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Seanad Éireann debate -
Thursday, 29 Jul 1965

Vol. 59 No. 6

Finance Bill, 1965 (Certified Money Bill): Second Stage (Resumed).

Question again proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time".

Before the recess I dealt with the present economic situation, with the fact that at the moment we have had relative success in regard to economic growth but stagnation in regard to total employment and a position in which prices are out of control and the balance of payments subject to severe strain. I passed then to the question as to whether it is possible for us in our circumstances to harmonise and achieve simultaneously the economic objectives of economic growth, full employment and stable prices. I put forward the view that, if we are to have any hope of achieving these, there is need for an immediate, active, thorough and unified manpower policy.

I should like now to discuss what the scope of such a manpower policy should be and to discuss what practical steps can be taken to achieve local equilibrium in the labour market in each region, in each industry, in each type of skill and in each group. This is obviously a very difficult problem and obviously one that does not lend itself to any simple solution. There must be a multiple approach to it. Many things must be tried in order to achieve it, but, though the approach must be multiple, I think one point is self-evident: the approach must be a uniform and unified one.

I was very glad to note from the speech of the Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Industry and Commerce, to which I referred earlier, that he realises a manpower policy is necessary and also realises that such a policy has got both economic and social ends and that it serves both community needs and individual needs. I mentioned earlier that the key question to be decided by the Government in the immediate future is the organisation of a manpower policy and how it should be organised. That is a key economic question and, to a very great extent, a key political decision which must be made by the Government.

Before I give my views on the way in which this organisation should be done, it is necessary, I think, to discuss the type of functions a manpower authority would have to exercise. There is a very wide spectrum of functions exercised by a manpower authority, either here or in any other country. First, there would be planning and information functions. These would be concerned with finding out what the resources and requirements of manpower policy are in different areas, different sectors and age groups. This would involve considerations of statistics, forecasts, information, research, public relations and public education. Secondly, we have a very big, vital group of functions which might be described as personnel functions which would be concerned with the actual matching of individual jobs and individual workers. These functions, of course, are headed by the question of placement, the actual placement of individual workers. There are other equally essential functions in regard to redundancy schemes, resettlement allowances, the problem of housing and worker mobility and there is also the problem, which might or might not be the responsibility of a manpower agency, the question of unemployment assistance.

The third group of functions comprises those which might be described as training functions. These are concerned with the development of the work force in order to meet manpower requirements. We have such matters as vocational guidance and the question of adaptation and retraining. The most successful of these has been what is now known as accelerated vocational training, usually abbreviated to AVT. I am glad to see that the Parliamentary Secretary also seems to believe that the manpower authority should have responsibility for the rehabilitation of workers and for the problems involving workers who are incapacitated to some extent.

How can we organise these three different groups of functions so that we can have a manpower authority or authorities or how can we combine manpower responsibility in such a way that we can overcome what has been the experience, I may say, of western European countries in the years since the war, that they have not been able to achieve economic growth and full employment without inflation? In order to do so, I think it is necessary to look a little more closely at some of those functions and see what is involved in them, see what should be the scope of the different functions and what the extent of the work is and how detailed it need be. Only when we are quite clear on this particular point can we come to a conclusion on how the work should be organised.

First, in regard to planning and information services, we must be careful to realise that what has to be done here is not merely gathering together certain scattered activities for the purpose of their being catered for by different agencies but rather a new departure. Comprehensive statistics and continual forecasting are essential if the manpower policy is to be any more than a sort of pious exercise in political and administrative humbug. If we merely carry on with statistics prepared for other purposes and carry on with merely occasional forecasts, we shall end up with a manpower policy that will be worth almost nothing. It is absolutely essential that we should have comprehensive and detailed statistics gathered for the purpose of manpower policy alone, that forecasting be continual and that we have continual correction of the forecasts that have been made in the effort to assess either what our resources are in regard to manpower or what our particular needs are.

Labour statistics are extremely difficult to compile and very often still more difficult to interpret and in addition there are many areas of labour statistics in which we are deficient. These defects will have to be made good if we want to have a proper manpower policy. In particular, we shall need greater information on the problem of under-employment because part of our problem in this country is not only the problem of unemployment but the very great problem of under-employment. Under-employment is something that is not easy to measure, something that is not even easy to detect. There are many types of under-employment and perhaps the best thing to do is to give the three types of under-employment used by the International Labour Office in their statistical analysis of this problem in so far as this has been done in a few countries.

There is under-employment of the type known as visible underemployment, where a worker is working in an industry for less than a full year, or less than a full week. This does not give rise to too much difficulty. We have in addition disguised under-employment where a worker is working full time, working completely throughout the year, but is not working to the limit of his skill, where the worker is in a job which does not demand the amount of skill which that particular worker has. Therefore, we have this type of disguised under-employment which is a very great economic burden for the community and the economic system to bear. If we want to correct many of our problems we will have to determine the extent and the nature of our disguised under-employment.

There is also what is known as potential under-employment, the position where workers are not producing as much as they might, due to deficiencies in the organisation and due to deficiencies in management. Here again there are many areas in this country where due to the defects in management, due to the defect that management itself is not up to date and is not following modern developments, we have a potential under-employment and again a great burden for the economy to carry. The surveying of such under-employment is part of the work that will have to be done by any manpower authority which is set up.

In regard to forecasting, it will be necessary to forecast the total in each age group who would be members of the labour force in any year in the future and this would be relatively easy. It would be more difficult to forecast the numbers with skill of a particular type but no really new departure is necessary here. Indeed, this particular job will probably be made a great deal easier if we have, as we hope we will have, a real educational policy and real educational planning in the future. If there is a proper follow-up to the pilot study of Investment in Education, the work of forecasting the particular numbers in any age group with any particular skill should be a relatively easy matter. The forecast of demands to be made will present some more difficulty. It will be absolutely essential that the manpower authority should co-operate to the full and as equals with industry, with the trade unions and the various professional groups.

This is an area in which there is a clear need for the involvement of people outside the Government, and outside the Government's planning and manpower agencies, in the producing of economic plans and forecasts. This work is difficult but it can be done. It is with pride that I say that my own engineering profession has already carried out an exercise of this type. The engineering profession have produced what I regard as an excellent report on the number of engineers of every type which would be required in 1970 in accordance with the Second Programme. This was work gladly undertaken by the engineering profession. I am quite sure that the professions, the trade unions and industry, once convinced of the value of this work, would be only too happy to co-operate.

Another one of these general planning functions in this first group is the question of an information service. I said before in this House that if our economic system is to work to the greatest efficiency, it must become not only a market system, not only a system of trade, but in a sense an information system. The decisions that bring us to any particular economic situation are not merely decisions of the Government but decisions made by groups of individuals diffused throughout the whole community. One of our weaknesses in the past was that many of those have been based on inadequate information. We would be particularly vulnerable to this lack of information in the sector of manpower planning. Therefore, the information system would be a key element in this first group. There must be a flow of information between all parties, between the trade unions, employers' organisations, the central manpower authority, the local authority manpower office, Government Departments and all sections of the general public.

This information must flow. The information is necessary if the decision-making at all levels is to be efficient, but it will not merely be sufficient for information to be transmitted unaltered; it will not be sufficient for one section of the manpower authority to take information from here and duplicate it and make it available elsewhere. This again would be less than what is required and the problem is so serious that if we do not regard it as such, we are seeking to court disaster. This is a matter for skilled staff who will have to do a great deal more than transmitting unaltered information. They will have to seek out information, modify information and combine information. Here again is an essential element which must be covered by the manpower authority: the authority must cover the more general aspects of information processing. There must be a continual use of the public media of information in order that the whole public may realise what is involved in this particular sector.

Also grouped in these planning and information services is the vital area of research. A great deal is still unknown and still uncertain about the consequences of certain actions in manpower policy and, particularly, a great deal has still to be learned about the mobility of labour, about particular motives which either promote mobility or hinder mobility. Here, I think there is need to keep an eye on research, on social research of all types. We must do two things: we must keep ourselves completely aware of what research is going on in other countries; we must be able to interpret and adapt this work to our own conditions; and we must, in certain selected areas, do our own research.

