick before machinery such as this is put up for auction at all.

One firm in which I am interested bought one of these machines for a couple of hundred pounds in excess of £2,000. It is unbelievable that machines of this type could be bought at such a price. Looking at the site of the new nitrogenous factory, I have no doubt that similar machinery will be required there. Indeed, it has probably been bought by now. If it is a fact that local authorities cannot buy this machinery at auctions such as the one I have mentioned, machinery purchased in the first instance by the Government, then that position should be remedied immediately. I should like the Minister to give us some information on the matter.

The present position seems to me to be a tragic one. Local authorities should be circularised privately by the Government and county engineers should be informed that this machinery is available. My suggestion would help the Minister for Finance and the Minister for Industry and Commerce because imports would be reduced. The minimum paid for any one of those machines was £9,250. Machinery costing £100,000 was sold at give-away prices and there was not even one county engineer there to make a bid. Local authorities should have had their pick. All over the country obsolete machines are trying to scrape the roads. Some of these machines would go down three feet; they would be ideal for drainage and the reclamation of land. I trust the Minister will be able to make a satisfactory reply to the points I have raised.

I am grateful for the indulgence of the House in permitting me to make a few brief remarks. There has been a good deal of discussion about education. Education is very important, and naturally we should all like to see it put on a proper footing, but agriculture is admitted to be the most important industry in the country and, to my way of thinking, there was not enough emphasis on agriculture during this debate. I am surprised the Minister has not seen his way to increase the grants given towards the relief of rates. Rates are increasing all over the country. We expected an increase in the grants last year. It did not materialise. It has not materialised this year either. Rates contribute to the rising costs of production on the land.

I should like the Department of Industry and Commerce to give a little more attention and assistance to the smaller towns and villages throughout the country. Senator Yeats suggested we are all prospering, but the smaller towns and villages grow daily more like ghost towns and villages. The basic cause is emigration. The people are no longer there to trade. These places go from bad to worse. If we make a suggestion about a factory, we are immediately asked how much we will put up and what type of factory we want to build. A little more encouragement by the Government might restore some of these towns and villages to something near their former prosperity.

I was glad to read that there will be no levy on wheat this year. I trust the millers will not be allowed to get away again this year with the tactics they adopted last year; they turned down three quarters of the good wheat brought in to them.

I do not like making complaints, but the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs will have to do something about the telephone system. In the past couple of months, the position has become almost hopeless. Reception is very bad and the delays are appalling. Last night I wanted to make a phone call from an hotel to my town some 70 miles away. After eleven o'clock, I thought I should get the call inside two or three minutes. I was told there would be a delay of one hour. In a little over the hour, I got the call. The person at the other end heard me quite plainly but I could not hear one word he was saying. The position is most unsatisfactory. The Minister must take some steps to remedy it.

First of all, I should like to thank Senators for co-operating and allowing this debate to finish today. I sympathise with them in being curtailed in their speeches. I can only say that I hope they will have their reward elsewhere.

But not too soon, we hope.

I should like once more to commend to Senator L'Estrange a study of the emigration figures from March, 1954, to March, 1957, and from March, 1957, to date. He will see there is a remarkable improvement. Apart from that, I have noticed in recent statistics that the marriage rate is very high and the birth rate is also very high. It is not possible, therefore, to agree with the Senator that all the young people are running out of the country. Some are remaining, getting married and rearing families. Indeed, these statistics are higher than they have been for many years.

We must congratulate the Minister for Health on that.

Senator L'Estrange talked about the good bargain made in 1949, as a result of which we had big exports. Now we must remember that the bargaining that time was governed by what one could get and not by what one could sell: "Will you give us so much coal if we give you cattle?" That was what we asked the British. The British asked us: "Will you give us cattle if we give you coal?" All the bargaining was designed to keeping down exports and bringing up imports. As a matter of fact, our negotiators were not altogether successful in their efforts because no sooner were they back home than they had to revive the turf scheme they had scrapped before they went over to Britain.

Senator L'Estrange mentioned the price of wheat and oats. I do not think the price of oats has gone down in recent years. It was over £2 per barrel.