In this connection I might say that the Office of Manpower in the United States of America places almost as much emphasis on research as it does on all its other functions together. Recently the President of the United States submitted to Congress, as he does each year, a report on manpower. Attached to this is the report of the Department of Labour on which his report is based. It was interesting to read this report. Here we have a tremendous amount of research going on in order to ensure that these decisions will be the correct ones. To take an example of the research that is going on, I have details of an extremely interesting research which is relevant to one of the problems we have here. It is the problem of labour mobility and private pension plans—the whole study of the spread of private pension plans, the type of worker now being included in private pension plans, the extent to which workers can now carry pension rights from one job to another. Other recent work reported in this document from the US deals with severance pay and labour mobility— it attempts to find out the factors involved and, if possible, the relationships involved. Another report in America was on the benefits and costs of retraining unemployed people. We must, in our manpower policy, make sure that those responsible are aware of these developments and that, if necessary, similar work should be done in this country in regard to them.

Therefore, we see that in regard to the functions of planning, forecasting and the dissemination of information, there is a great deal to be done which will be at times of a more difficult nature than the scattered activities going on in different Government Departments are capable of achieving. Many things are being done in different Departments but it is necessary that they be done more thoroughly and in a more integrated fashion. Even if all these things were to be done in one Department or another, it still would not be sufficient because a manpower policy must be based on economic planning, integrated completely section by section so that the thing becomes a cohesive whole.

If we turn to the second group of functions, which we might call personnel functions—the matching of individual jobs to individual workers— we must look at what we are doing at the moment and then decide what must be done in the future and how it can best be done. The most important is the placement service. Such placement is done now through the medium of the labour exchanges. These exchanges were set up under an Act of 1909, based on the recommendations of a Royal Commission on the Poor Law. With all the improvements made, and they are substantial, our labour exchanges have not, in practice or in the people's minds, thrown off their poor law origin. We face a very real difficulty here.

If we take the public image of the labour exchanges, the public concept of them, we find a very large residue of the poor law origin of the labour exchanges still in the minds of the people. As I have said, this creates a very real difficulty. It is a fact that Government placement agencies such as we have, such as Britain has and various countries throughout Europe, have been very unsuccessful. In Europe, State employment agencies are responsible for only something between 20 per cent and 25 per cent of placements. If we are to have a proper manpower policy, we must reach a situation in which, if only for the purposes of information, 75 per cent or more of our placements will have to go through whatever placement agencies we set up.

We face a problem of great magnitude. A change in the employment agency system in Europe would be difficult but it would be even more difficult here. We have labour exchanges of a type which we inherited from Britain and which are the subject of universally unfavourable comment by writers on social policy in the UK. The great trouble in this respect is that the labour exchanges do not function as placement agencies to anything like the extent that was originally intended. More than that, their primary function now is not as employment agencies but as unemployment agencies. In the minds of the public, our employment exchange is a place of unemployment, a place at which unemployment allowances are drawn.

The Government must face this issue clearly. I do not think it will be sufficient merely to say they can be changed. The Government must look very closely at this, and if they do, they will inevitably come to the conclusion that the change is something which cannot be introduced gradually, which cannot be done completely. If this were to be attempted, what would happen is that the new placement agencies would not be able to act to the extent to which the Government hope. They would not be able to shake off their origin.

It is generally acknowledged that the most successful labour market policy in Europe is that of Sweden and it is perhaps significant that in Sweden there is absolutely no connection between the payment of unemployment allowances and the employment agencies: the position in Sweden is that unemployment insurance is handled administratively almost completely by the trade unions. It is significant also that in that one country where, once placement was started, it reached in Sweden its greatest success because employment agencies have no connection with unemployment insurance.

This is something to which the Government should direct very close attention before they attempt to decide that they can convert the labour exchanges into placement agencies. Mere placement is not all that must be done in this regard. With the introduction of redundancy, resettlement and retraining schemes, the nature of the work of the employment agencies would have to change substantially. Not only shall we have the ordinary placement of workers to cope with but all these problems of redundancy, resettlement and retraining must also be dealt with.

If our manpower policy is to become fully active, this work should become of such magnitude that if the employment issue were to be left with the administrative arrangements for unemployment insurance, the latter would be only a small fraction of the total amount of the work involved. If we give all these to the one authority, it will involve the problems of redundancy, resettlement, placement as well as unemployment insurance. In a fully working manpower policy, such as we hope we shall have, unemployment insurance will be a small portion of the work and it could be a disastrous decision if this were to be bulked administratively with work involving a whole range of functions of which unemployment insurance will be a small part.

To attempt to add all these other functions to the employment exchanges for the sake of administrative convenience could well be disastrous. We should not look at our employment exchanges as a convenient network of branch offices but rather look at what we hope will become a network of offices covering a wide range of activities under a fully active manpower policy. We should look again towards Sweden where this has been such a success. We must look beyond Britain where the system has not been successful. In the Swedish offices, there is a certain administrative arrangement which they have found necessary for manpower policy but which would not fit into our organisation of labour exchanges. In Sweden there is a permanent staff supplemented by a mobile staff who move from area to area. The staff spend some time in an area where there is a labour shortage or where particular skills are required. They spend some time familiarising themselves and then they move to another part of the country where there may be a labour surplus and where they hope there may be people available. This is something which would not work too well with the present rather rigid organisation of our labour exchanges.

A good socialist Government on top too.

In regard to the matter of placements, I should like to recall another comment by the National Industrial Economic Council in their report of July, 1964. They give five main changes which are required if we are to have an active and successful manpower policy. I quote from paragraph 26, page 19 of the report:

(1) The image of the employment service must be improved.

(2) The employment service should seek to obtain advance notice of impending vacancies and pay-offs.

(3) It should gradually take on a more active role in facilitating the transfer of agricultural workers to other occupations.

(4) More attention should be paid to vocational guidance to ensure that the worker finds the job for which his capacities and qualities best suit him.

(5) More information should be obtained about the relative coverage of the various organisations operating in the labour market.

That is what the NIEC think should be done. Our present labour exchanges have tried some of these but have failed. Our present labour exchanges have tried to obtain advance notice of impending vacancies and pay-offs. They sought—we must give them credit for this—to act as an adequate placement agency but they have signally failed in this regard. We must take note of that. It has been attempted but it certainly has not been successful.

I mentioned a great deal would have to be done in regard to personnel in the matter of retraining and resettlement. I do not want to discuss these in any detail except to emphasise that this needs very great widening of the placement function. I think, at this point, however, I should welcome the recent Government statement about the early introduction of a comprehensive scheme of redundancy payments. This, of course, as the Parliamentary Secretary said in his recent speech, is a first priority. It must remain such and I look forward to the early introduction of legislation to give effect to this Government decision. We should not only have legislation in regard to redundancy but it is high time that employers should consider the whole question. It is not merely enough to introduce a national scheme but it is also necessary that employers should now face the question that when we talk of introducing a manpower policy and a labour market policy, we have to realise what we mean by talking about this as a market.

It might be a temptation to deduce from the fact that economists talk about a labour market policy manpower is concerned with labour as a commodity. Nothing could possibly be further from the truth. The main objective of a manpower policy and a labour market policy is that it concerns the individual. It can bring the individual into the particular job for which he is well trained and for which he is suited and, if necessary, will train him further in order to allow him to do that job better. A labour market policy is not concerned with trading in the commodity of labour. The labour market policy starts on the assumption that labour is not a commodity and has, indeed, a social basis. Its main motivation has been social justice for the individual. The fact is, as in many other instances, social justice, properly administered, brings its own economic advantages. As I say, our employers in this country should realise this point.

I was very glad the Parliamentary Secretary, in his recent speech, adverted to the fact that we must recognise that any worker who has been in a job for a certain length of time acquires rights by being in that job for that length of time. Employers, and amongst those, we must, of course, include the Government, have got to realise now that we must have in this country a recognition of the right of workers, a recognition that their participation is not something temporary and something which can be cast aside easily.

If we are to move at all in the right direction, if we are to seek economic progress and social justice, we must have some scheme of guaranteed notice depending on years of service. We must have real severance pay, not severance pay in lieu of notice which has been the interpretation of severance pay up to now. We must have severance pay as recognition that in loss of employment the worker suffers a loss of a right, not an absolute right but a limited right to which he is entitled to compensation if that right is diminished in any way. We must examine the whole question of pension rights and the question that pensions are something to which people have a right.