It was 50/-. I got it myself.

It may have been 50/-at a particular period and, perhaps, very low at another period. The Senator will, of course, remember that the inter-Party Government lost the Donegal by-election because of the prices of oats.

They fixed a price of 48/- a barrel for barley in 1951.

On average, the price of oats has not gone down. With regard to barley, there is always a difference between the price paid for malting barley and the price paid for feeding barley. Feeding barley has become a much more important crop than malting barley in recent years. As regards the price of wheat, it is true we have not restored the 12/- a barrel which Deputy Dillon took off when he was Minister for Agriculture.

You cut it a further 5/-.

No, we did not. The 12/-he took off is still off and we are getting enough wheat at the present price, so that Deputy Dillon was wise in his calculation at the time in making out that he would get enough wheat at 5/- a barrel.

He reduced it by 12/- and increased it by 5/- two years after.

He did not. We shall go on to the national income—the only other figure I shall quote, as far as I see. The national income, as the best index of anything good being done in the country, has gone up by 38 per cent since 1956, which means that the average spender in this country now has 27/7d. to spend whereas he had £1 in 1956. That applies all round in the national income and is, as I say, one of the best indications of national progress.

Senator O'Brien made the usual very useful contribution to the debate. I just mention a few points where I agree with him, points which are useful to be kept in mind. He started off by saying that we are open in this country to the influence of other countries in respect of our economic conditions. That is perfectly true, and it is a thing we must always keep in mind, because if, say, there is a downward trend in the economy generally in other countries, it is very difficult for us to keep out of that movement also. If there is an upward trend, it suits us. As a matter of fact, there was no upward trend in the past three or four years generally, whereas ours was going up considerably and it shows, I think, that credit is due to the planning done during that period. I agree with Senator Stanford that a great deal is due to the experts we have in the Department of Finance who are advising us in relation to economic conditions.

A pity you did not give us credit on the downward trend of Suez.

When the Suez crisis was over, the British Government said it had absolutely no effect on the economy of England and I do not see how it had here.

Had they not a credit squeeze? One must not believe the British all the time.

A Chathaoirligh, would you kindly ask Senator L'Estrange to restrain himself?

The next point Senator O'Brien referred to was public expenditure. He said that public expenditure was tending to increase and, in fact, I think he said that it was going a bit out of line with production. Although I must, of course, again say that Senator O'Brien's speech was helpful, very interesting and, I need hardly say because it is always the case, very objective, at the same time, I should like to quote a figure which does not altogether bear out his contention. It is in the tables issued at the time of the Budget. It showed that if you take the gross national product of the years from 1957 to 1962 and take the Government's expenditure each year, the percentage remains almost the same. In 1957, it was 22.1 per cent; in 1962, it was 22 per cent, was a .1 per cent reduction. The tendency, therefore, was actually that for the first three years it went down to 20.2 per cent, and then for three years, it went up again until it reached the same level as in 1957. I am quoting that only to show that there are figures to support the contention that the Government's expenditure is not out of line with national income or gross national product.

Another fact we must keep in mind is that last year I was able to produce figures to show that if we had made no change whatever in taxation from 1957 until 1962, we would have had a bigger revenue in 1962 than we actually had. That would mean that leaving the revenue at the level advocated by the Taoiseach when he was in opposition in 1957, it would have given us sufficient to cover expenditure in 1962. I am not promising that now. I think this Budget has put that out of mind but up to 1962 it was the position.

I go on to a question raised by Senator Brosnahan with regard to insurance companies. I have not very much to say except that I am quite satisfied, and I think Senators will be, too, if they read any answers given in the Dáil, that the Minister for Industry and Commerce was not in any way negligent. In these cases, the Minister for Industry and Commerce has power to delay the receipt of accounts. I am quite sure that if the Bill were being brought before this Seanad for the first time, if it were absolutely rigid that the accounts must be presented at a certain time, all Senators would say the Minister should have power to give a little time to a company who, for one reason or another, are not in a position to present their accounts. There was, therefore, such a provision in the Act dealing with this. The Minister gave that and again what could he do? They said they were not in a position to present the accounts; he had to give the time and he gave it. He gave too much time as it happened but there was nothing the Minister could do.