The Government, in this matter, is still clinging to its old notions in regard to pensions, that pensions are a matter of grace and favour. The Government could do a great deal to encourage employers generally if they abandoned their own out-dated ideas in regard to pensions, in which they do not rightly believe but are not prepared to make the gesture of taking off the statute book the absolute right of the Minister for Finance in regard to pensions. It would be good psychologically and a good headline to industry if the Government were to amend the pension code, bring in a more modern pension code and recognise pensions as a matter of right. How can the Government ask industry to recognise that the worker has a right to severance and redundancy pay because that is a right he acquired by right of working at a particular job, when it is not prepared to give that right as a right to its own civil servants?

We find in regard to the second group of training functions, there would be, under an active manpower policy, very many functions far beyond the scope of the present functions which are operated in the Department of Social Welfare. We are dealing here with new problems. We are dealing with a problem that is not merely an extension of what has been done in the past by labour exchanges but dealing with a completely new departure, new functions of placement at a much higher level, of placement in a much more sophisticated way, of resettlement, retraining and redundancy. These will outstrip the old tentative placement, the old failures which we had in the past. Organisation of these particular functions should in no way be tied up with what has happened in the past unless it is decided after a long cold look at this whole problem that this is the most convenient way. It would be extremely dangerous to start off on the presumption that what should be done is a gradual extension of the functions of the labour exchanges.

The third group of functions I mentioned are functions in regard to training. Again, we have several different types of functions involved here. They are all concerned with the development of the labour force. They are all concerned with the vital problem that one of the ways towards economic advancement is that everybody in the community should be aided by training either in youth or in adulthood to be able to do a better job than he could do before he had that training. One of the ways of economic advancement is through the increased skill of every section of the work force. Problems of initial training in this regard are largely the responsibility of the Department of Education and would be lessened through proper liaison between the Department of Education and the manpower authority but the continuous upgrading of the work force which is vital in times of technological change is something that must be the responsibility of the manpower authority.

The first item that comes to mind in regard to this is the question of vocational guidance. In this connection, there is a comment on vocational guidance in the report of the inter-Departmental committee set up by the Government to report on administrative arrangements for implementing manpower policy. This committee in page 36, paragraph 76 states:

the provision of some form of Vocational Guidance service for adults through the Employment Service may ultimately prove practicable, particularly if more widespread Vocational Guidance services for persons at school and school leavers become available.

In other words, the inter-Departmental committee says that at some time in the future vocational guidance may be needed. It is because of statements like this that I say this inter-Departmental committee has missed its mark, and missed it by a mile. To leave out vocational guidance in a manpower policy is leaving out one of the best tools you have. To say you can have a manpower policy and some day in the future start on vocational guidance is nonsense. It is for that reason this report is not to be trusted. It has missed the mark on this and other points. For that reason, I have thought it necessary to speak in such detail as I have spoken on it today.

If the Government do not examine this report in detail, they may accept this and other statements and will make a disastrous decision which will lead to a semi-active and a semi-effective manpower policy in the future. It is for this reason I wish to place on record what I think are weaknesses in this report which was submitted to the Government and which the Government may take as expert opinion which should be followed. The Government may not realise that not only has this expert opinion been wide of the mark but many of the questions which have to be answered are not expert questions but questions of economic and political decision which are the prerogative of the Government alone.

That vocational guidance is something for the future only is a very dangerous view, is dangerous shortsightedness. To illustrate that, I should like to quote from the OECD report on Labour-Market Policy in Sweden published in 1963. It illustrates the difference in approach of this inter-Departmental committee and the approach of the country universally acknowledged as having the most successful manpower policy in Europe. I quote from page 33 of the Report:

Anyone—regardless of age—who desires advice and information on questions of choice of work, training and adjustment to work, can turn to the local vocational guidance officer. This officer's approach may change from case to case, sometimes psychological and social aspects may dominate, sometimes his task is mainly to give information regarding occupations and education. In 1962 about 60,000 persons received individual counselling besides those in the schools—about 45,000 pupils.

When I look to Sweden, to a country that has made a success of its manpower policy, we do not find postponement of vocational guidance; we do not find vocational guidance as something spoken of as being vocational guidance only in the school. We find, as a matter of fact, at the heart of the manpower policy something very interesting in that the vocational guidance officer dealt with more cases of adults in employment than with children in school. In other words, they were concerned with those who were changing from one part of the labour force to the other. That is a point on which we cannot afford to make a mistake, and a point on which the inter-Departmental committee has made a most grievous one. We need vocational guidance in our schools and in our manpower authority. We need it at all levels and the sooner we become aware of that particular fact the better.

Another function which comes into this group is the question of retraining. In these times of changes, whether they be arising from technological development or changes concerned with economic policy which seeks free trade, retraining is again an essential element of any successful manpower policy. It was thought until some years ago that it would be extremely difficult to retrain people who had been trained in an apprenticeship then had experience in a particular type of work and finally became redundant. It has been proved, however, throughout Europe that it is possible to convert a person from one skill to another in a matter of six months. We have had the growth of what is known as AVT, accelerated vocational training, and this is something which has been proved successful. Even for people who had reached their fifties this training can be successful. It is a method of vocational adaptation of carefully devised methods and its main object is to convert a worker, who through his early training and his experience has been specialised in a particular type of job, into a skilled worker with a wide spectrum of ability.

This again is something which we must adopt. It must be part of our whole manpower development. In this we must set up something along the lines of what has been done in other European countries. There is no need to go into very great detail except to mention that in Europe AVT has been largely confined to adults. It has not been used for the initial training of people entering the work force but has been used for the reconversion process. In practically every country in Europe it has been started on Government initiative and on Government funds. In practically every country of Europe it has been running as a permanent organisation and not alone on an ad hoc basis. In most countries in Europe it has not been confined to male workers; female workers have also participated in ATV courses. These courses convert the worker from semi-skill to skill and this is done in the course of about six months during which period the worker is supported financially by the State and by industry.

In his speech of 8th July, 1965, the Parliamentary Secretary mentioned the matter of the training of handicapped persons. I want to say that I agree with him thoroughly on that. The question of the training and rehabilitation of handicapped persons should be treated as a matter of manpower policy and not as a matter of social welfare. The fact that the rehabilitation of these people is the responsibility of the authority responsible for manpower rather than of people responsible for social welfare would contribute greatly to their rehabilitation and to the realisation when they were finished that they were full useful members of society. I would urge the Parliamentary Secretary to resist any attempts to separate the rehabilitation of handicapped workers from the general training function of any proposed manpower authority.

These then are the functions and the type of things which a manpower authority might have to do—planning functions, placement and mobility functions. They are in many cases new functions and in all cases they need a new approach. How then should this be organised? This is a key decision and the reason why I have dwelt on these points at some length is that this decision is one on which the success of our manpower policy might well rest. While there seems to be no doubt in anybody's mind who looks at the problem that we must have an active policy, we have also got to realise that something beyond that is necessary. We must have not only an active policy but an integrated policy. In my opinion, the manpower policy should not only be integrated but must also have a standing which corresponds to the importance of its work and to the importance of manpower planning for the achievement of the other objectives of economic planning.

On this question of organisation, there has been a certain amount written and published. I should like to go back over these opinions before giving my own final conclusions on this matter. We had in 1963 an inter-departmental committee on retraining and resettlement which made certain recommendations in regard to these manpower functions and also some recommendations in regard to organisation. In looking at the recommendations of this Committee, we must realise the terms of reference which the committee were given. They were set up as part of the preparation for EEC to examine the relevance to Ireland of the operation of the European Social Fund, and how these particular operations, which are concerned with resettlement and retraining, would fit into this country and, further, what steps should be taken in this regard. They started off by concentrating very largely on the question of training, which, as I have said, is only one of the three functions involved in a manpower policy. They came very sensibly to the conclusion that in any training programme, AVT —accelerated vocational training— would loom very largely. They recommended at the end of their section on training that a State-sponsored body should be set up to administer the particular training which would be necessary in this respect. They suggested that it should have a tripartite membership, partly from the Government, partly from industry and partly from the trade unions.

They went on to consider in a separate fashion the other problems involved. One of the weaknesses of this 1963 inter-departmental report is that it was not only inter-Departmental but compartmental in its approach to the particular problems. One has only to look at the organisation of their report itself to see that they treated training first of all, then resettlement and placing. There was little or no attempt in this report to examine the relevance of one to the other. This, therefore, was the weakness in regard to the 1963 report. Having recommended the setting up of a State-sponsored body for training, they went on to the question of training grants which might, of course, also be concerned with training on the factory floor, in the ordinary vocational schools as well as with AVT and they said these functions should go to the same body which should use the social welfare offices. We have here for the first time this recommendation that the grants in regard to manpower activities should be based on the social welfare offices.