The Minister has under consideration the question of whether his powers are adequate or not. That particular point about the time is only one aspect. There might be other aspects in dealing with Irish insurance companies where somewhat greater powers in the hands of the Minister would be useful. If he comes to the conclusion that he would need greater powers, he certainly will have no hesitation in asking for them.

As regards the policy-holders, the liquidator saw that he was not likely to have enough to pay all claims that might arise to the end of the term of the policies in operation and, therefore, he issued a notice to all policy-holders that the Equitable was off cover and they should insure with some other company. That was a good precaution to take. There were, of course, claims outstanding at that time and the liquidator is considering what can be done about these. No indication can be given until he has completed his investigation and seen what assets he may have to meet the liabilities.

Motor insurance, of course, is covered for third party risk, but, apart from that, I do not think the company would remain. In the case of other policies, I think the cover would probably be useless in that there would not be assets to meet them. Therefore, the advice of the liquidator to insure with other companies was good and everybody should try to adopt it. No more can be done until the liquidator has produced his report on the assets.

The bond is a difficult question. It strikes me that if a builder has entered on and is building the premises, whatever they may be, and if it is found that the bond is useless, I do not see how the owner of the property can insist on the builder taking out another bond. There is a genuine difficulty there and I suppose it may be worth the consideration of the person concerned to offer payment for the bond himself so that he would be covered in any case, even though he had to go to that expense.

Senators Brosnahan, McAuliffe and Quinlan—and I think I could include other Senators—advocated more expenditure on education. In fact, I think this was largely an education debate and it would be much more appropriate if the Minister for Education could be here because I think threefourths of the debate dealt with education. However, we can only deal with it in a broad way. I want to say, first of all, that Senators have some of the same virtues and some of the same faults as any other public men. They have in this case advocated more expenditure on education, but I think some at least of these Senators were not so generous when they came to vote the money in the Seanad. They have been advocating, if you like, more expenditure and less income to meet it. I suppose the average citizen has the same idea, that he would like to pay less in taxes and get more benefits, and it is up to the public man to try to do what pleases the average citizen. But I am not so sure that it will get us anywhere, as Senator Stanford very truly pointed out.

I have not very much to say about the matter of Irish, about which Senator McAuliffe spoke. I think I can be taken as an example of a person who much prefers to read Irish in the Gaelic type. I do not like the Roman type, but at the same time, I see the necessity for it. As far as I know, other languages like German which have their own type have gone completely away from it and all their publications are in the Roman type. I take it that applies to the world in general and we can only fall in with that. As Senator Ó Siochfhradha pointed out, the Gaelic type was an innovation in the Gaelic language. That was a considerable time ago but it was an innovation. Before that, the Roman type was there. It would appear to be advisable that children learning Irish for the first time should start with the Roman type and so have no difficulty as some of us who learned Irish in the Gaelic type have.

I agree with Senator McAuliffe when he approves the scheme laid down by the Minister for Education for bigger and more comprehensive schools for post-primary education and subsidised transport. I think that is a very much better system than trying to provide schools within reach of all children. For one thing, we will probably get better staffs because it will probably be that we will have to have a teacher for each subject in the bigger schools. That will be a big improvement in the smaller schools where the teacher has to teach two or three subjects. There are many other things which could be said for the bigger schools, that it will be possible to have better equipment and bigger and better laboratories. Generally speaking, the schools will be better. We hope, as Senator McAuliffe hopes, that it will be a success.

Senator McAuliffe, I think, found fault with the Government for not contributing more to the building, repair and upkeep of schools. I want to make one comment on that. I do not think all the Churches which own schools would agree that the Government should own them and pay for them completely.

I think the Minister took me up incorrectly. I said that I believed local committees should be set up to collect local contributions, that failure to collect local contributions was the cause of quite a lot of schools not being repaired and it did not rest with the Department at all.

I agree with the Senator that local committees would be very useful in these matters. Sometimes you have a manager who is not too progressive.