The committee then went on to deal with the question of administration of resettlement allowances. They were divided on this point but the majority recommended that this be done by the same body. They ended up by recommending that a body, which they had originally thought of in terms of training, should be given all the functions which were necessary.

Next I should like to refer to a conference held by the Irish National Productivity Committee, also in 1963. This conference was attended by representatives of the Government, industry, and the trade unions. The proceedings of the seminar have been published and at this particular seminar, unlike quite a number of seminars I have attended, they actually came to conclusions. This is sufficiently noteworthy that we should examine the conclusions to which the seminar came. Here we have not an inter-Departmental committee but a tripartite seminar coming to a conclusion on this particular point of organisation. I quote from conclusion No. 4 which is on page 125 of the report of the proceedings:

Consideration should be given to the setting up of a central institution to integrate on the one hand the activities of the various bodies with responsibilities in the manpower field and on the other to co-ordinate the activities of these bodies with those of bodies with responsibilities for general, economic and social development.

We have here a very clear recommendation from all the people concerned that there should be a unified body. It might, perhaps, be thought that there is no disharmony between this and the recommendation of the inter-Departmental committee. In fact, that is not so because immediately before drawing up these conclusions, in the chapter dealing with conclusions, we have a specific reference to the inter-Departmental committee by the seminar. I should like to quote this reference because I think it is relevant that within a few months after the issuing of this particular report, an objection was entered to the way in which the committee had reached its conclusion about organisation. I quote from page 123 of the seminar proceedings:

the seminar paid attention to the Report of the Committee on Re-training and Resettlement, the main conclusions of which are to be found in appendix 2. The seminar did not want to enter into a discussion on the merits of this Report, since the Report has now been laid before the professional and other interested organisations for comment. It was felt, however, that with due respect for the value of the report on problems related to training, the report cannot be regarded as a study in depth of an active labour market policy. Consequently the seminar wanted to express its opinion on the main aspects of manpower policy, which under the Irish circumstances should merit special attention, while appreciating that recommendations on some aspects had already been made by the Committee on Retraining and Resettlement.

Having studied both proceedings, I heartily agree that the inter-Departmental committee on resettlement and retraining was dealing not with manpower policy as a whole but with one aspect of it, and this must be taken into account in any evaluation of the recommendations of that particular committee.

The next important item in the history of this evolution of manpower policy was a submission by the Irish National Productivity Committee to the Taoiseach in April, 1964. This submission is perhaps most readily found in an Appendix to the Irish National Productivity Committee's annual report and accounts for 1963-64. The first paragraph of this submission gives their opinion in regard to this particular matter. I do not intend to quote it in full because a great deal of it is concerned with matters which I have already covered here today but the important point was that they recommended clearly and unequivocably that a unified manpower authority should carry out all of the functions. They recommended that such an authority should be under the control of a Department of Labour. They said that so urgent was this particular matter—and that was over a year ago —that a unified manpower authority should be set up straight away even before the establishment of a Department of Labour.

In July, 1964, the National Industrial Economic Council, another body which has contributed greatly towards the successful operation of economic programming to the extent that such success has been achieved, dealt with this matter. They dealt in their report with the aims and scope of manpower policy but they did not at that time make any comment on the matter of organisation. And so to this year when, in March, 1965, we had a second inter-Departmental committee which reported on the administrative arrangements which would be appropriate for the organisation of manpower policy and this other departmental report, as I said earlier, is open to very strong criticism. I do not want to be unjust to those who produced what in many ways is an excellent report but I think there is clear evidence in the reading of this report that the manner of approaching the problem was to take the report of 1963 and to go on from there, to take the report which dealt with one aspect of the problem and to build up.

It seems to me that the essential failure of this inter-Departmental committee to grapple with the problem was that it failed to look at the problem as a whole before coming to any particular conclusions. I am sure the Seanad will agree with me that, looking at the problem as a whole, as I have attempted to do today, is quite a wearisome process but a necessary one. We can see that the inter-Departmental committee which reported in March this year exhibited a very severe case of tunnel vision. They were able to look only directly ahead; they did not see the whole field of vision which should have been open to them and they have made serious errors in what they have recommended.

There is very great danger that the Government would accept this as an expert report and take up certain of the assumptions made here about the inviolability of the territory of Government Departments which are not matters for decision by civil servants but are matters for political decision at Cabinet level. It would be a great disaster for the country if these political decisions were not taken at Cabinet level and were not taken following a complete examination of the problem as it stands. It is for that reason that I have taken a great deal of time in talking to the House today and that I have taken an even greater amount of time in preparing the material I have given today.

At this critical stage, when a decision has to be made, it is our duty as an opposition to present to the Government a reasoned point of view in regard to this vital matter. The Government have to make a critical economic decision on this. If they make it merely on the basis of this inter-Departmental committee's report, they will do a great disservice to the country. What does it recommend? Paragraph 87—its first recommendation— significantly enough, is the first recommendation of the old 1963 committee: you can see the chronological order in which they have followed out.

If one examines only these two reports, I think you will agree with my criticism that the 1965 report suffers from the fact that the 1963 report was taken and added to. They start off, like the other committee, talking about training. Training is a key problem in manpower policy but the ultimate problem there is placement. The ultimate test is whether the individual worker can be put into the new job for which he is most fitted. This is the ultimate test of manpower policy. Accordingly, we must if possible look at the picture as whole. However, if we want to start with one thing more than another, we should start with placement and make a key decision on placement rather than on training.

Apparently, the 1965 inter-Departmental committee made up its mind— this is a clear reading of the report— that there should be an industrial training body which should be an autonomous body. Again, this second inter-Departmental committee went on in a compartmental fashion to deal with this problem. Having dealt with training, it started to deal with other manpower services and reached the conclusion that this should be carried out by a Government body.

They thought here that there should be a direct association of employers and employees and that there was no special arrangement necessary for this, that the NIEC could do the job: I shall turn to that particular point later. They then concluded that they would have this autonomous body and that they would have a Government Department. They made this decision to split manpower policy into two and they went on to consider whether it could be given to this Government Department or to that Government Department, or to a new Department of Labour as recommended by the Irish National Productivity Committee. They thought in this connection of the employment service which, as I said earlier, must be characterised in its present condition as the unemployment service. It is a separate question whether it can convert it from an employment to an unemployment service.

The Senator is now engaged in a considerable amount of repetition.

The committee recommended that the removal of employment placement as a function from the Department of Social Welfare was not justified. One of the grounds they give is that it would be a reversal of a 1947 decision to set up the Department of Social Welfare. It was argued by the inter-Departmental committee that to take away this and to add it to any other Department would lead to an imbalance between Departments. They rejected the idea of a Department of Labour because they felt that if they took the functions away from the Department of Industry and Commerce, this would leave a completely truncated Department. They felt they could not comment on a question which has been freely discussed throughout the country as to whether it would not be appropriate to return the functions of the Department of Transport and Power to the Department of Industry and Commerce. If a Department of Labour were set up, this would seem a reasonable solution to the problem.

These recommendations of the inter-Departmental committee showed little appreciation of what is required. They propose that the three groups of functions should be split up amongst three organisations—an autonomous body, the Department of Industry and Commerce and the Department of Social Welfare acting as an agent for the Department of Industry and Commerce. They also recommended that the whole thing should be co-ordinated by an inter-Departmental committee in which these two departments would be concerned and that four other departments would be added.

The final document on this particular point, and this represents the final submission that I have to make on this point, is a report issued by the National Industrial Economic Council in July, 1965. This report indicates that my criticism which I have made of this inter-Departmental committee is not something which is a quirk of mine alone but is something which seems to be shared by the members of the National Industrial Economic Council. In their particular submission, which has been laid on the Table of this House but which has not been circulated, they make several very important comments.