Senator Ó Maoláil talked about the delay in the issue of the reports of Seanad debates. He raised this matter in connection with the Stationery Office but it may not always be due to the Stationery Office. The Stationery Office make arrangements, and as far as they are concerned, they insist on the arrangements being carried out with the contractors. But, the preparation of the bound volumes is a matter for the House here, for the Dáil Office, or, as the case may be, the Seanad Office here and the delay may be due there rather than laid at the door of the Stationery Office.

Senator Ó Maoláin made many useful and constructive criticisms particularly of the work of State organisations more than of the Government itself. I notice that since that other Senators have agreed with his statements about some of the State organisations and I hope that they will have the desired effect.

Senator Fitzpatrick went on to talk about the adverse trade balance. An adverse trade balance is something which any Government would try to avoid. I always look on the running of the finances of the Government much in the same way as running one's own house. Unfortunately, I was not always successful in making ends meet in my own house and, therefore, I could not claim a priori to be a good Minister for Finance. I think we should run it in the same way. If there is an adverse trade balance, the Minister says: “I am not making ends meet”. But, on the other hand, it is an extremely difficult figure to calculate and to make up. I will say there is some imponderable stuff, stuff which is hard to get at. There is another thing. There is an absolutely reliable figure in our external balances. Where our external balances remain good and are not going down, there is no great danger ahead. In fact, these external balances are going up. For that reason, we are not too worried about the adverse trade balance, even through it is very high. I admit also, as was pointed out by Senator Fitzpatrick, that it is even worse than it was on 1st January.

Senator Fitzpatrick was wrong in saying that there is no difference in the grants given today to the undeveloped areas and other parts of the country. As a matter of fact in the new legislation, they are called developed areas because underdeveloped was regarded as a very uncomplimentary term. There is a book—I am sure some Senators have it—entitled Industry in Ireland and it is the only book that can be got in which these provisions are set out. I see in the development areas the authority dealing with grants may give the full cost of factory sites and buildings and up to one-half of the cost of plant, machinery and equipment. They may also cover the cost of training workers in these areas and they may also cover the cost of constructing roads, bridges, harbours, railways and houses for workers. These are very generous terms indeed and I do not think in any case so far they have gone 100 per cent all round in their discretion in dealing with these grants, but they can go so far. In the other areas, that is, those areas not in these development areas, they can give two-thirds of the cost of the site and building and one-third of the machinery and equipment, that is, two-thirds against the full grant and one-third against half the grant, so actually Senator Fitzpatrick is not right in stating that it is the same for the two areas now.

Senator Fitzpatrick and other Senators mentioned that there was adverse comment on the fact that the Minister for Agriculture did not accompany a delegation to London some time ago. That delegation went with the express purpose of exploring the possibility of negotiations. No negotiations whatever were entered into. They discussed if it would be useful to hold negotiations again and, if so, under what headings. It was concluded that negotiations might possibly be useful. The officials on both sides have the matter in hands to find out under what headings negotiations could be carried out. If these negotiations take place and if they are at Ministerial level, there is no doubt the Minister for Agriculture will take part, but there was no reason why he should lose his time on this exploratory delegation. One delegate—the Taoiseach himself—was quite sufficient to make the necessary exploratory approach to the British Government.

The next matter referred to was what were described as "these palatial hotels". I do not think they should be made a political subject. If these international organisations, who have hotels all over the world, say they are prepared to build a hotel here, I do not see why they should not get the same grants as anybody else building a hotel. Possibly these hotels will bring tourists who would not otherwise come, and we shall have the benefit of their spending. I might mention something I know personally. On one occasion I suggested that a certain international conference might be held in Dublin, and the question put to me was: "How many hotels with bathrooms have you in the city?" Our number was too low. I am not saying it was a disaster that that conference did not come here, but it shows our city is not as well equipped with hotels as many of the capital cities in Europe and elsewhere. If those who are running these big hotels in other countries wish to come here, I do not see why they should not be encouraged to do so.

Aer Lingus have money invested in them.

Yes, because they thought it would help them, too. As I say, they should not be made the subject of politics. I admit, of course, there is a demagogic appeal to the selfish fellow down the country to say: "You are putting £1 million into an hotel but you will not give me a shilling a week extra."

At one time the Tánaiste spoke about the people eating big dinners in Dublin costing 5/- and 7/6d. It is on record.

Senator Fitzpatrick also raised the question of some trouble the Minister for Justice had with certain judges lately. I would not like to speak on that, because if I defended one, I might offend the other—and I do not want to offend either the Minister or the judges. However, I think Senator McGlinchey gave a good account of what happened in Letterkenny. Senator Fitzpatrick said that technically the Minister had power to do what he did. If that is so, I do not see why there should be such a row about it.

The Verolme cases was also criticised. I know it is the business of Deputies and Senators to prevent the Government spending money unnecessarily, as they thought in this case. I am quite prepared to listen to criticism of that kind and to accept it is made in good faith, but I should like to put this to Senators. In this case they got no grant of any kind from this country. They got loans, but no grants whatever.

It is equivalent to it, because it seems to be gone.

The company got a loan, but no grant.

It will never be paid back.

If the Senator would just listen to me. It was calculated that, if the legislation had been in operation when they came, they would have got so much, so in the circumstances it was a fair enough proposition to consider giving them that grant. It is true that money is being lost on shipbuilding there, but that applies to the whole world. In many cases, they are subsidised by the Government, and in other cases they have big reserves on which they can fall back. The fact they are losing is not proof that the concern is incompetent. In fact, one would expect they would lose more, because the men working there have very little experience, and their skill will probably improve as time goes on.

I come now to Senator Jessop, who said the accommodation for primary education is very poor. I quite agree. I am sure we could do a lot to get the primary schools into better order. We are, however, making good progress. I have not got the figures with me, but Senators can look them up and see that the amount being spent now is very much higher than it was a couple of years ago. It is going up rapidly, and the number of schools being built and repaired is also going up. Of course, it will take a long time before all the schools are as well constructed as one would like.

I also have a note of the Senator's comments on capital expenditure in the city on teaching hospitals. I agree that many of the teaching hospitals are not at all up to standard and that we should try to meet the position as far as we can. When I was Minister for Health, I was quite prepared at that time to provide the money and some of them were making preparations for going ahead. Things have moved very slowly since then. In fact, no progress has been made, and that is practically ten years ago. I also hope that the dental hospital problem has been solved by recent agreements which have been made.

As regards Senator Ross's speech, I do not accuse him of saying you should measure education by the expenditure, but we have to be careful we are not too impressed, let us say when we hear the State is putting very much more into it in England than here. Maybe they are spending money lavishly and that we are a bit parsimonious, but there should be a medium—maybe nearer to our figures than theirs — which would be the ideal. As far as I am concerned as Minister for Finance, I am always ready to consider any proposals the Minister for Education may make in matters of this kind.

I do not claim a very wide experience, but my impression from meeting young people from England is that they are not a bit better educated than our people leaving secondary schools. I have met teachers who have taught in both countries, and they bear that out. They say our people are as well taught as they are in England, but that they do not show their education as well as the English boy or girl. I am only mentioning that. I am not to be taken as sure of my ground on that; I am only giving an opinion.

Senator McDonald asked about the wheat levy. The Minister for Agriculture has to have two figures confirmed before he can speak about the wheat levy: first, the census of acreage, which he has now got, although it has not been published yet; and, second, the expected yield. His inspectors have to make a forecast of what the yield is likely to be. Having got that, he comes to a conclusion on whether the levy is necessary or not. As far as I know the figures, I would be prepared to bet there will be no levy this year. That is not official. The Minister for Agriculture may have different ideas.

On the question of ESB charges, the ESB were set up as a commercial body to make ends meet. They are supposed to collect the revenue which will pay their outgoings and, as everybody knows, the main outgoing is in the form of interest charges. They cannot be changed and no economy can be made as far as they are concerned. The only way in which the Government have interfered is in giving a subsidy for rural electrification of about £13½ million which is a fairly substantial subsidy.