The first comment they make in paragraph 1 is that a manpower policy must be not merely a case of giving a new name to old activities but must be something substantially new. They go on, then, to discuss the question of organisation and in particular, the question of the employment services. This, I believe, is the key problem in manpower policy organisation. This is where the key decision must be made. In this connection, I wish to quote from page 2 of the NIEC Report, July, 1965, as follows:

It is through the employment service that the individual worker feels the impact of all facets of manpower policy. The employment service is now regarded as a place to which an unemployed worker must go to collect dole, and in which emphasis is placed on establishing his eligibility and ensuring that he gets no more than his strict entitlement. The Committee states clearly and comprehensively the positive functions which the employment service must in future perform. If the new and positive functions are to be fully appreciated, care must be taken to distinguish them from the disbursement of benefit and assistance. In the larger centres, it would be desirable to have the two sets of functions carried out in separate buildings: if this is not done, then unemployed workers would still tend to think of themselves as attending to collect dole and the difficulties of changing the image of the employment service would be very much greater. We recognise the importance of economy in administration but we believe that it would be false economy to subordinate the task of creating a distinctive identity and character of the employment service to considerations of administrative convenience.

The Report continues:

The employment service must be integrated with short-term manpower forecasting and with arrangements for training, re-training and vocational guidance. We do not think that this integration can be achieved if the employment service is administered, even on an agency basis, by any department other than that in which the manpower agency is located.

This criticism of the inter-Departmental Committee is valid and I wish, in conclusion, to hope that the Government will not follow the inter-Departmental Committee. What the Parliamentary Secretary has said in his public speeches and in the Dáil give me good hope that these mistakes will not be followed. I certainly hope, however, that his colleagues in the Government will see the matter as clearly and as obviously as has the Parliamentary Secretary. In his speech he gave four top priorities in regard to manpower policies of various types; but there is one priority above all, that is, the priority of integration. Unity in the organisation of manpower is essential.

In summary, I would say our present position in this country is in regard to the three economic objectives of growth, reasonably full employment and stable prices, that whereas most countries of Europe have achieved two out of the three we have achieved only one out of the three and that this is not a satisfactory position. This arises in part from defects in the Second Programme, both in the Programme itself and its execution, and that these defects are largely defects of adaptability or defects of thoroughness in carrying it into operation.

In my submission, one of the key means of correcting this is to go straight away for a manpower policy which will imitate the manpower policy of such countries as Sweden rather than the attempts made in the United Kingdom. May I express the final hope that, when we come to the financial debates next year and I seek a subject to talk on, the Parliamentary Secretary will have been so successful that I will have to look elsewhere for a subject for discussion.

I am not going to pursue the debate on manpower policy. I want to go back to some matters raised earlier. I should like to say first a few words about the control of prices. Senator Crowley said he hoped the Bill was not bluff. I do not think it is. I am quite sure the Government in bringing in this Bill were serious in trying to remedy the position with regard to prices. I am not so hopeful that any Bill can do a lot to improve prices generally. I remember in 1939 or early 1940, when the war had started, a prices control measure was introduced. It certainly had the effect of raising a good many prices. At that time I was Minister for Agriculture. Those who were selling butter in Dublin were selling it at a margin of 1d per lb. When the controller of prices came to examine that position, those who were selling the butter were afraid they might be cut on this margin and they made a most telling case for a bigger margin. Before long, they were getting 4d a lb. Another case I remember distinctly was the case of bacon. People who were selling bacon in a big way in this city at that time had a margin of 10/- a side. In the same way, when their case was examined and they gave all the figures for costs and so on, after a few months they were getting 50/- a side.

There is no doubt whatever that, if a controller or authority is appointed to control prices, he will have to listen to the case made by retailers. In all probability, the retailers will be able to make a very good case for even more than they are getting for many of their wares at present. I know that in a shopping centre near me sugar is at present selling from 8½d to 9½d per lb. I am told that in some shops it is even 10d per lb. In all probability, when the controller or authority come to examine the price of sugar, he will probably agree the ordinary retailer should have at least 9d. Then the men selling it at 8½d will be accused by their own colleagues in the trade of selling sugar at a price lower than the cost. They will be almost compelled to bring the price up to 9d.

Then we can take the case of the Dublin publicans and the price of the bottle of stout. I know it is not a very good case to mention. The price of a bottle of stout here is 1/2d. In a village in Wexford, there are three public houses. One charges 12d per bottle, another 11d and another 10d, and they are all doing equally well. If a controller comes to examine the price, he is almost certain to say the country publicans should get 12d and those selling at less will have to come up. I do not think we are going to get very far with this control of prices, although the Labour Party seem to pin a lot of faith on it. The Dublin publicans, as I mentioned earlier, are not a reliable yardstick to go by because I think it is fairly accepted by everyone that their prices have been much higher than they should be. I do not know what a controller could do about it, because their costs have gone up. He might not be able to do very much. What could be done is this. They have a monopoly. If other people were allowed to go into the trade, it might have a very healthy effect.

Going on to another point, I should like to refer to Senator Sheehy Skeffington's remarks about the treatment of civil servants and Civil Service pensioners. On a former occasion in the Seanad two or three weeks ago other Senators had drawn attention to the fact that our Civil Service pensioners were badly treated. About six months ago or so a committee was appointed to examine this question of Civil Service pensioners. On that committee there were representatives from outside firms, from the State companies and from the Civil Service itself. They made certain recommendations, one of which was adopted by the Government, that the pensions should be kept in line with the cost of living, that increases should be made from time to time in the pensions as the cost of living increases. I thought it was a very good solution to this problem and I found on investigating the matter that there was no country doing better than that. America is doing as well as that and England is not doing as well, so that we stand fairly well as regards what other countries are doing.

Senator FitzGerald gave the impression—I am not sure whether he said it outright—that Government Ministers did not understand their own Second Programme for Economic Expansion. I am passing over that sort of irresponsible political pronouncement and I go on to some of the matters that were raised, as matters that could be dealt with in a reasonable way.

For instance, in his talk on lack of planning, the Senator mentioned social welfare. The plan of the Government as far as social welfare is concerned is well known, and if Senator FitzGerald does not know it, I do not know what we are going to do about it because it has been stated over and over again by the Government that they would continue to provide as much as possible for social welfare. What was meant by that, of course, was that after providing for the expansion of our economy, both in the immediate future and the long term, we would then as far as possible provide for social welfare services.

I would suggest that the intention to do as much as possible is not exactly planning. My point is that there is no social programme indicating what the pattern of the social services would be in 1970, as we have for the other sectors of the economy for that year.

Perhaps not. The Senator, perhaps, is looking for too much. As Senators are aware, the Government have changed the pattern from time to time. There is, for instance, one new provision in the new Social Welfare Bill which changes the pattern as far as rural applicants are concerned who, up to this, had claimed to be unemployed. The change is, as Senators are aware, that their qualifications should be based upon the amount of land they have rather than on their means. There have been from time to time changes of that kind, and if the Government give their promise or undertaking from time to time that they will do everything possible for the social welfare classes, that plan is as much as any Government can be asked to publish.

Take the old age pensioner, for instance. From next week, he will have a 98 per cent increase on what he had when the Fianna Fáil Government came into office and from 1956 to 1964 the cost of living went up by 27.9 per cent. It has gone up since November last. I heard the figures mentioned. I do not know exactly what the figures are. One Senator mentioned as much as 14 per cent. I think that is rather an exaggeration. But, even if it is that, Senators will see that the old age pensioner is very much better off than he was in 1956.

Senator Murphy said that it was quite obvious that an old age pensioner could not exist on 37/6 per week. I do not want to dispute that point. It is very difficult for an old age pensioner to exist on that amount but it is a very severe condemnation of former Social Welfare Ministers because at least it can be said that the present Minister has done better than any of his predecessors, including myself, and it is certainly a very severe condemnation of the Leader of the Labour Party who was Minister for Social Welfare up to 1957. Even taking the cost of living into account, the old age pensioner and all other social welfare recipients are very much better off in real terms than they were in the beginning of 1957. Certainly, I hope as time goes on they will be better off still in real terms.

A question that got some attention here was the agreement with Britain. The Government were accused of inconsistency in departing from their original programme of self-sufficiency to one of free trade. First of all, I think it will be admitted that if Ireland seeks to make an agreement with Britain to give her better terms in certain directions, including agriculture and including certain sectors of industry also, if it looks for better terms from England in that way it must be prepared to make some concession on its side to England. If we claim to be equal in these negotiations, we cannot expect the other party to the negotiations to give everything and take nothing. They would not agree to it. Therefore, Ireland has to consider what it can give and it is obvious that what is would be asked to give by the British is better preference here—whether it is a total preference or not, I do not know; it has to be decided—better preference here, of course, for industrial products.

The Government had, if you like, withdrawn from their inconsistency some time ago. First of all, I should say that when the Government, in 1932, brought in a policy of tariffs for protection of our new industries here, they had no intention that this protection should last for all time. It was made very clear that protection would be used as long as it was necessary to build our industries up and when we had built them up into very strong units, we hoped that they would then be able to compete with the rest of the world, as our existing industries at that time were competing. As a matter of fact, we had followed that up to some extent in the past few years by taking ten per cent on two occasions, if not three, off the tariffs at the beginning of each year.

Leaving aside this point of inconsistency, the question is whether the Government are justified in exposing our industries here to free trade. We have to recognise the fact that in recent years a large number of our industries here have been exporting to the foreign market and principally the British market and, after all, if these industries can compete successfully with British manufacturers in their own market in Britain, they should certainly be able to compete successfully with British goods coming in here, on their own territory here.

Therefore, we should not be too apprehensive about the outcome of this question. Protection will have to go some time. There is no doubt about that. If the agreement that can be made with the British Government at the present time is favourable as far as we are concerned, then we have to pay the price and we are in a position to pay the price here at the present time. There may be — I am quite sure there will be—certain industries which will not be able to withstand the competition but we cannot legislate for the incompetent industries if we have a very big majority of our industries that are able to withstand the competition.

Another point which I want to deal with in particular is the point made by Senator FitzGerald that the Government had not formulated an incomes policy. That is a difficult matter, in my opinion. There are certain principles laid down by economists, which appear to me to be more empirical than otherwise, which a country is supposed to follow if it wants to develop an incomes policy. It is generally believed that if the total capacity for spending on current goods and services rises more than the national product, the result is inflation and, of course, if that proposition is true, we all know that inflation will result in either increased prices or in increased imports or, more likely, in both. We have not, therefore, to deal only with increased prices in a case like that but also with increased imports which are not matched by increased exports, and then we run into trouble in the balance of trade.

The aggregate incomes of the country are made up from various sources. The incomes that are kept in mind principally in considering an incomes policy are wages and salaries but, in addition to those, there are such things as pensions, social welfare benefits, fees and commissions, directors' fees, dividends and profits. There are others, I am sure, if I had time to think over it, which would go to make up the aggregate income of the country. It is accepted anyway that if the national product keeps pace with spending power there will be no ill effects. A balance between national product and spending power can be maintained by both going up simultaneously and pari passu or by both remaining static, which is not a very welcome solution, or by both going down which is a less welcome solution. Naturally, we would like to see an expanding economy which is more pleasant for everybody. The question to be considered, therefore, is how the expanding economy can be helped on its way by the Government and by others. This comes, of course, from increased production. First of all, we must know what are the costs of production, the raw materials and the labour content, and there are many other items, not so important, which are common to practically all producers like transport, power, marketing and so on, and they must all be kept in mind.

In regard to an incomes policy, however, we generally have in mind the movement of wages and salaries, and it is thought that if they are kept more or less to the same percentage increase as the national product everything is all right. There are certain defects in that theory. I can imagine a manufacturer having an increase in production of 4½ per cent for the year, the same as the increase in the national product. However, I can imagine also that in order to get that 4½ per cent he increases his labour costs by 4½ per cent in increasing the number of workers he employs; his raw materials and transport go up by 4½ per cent, or maybe the cost of his working capital will go up by 4½ per cent. That manufacturer is not in a position to increase his wages or salaries even though he was one of those who was responsible for increasing the national product by 4½ per cent all round. If he had achieved that 4½ per cent increase in production without increasing his labour force and if he had made certain economies in his raw material, then he would be in a position to pay increased wages and salaries.

All the time there are improvements in productivity. The techniques of production are making things better all the time. That is why it is assumed that if the national product goes up by so much, wages and salaries can go up by the same amount. If, however, we accept what I said already was empirical, the conclusion, that wages and salaries can go up by the same amount as national product, the next thing we have to ensure is that it is distributed equitably throughout. For instance, if one category gets more than 4½ per cent, then another category must get less, or if no category takes less and some take more than 4½ per cent, then there is inflation. Inflation is followed by an increase in prices and by an increase in imports. That is what the economists try to avoid when they are talking about the planning of an incomes policy. Those who advocate an incomes policy try to provide for the maximum increase in wages and salaries that can be provided out of the national product and without increasing prices.

While national wage agreements work out all right for the nation as a whole, there are certain cases where they do not work out well at all. I mentioned already the case of the manufacturer who increased his output but who also increased his labour costs, his raw material costs and so on, and, therefore, had not the wherewithal to make an increase in wages. There are, on the other hand, those who through greater productivity could afford to pay more than is provided in the national wage agreement. They have the option of reducing prices and that is advisable because some of the people who have to pay increased wages will increase their prices. If there was a plan for those who could bring down their prices, then the index might remain fairly constant.

Not everybody is in a position to increase prices and it is possible that under these agreements certain producers will be forced out of business. Again, we must face that and we must sacrifice the inefficient if we are trying to get a desirable scheme that works generally. If CIE for instance, have to increase their wages it is obvious that they must put up their fares because there is no other source from which they can get the wherewithal to pay these increased wages. What I have said may appear to be an argument on my part against a national wage agreement but if a national wage agreement brings industrial peace then its merits would outweigh any objection I have made. It is designed to bring industrial peace. In order to have industrial peace we must avoid disputes. It would appear to be necessary to have some sort of tribunal, whether one of our existing tribunals or not, which would decide on any issues that might be raised either by the employer of the employee arising out of the wages agreement, and, if it could be arranged that the arbitrator would be in a position to decide issues of that kind, we might hope to have industrial peace under a national wages agreement.

As I have said, it has been demonstrated, I think anyway, that where a higher award is given than the economic indices would permit, it is inevitable that an increase in prices must follow. That means that the wage earner who got a ten per cent increase finds himself faced with an increase in prices of five per cent and he is, therefore, really only five per cent better off. But that five per cent is a real gain. He may feel he has not done too badly but, remember, there are other members of the community, especially those on fixed incomes, who suffer a five per cent reduction of their fixed incomes because of that five percent increase in prices.

It is important, therefore, that we should avoid price increases as a result of wage agreements. Up to this trade union leaders have always tried, perhaps justifiably, to get the last halfpenny they could out of the employer and, by pressure of that sort, they did get very good agreements and they believed they had done a good job. I think that day is over. Really what trade union leaders and everyone else should now aim at is finding out what is the optimum increase that should be given. This can be done only by studying the economic indices and seeing what the country can afford generally. If an optimum increase is given, it is a real increase because it will not be followed by an increase in prices. Whatever the increase, it is a real gain.

I have not got more recent figures for consumer prices beyond the table issued with the Budget in 1964 but, from 1956 to 1964, consumer prices rose by 27.9 per cent. There is no doubt that industrial workers and other workers have fared well since 1956, taking the cost of living into account. As against that, the farm price index has gone up by 20.9 per cent and farm productivity has gone up by 30 per cent so that the farmer has actually something more than 55 per cent of an increase in his income as compared with 1956. Industrial earnings have, on average, gone up 53.5 per cent and agricultural earnings 45.1 per cent. I should mention that as from about a month ago agricultural earnings have gone up more. They are now 57.8 per cent above the 1956 figure. All those engaged in production, whether as paid workers or self-employed, have done well and the expanding economy, even though it had its drawbacks from the point of view of an increased cost of living and so on has done fairly well as far as they are concerned.

Are we exceptional in relation to increased prices? We are not. OECD issued a table last year in relation to the various European countries affiliated to them and they gave the percentage increase in prices in all the various countries over a five-year period. In that particular table, as far as I remember, we stood in a fairly good position. There were others better than us but there were more worse than us. It appears, therefore, to be impossible to go on with an expanding economy without prices going up. The point is that most people are trying to take too much and, according to the figures published, they get a little more than they should. But, even with the cost of living gone up as it has, it is obvious that those who are employed, whether by another or in their own interests, are doing well.

Senator Dooge drew attention to increased taxation. There have been very big increases over the past seven or eight years on beer, spirits and tobacco and recently on petrol and, in the cost-of-living figure I have mentioned, these will account for a fairly sizeable portion of the increased cost of living since 1956. As against that, we can at least claim that those who are working for a wage or salary have got a decrease in their income tax. Their income tax is one-sixth lower now than it was in 1956 and the person who is paying income tax knows, of course, what that amounts to and he is in a position to assess the value of that as against the increase in the price of beer, spirits, tobacco and petrol. He is concerned in these commodities.