With regard to the closing of CIE lines, I do not think any public opinion could be as good an index as to whether a branch line should be closed as the amount of support given to that branch line when in operation. If the people do not support it, it means that public opinion is that it is not worth supporting and, therefore, CIE have every right to proceed on the lines they are going as far as these branch lines are concerned.

Another point made was that we are not proceeding as quickly as we should in respect of the telephone service. Two years ago, the amount provided for telephones was £2.5 million, last year it was £3.5 million and this year it is £4.5 million. Going up at the rate of £1 million a year is a fairly substantial step. This matter is not governed by the amount of money the Minister for Finance is prepared to give. It is entirely governed by the trained staff that can be provided by the Post Office itself.

I now come to Senator Carton's point about the Army men who left the Army and went into Government service of one kind or another and whose pensions from the Army, because they are now in Government service, are abated or completely withheld. That is a very old ruling. It has been there as long as the Civil Service and it has always been a principle that if a man goes from one branch of Government service into another, his pension is abated. The usual rule is that he must not receive a higher salary than he was receiving when he retired from the original post on pension. I think myself that that ruling is a bit out of date and, as a result of Senator Carton raising the point, I think it is a matter that we should examine again. I shall give that undertaking now but I am only saying that we are going to examine it.

Another point made by Senator Carton was that officers were brought into the Civil Service with four years incremental service. That is not uncommon. The Civil Service Commissioners advertise a job and give the commencing salary with increments of, say, £20 a year and so on. They sometimes add, in the case of a person of experience, that increments may be given, and that is done. If a person has three years experience, he starts off at the point where he would have reached if he had been three years in the job. The men mentioned by Senator Carton got increments of four years but that does not entitle them to four years for pension purposes. As far as an IRA pension is concerned, it is not abatable. It was abatable at one time but, for some years back, the pension is payable, whether a man is working in the Government service or in any Government Department.

There is also a provision that a pensioner cannot draw two pensions for the same period. If I might give an example, take teachers who were at work before 1917 or 1918 and who felt it their duty to leave their posts and go out and fight for the IRA during the War of Independence. They were dismissed at that time and were afterwards reinstated and got their service back to the time they went out. Actually under the Bill, they would be entitled to a teacher's pension from the time they went out in 1918 until they went back in 1923 or 1924. At the same time, they got a military service pension for 1920 and 1921. However, they cannot draw two pensions for the same period. They have a choice. Either they can take the teacher's pension or the military service pension, but not the two and, of course, the choice which is usually made is the more profitable one.

They will get one or the other.

Yes. The last point made by Senator Carton was that machinery could have been bought by Nítrigin Éireann. I take it that the company engaged a contractor to prepare the site for the building so that contractor would have the machinery. I do not know of any rule that local authorities cannot buy secondhand machinery.

I think it is worth examining to see if it is possible for the local authority to get that machinery.

Senator Quigley was the last one to speak and he talked about the small towns in Monaghan, with which I have the greatest sympathy. While I do not know what the Minister for Industry and Commerce can do about the matter, I shall draw his attention to it to see if there is anything he can do.

There are two points I should like to mention at this stage. I am not satisfied with his explanation regarding the liquidation of the Equitable Insurance Company. The Minister has admitted that there was a delay in supplying the accounts as required by the Insurance Acts. Because of that, while I would not go so far as to say that the Minister for Industry and Commerce was deliberately neglectful, I would say that the fact that he allowed the delay involved him in culpability which must be taken up by the Government.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

The Senator realises that he may not make a speech at this stage? I thought he was merely going to ask the Minister some questions.

I have said what I want to say on that point. The Minister included me in a group which voted against the turnover tax. Such is not the case. I voted against one aspect of it. I voted against the tax on food as an independent Senator and as a matter of conscience. I want to correct the Minister when he said I voted against the idea of getting money from taxation, while at the same time looking for more expenditure.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

I think the Minister is sufficiently corrected.

I want to know if the Minister is aware that other companies refused to take up some of the business when they could have had it.

I do not know about that.

Agreed to take remaining Stages today.

Bill put through Committee, reported without recommendation, received for final consideration and ordered to be returned to the Dáil.

Business suspended at 1.55 p.m. and resumed at 3 p.m.

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