This increased taxation, as the Book of Estimates will show, has gone, first of all, to the development of agriculture and industry. That expenditure was necessary in order to maintain the economy and to ensure its proper development. I do not think any Senator or anyone in public life would be inclined to advise the Government to stop subsidising industry and agriculture because, if we do, there will be a very severe check immediately on our expanding economy. As well as that, we think it desirable to spend money on social services like education, health, housing and so on. Expenditure on these has gone up very considerably in the past seven or eight years. Expenditure on education last year was double what it was seven or eight years ago. There has been a big percentage increase also on the other services. Social welfare has got a fair portion of increased expenditure.

I was the culprit who introduced the turnover tax. That was brought in in order to pay State servants who were getting a fairly big increase at that time and also to pay increases in social welfare, plus increases to State pensioners. I have never heard any Senator say that we treat our civil servants too generously or that we treat our pensioners too generously. Certainly they have never said that we treat our social welfare beneficiaries too generously. If that is the case, if Senators generally believe that we have not been too lavish in our expenditure on these particular services, they should not have objected, I think, particularly if their own incomes were up by 65 or 70 per cent, to giving 2½ per cent of that to the social welfare beneficiaries, State pensioners and State servants. They did object, of course, but that is all over and forgotten about now.

Another thing the Government had in mind when that was brought in—and I am sure they have the same thing in mind still—is that we have been levying the people who took a drink and the people who smoked year after year and taking more and more from them but it was not possible to put a bill of £14 million on them. Perhaps from a moral point of view, it would be all right, but from the revenue point of view it might wipe out the source altogether and some other source had to be thought of. In any case, the Minister was compelled to go back to tobacco and drink again last year and in the past two years or so, I think it can be said that an advance in the price does not appear to have reduced consumption. Revenue is coming in well as far as these particular items are concerned.

A point I might mention also is that when we take money from the taxpayer and when it is paid out, let us say, to social welfare recipients, it does not cause inflation because it is only a transfer of spending power from one person to another. For instance, after the last Budget, if a man went into a shop and paid 4/4d for a packet of cigarettes, he was paying an extra 4d but he was not taking more out of the national pool. It was just the same amount as before. That 4d went into the National Exchequer and was paid out to an old age pensioner and gave him a little more of the national pool. Actually it was a transfer of national spending power from those who could afford to spare a little to those who wanted it to supplement their meagre income.

The economic indices on other matters are quite favourable. For instance, in the case of emigration and unemployment which usually go together, for the past three years the population has been increasing and that is the first time we had that phenomenon since the Famine in the middle of the last century——

No, the second time.

Yes, I believe we had it once before, but this is a sustained increase and it seems it will continue, and I hope it will. Employment has also been increasing in the past three years. Taking agricultural and nonagricultural employment together, the figure is rising not as much as we should like but it is increasing and even a small increase is better than a decrease. There are more insurance cards stamped for those who are at work and when we take into account on the present figure the fact that a good many people are moving out of the insurance classes when their income exceeds £800 per year—that, of course, is now being altered—the fact that the figure is going up is a very healthy sign.

More people are paying income tax. That means that many more people are getting a good wage or salary than was the case some years ago. In fact the number paying income tax has doubled over a short period. All these economic indices are a very good guide to the economy and a much better guide indeed than the rather unreliable arguments that have been put forward by some Opposition speakers.

This discussion by right should range over three items on the Order Paper, the Finance Bill, the Appropriation Bill and the Prices (Amendment) Bill. Indeed, I fail to understand why the Government Party did not try to bring in the Succession Bill also. Not content with bringing in those three Bills for discussion, the Minister, in the course of his opening remarks dealt with something which Senator FitzGerald rightly described as one of the most momentous happenings in this country for the past 45 or 50 years, the proposed Free Trade Agreement and the discussions which have just taken place between the Taoiseach and his Ministers, on one hand, and the Ministers of the British Government, on the other.

The Labour Party submitted a motion concerning the discussions which took place in London and we hoped that the Taoiseach, as Leader of the Irish side, would be good enough to come into the House and tell the Seanad so far as possible what did happen, what he had in mind in going to London, so far as it was possible for him to do so, but for some mysterious reason, as soon as that motion went into the machinery which brings it before the House, the Minister for Finance suddenly decided to discuss or to comment to some extent on the discussions which had taken place in London.

I did not see your motion until this morning.

It is well known that the Minister need not physically see the motion. There is such a thing as a telephone.

Nor did I hear about it until I came into the House last night.

The strange thing is that the fact that the Minister made the limited comments he has made here has prevented the motion from being discussed.

It was not put in in time.

It is on the Order Paper now.

Stay quiet: do not be like a bag of eels. As far as the Minister is concerned and the limited comments he made on what may be one of the most far-reaching decisions ever taken by an Irish Government, if those comments are to be used as an excuse to save the Taoiseach from the embarrassment of coming before this House and telling the House what happened and taking responsibility for what happened—indeed it would not be the first time in the Party opposite that they sent juniors or others to do the job and used them as a scapegoat afterwards——

In the same way as you sent them to Canada to declare the Republic.

It is not unreasonable to ask the Taoiseach to come into the House and tell us what did happen. If the other House were sitting, I would not make this proposal. It is in the other House that we and the people would expect to be told what took place but because the Dáil was not sitting, the Labour Party felt it was highly desirable that some statement should be made by the Taoiseach before a House of the Oireachtas. In recent years we have had a new habit growing up, or a new plan, among Ministers of this Government, that is, that whenever an important announcement has to be made, the Taoiseach or his Ministers inevitably make that announcement at a dinner of some chamber of commerce, or at a bank dinner, perhaps a greyhound dinner or something else like that, but they never yet——

A Senator

Or at a dinner in Canada.

You will never get over that.

They never let the public representatives of the people know what is happening until they let their pals at some particular dinner know. I believe it shows what Fianna Fáil, and particularly the Taoiseach think of both Houses. Of course we know—and I challenge denial from the Leader of the Government Party here—that the Taoiseach has nothing but the utmost contempt for this Second Chamber. He should not allow that contempt in which he holds this Chamber to operate in such a way as to prevent him from using his better judgment which I should think would suggest to him that his responsibility is to tell the people what he has in mind and what the future holds, in so far as it can be told to the public. A five-minute discussion on television at Dublin Airport, on his way back from London, is no way to treat the public at a time when we are deprived of the newspapers and, therefore, of comments from various sources.

It would lead one to believe that the Government are delighted and relieved that the public, as long as this strike in the newspaper industry lasts, will have no opportunity of learning what was cooked up or what was discussed during the recent visit to London. Senator Ryan, a man for whom I have the greatest respect, although he may not think so because of the various remarks that have been passed in the other House, came in here today and pooh-poohed the importance of these discussions, just as the Minister yesterday tried to suggest: "Well, it is a form of free trade but protection will still stay for much longer than we envisaged it would stay under the Common Market." A free trade area is a free trade area and there is no ignoring what is a free trade area.

If we have committed ourselves to a free trade area with Britain without knowing the implications, the public are entitled to ask that a full discussion take place, if not in this Chamber, in the other Chamber, with the greatest possible despatch. It may be that this is only an extension of an existing agreement; it may be only a minor matter—we do not know. All we know is that we are told that in so far as it is possible there will be a free trade area when the agreement comes to be signed. From what I know of the Government, and from the study I have made of the activities of the Taoiseach since 1957, I take the view that this is a free trade area in the sense we should all understand it to be, namely, a free interchange of goods and chattels between one country and the other. Perhaps in the initial stages there may be a bluff that agriculture should do fairly well, but we must accept, unless we are told otherwise, that the implication is there that this is a far-reaching decision. It is in preparation, according to the Taoiseach, for our admission at a later stage to the Common Market. That is something with which I will deal later.

In history books, outside the dates of particular battles which seem to get preference in regard to their importance, there are a few other very important dates, one of which is 1800 when the Act of Union was brought in. That created, to my mind, a form of free trade area. Since 1800 down through the years when history books did happen to deal with economics instead of battles, we always had the excuse that industries which flourished in 1800 were destroyed systematically as a result of the Act of Union. Fianna Fáil, when they became a political Party, helped, in the so-called educational system which we have, to foster that belief and their claim to fame and heroism today is that they were the heroes in the struggle to break this link with 1800. Others took the view down through the years that there was another way of breaking the link. We will not discuss that.

Fianna Fáil took a certain line in the breaking of that link. They claimed, and I am sick listening to this, that this country was not going to be a back-garden or a cabbage plot for Britain and that it was going to create its own industrial potential and develop it and that we would be free of any control, political or economical, from this neighbour who had bullied us over the years and who, through the Act of Union, had taken the opportunity to destroy the virile Irish industry which had operated up to that date. That is why I think that this free trade area proposal, which is in fact another Act of Union——

The Act of Reunion.

——Or reunion, if you like, is something of the most far-reaching and fundamental importance to the people. It is no wonder the Taoiseach looked, as he did, a very apprehensive man when interviewed on television. For the information of some Senators who may not have read some comments made by Lord Halifax in his biography, I should like to tell them what he once said to Churchill some years after the war when Britain had fallen out with Russia. He suggested to Charchill that he should visit "Uncle Joe" and Churchill's reply to that was that that would be the whipped cur coming to heel. I would prefer to give a much nicer description to what has taken place and in this instance I would say that this was the prodigal son as far as the Taoiseach, Deputy Lemass, is concerned, but Fianna Fáil can choose their own description as far as I am concerned. They can have the one which Churchill used in regard to the visit to Uncle Joe. As far as Fianna Fáil are concerned, this is the return of the prodigal son. Senators can take their choice.

We had in the Minister's remarks yesterday a statement pooh-poohing the situation that obtains. He said we were a mature society, that there was no crisis and that we should therefore take every step possible to prevent exaggeration of what has taken place in recent months to ensure that we should all stick in the one boat and not criticise the Government. I should like to quote just one sentence:

Possibly this year and next year would be the crucial period in the campaign for economic recovery, said Mr. Lemass during the resumed debate in the Dáil on the Budget.

That is a very simple sentence. It was uttered in 1958, but anybody hearing it today would naturally assume it was made during this year's Budget debate. So today we are back to the position of 1958 and we have had no change of Government since 1958. The same faces are in Dáil Éireann and have the same control of the destiny —as far as any Government have had control of it—of this country.

I do not propose to delay the House because other Senators wish to speak. I understand that people have agreed to a limit to this debate, an arrangement with which I do not agree but by which I propose to abide. Otherwise, I should be very longwinded in dealing with the somersaults and inconsistencies in Fianna Fáil policy since 1958. Let us make no mistake that apart from a statement made here last night by Senator Sheehy Skeffington on our educational system and on where the fundamental fault lies, the cause of our present troubles can be traced to a lack of clear thinking and of progressive policy on the part of the Government.

During the past eight years, a series of pragmatic decisions have been made —that is a charitable description. Every time a new crisis arose, there was no long-term thinking on the part of the Government to meet it. Nobody could expect a clear run without problems and difficulties. They are bound to arise periodically and all will have sympathy with a Government who meet them, who tell the people clearly what steps the Government propose to take. Senator Ryan let the cat out of the bag when he made it clear that Fianna Fáil believed the people have short memories. That is a cynical approach but it is undoubtedly the approach of Fianna Fáil. They believe that if something is introduced today which is unpopular, it will be forgotten tomorrow, that if they promise to take a certain line of action, it will be like water under the bridge.

You could fill a volume with the promises made by Fianna Fáil, with terms which four or five years ago were sacrosanct but which today they say are dirty words, in reference to which one does not have to go to a dictionary. How many Members of this House realise that up to 1958 the Fianna Fáil Party, who have taken so much credit for what has taken place in the UN, were opposed to the very idea of going into the UN? How many times in Dáil Éireann did the former Leader of Fianna Fáil throw cold water on the UN idea and the commitments which membership would involve for us—involvement in UN activities? In 1958 neutrality was a sacred word to Fianna Fáil.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

The Senator should not continue too long on that line.

I wish to explain how our present position has arisen; enough scope was given to other Senators in this respect. In 1958, neutrality was a sacred word. Two years later it went by the board. Two years later still, the people of Europe were told we were not neutral, had never been neutral, and were prepared to take full responsibility as members of EEC for whatever commitments we might incur under the Treaty of Rome. While that was being said, our Minister for External Affairs, Deputy Aiken, was telling them in the United Nations that we were not part of any bloc. On that basis we were agreeable to sending troops to the Congo. The Swedes could not understand, in view of our earlier attitude, how Irishmen came to be selected for Congo service. In the United Nations Ireland had been looked on, like Sweden, as a neutral country.

While we were sending our men overseas to do jobs on behalf of the United Nations, the Taoiseach was touring the capitals of Europe trying to help this country into the Common Market. As I have said, in 1958 words which today are uttered without a shudder were dirty words. Suddenly, we had a somersault on the part of the Taoiseach. Instead of a planned economy, we had ardent enthusiasm for a five year programme. How many times in the other House did we have abuse thrown at us when we advocated a planned economy? How many times were we told to go to the Bolshies, to go to our friends elsewhere? In 1958 I had great hopes that Fianna Fáil were on the right track—that they sincerely believed in a five year plan. I have found, naturally enough, that it was another case of bluffing the public. What we believed then to be a programme turned out to be a list of targets.

Which were achieved twice as well as expected.

They picked the lowest possible targets. If they asked a man to run 200 yards in two hours, he would be regarded as having done it twice as well if he did it in an hour.

It was twice as much as was achieved before.

Does the Minister agree that the expression "planned economy" was a dirty one in 1958?

If the Senator would shut up, he would get a reply.

If the Minister interrupts me, I shall answer him.

The Senator can well talk about somersaults. He is an expert at somersaults and is well qualified to talk about them.

That may be but there is one thing—I do not change my principles.

If you do not have them, they will not change.

He never had them.

I believed this Government were genuine when in 1958 they spoke about a planned economy. However, within 12 months of the statement I have quoted by Deputy Lemass, he went to a Fianna Fáil dinner and said that the future of Ireland depended on private enterprise. I ask Senators how one can plan on the principle of private enterprise: how, in a private enterprise economy, can one achieve the discipline necessary to attain targets? If one believes in private enterprise, one believes in a policy of dog eats dog—the law of the jungle. You cannot have the planned programme in these circumstances. Therefore, it was dishonest on the part of Fianna Fáil to suggest they would support the idea of a planned economy. I have suggested we had a Government by gimmick, as far as Fianna Fáil were concerned. What was the next thing? We had this five year programme. That is why my earlier remarks about the free trade area must be taken into account at this stage.

We had the visit to London by the Taoiseach and members of his Government. Senators who want to do so may join me in the Library and read what took place in Dáil Éireann after the visit. They will be under no illusions that when the Taoiseach went to London on that occasion, he suggested to the British Government the idea of a Common Market between Great Britain and Ireland. When he returned and was questioned in Dáil Éireann, and rightly so, his statement, which is available, was to the effect that the British Government were not in favour of it. The initiative, at that stage, came from our side. The British were not in favour of it. Note the fact that a Tory Government were in office at the time and indeed, the Irish delegation were not given the red carpet treatment when they went over on that occasion.

What happened then? We were looking, as Senator Ryan pointed out, for extra money at this stage. We were short of funds. The Government did not know where to get them. We were also short of ideas as to how we would get rid of our young men. I suppose, perhaps, it is not fair to say that, in one sense, but we were in an awkward position. Suddenly, instead of a Common Market with Britain, we had dropped on us like a bombshell the idea of full membership of the EEC community. When that pronouncement was made by the Taoiseach, very few members in either House knew the first thing about the Common Market It is not unfair to suggest that the Treaty of Rome, on which the Common Market was based, was not available and was not read by more that .01 per cent of the members of either House. In fact, there was not a copy of the Treaty of Rome available in this House or in the Library, although the Treaty of Rome had been in operation since 1955. When our Government were so anxious to get there, there was. not even a copy available so that those who were interested, so far as it lay within their power to discuss what that very bulky document contained, were unable to do so. However, we were told then that the Common Market is the place for us.

According to the Taoiseach, it became a patriotic duty to fall in behind him in his mission to the various capitals of the countries in the Common Market. The people of this country were told the Government would brook no criticism. In fact, at that time, the Fine Gael Party made a very bad mistake in throwing their weight in so heavily behind Fianna Fáil on this issue because, by so doing, the people of the country were not given the opportunity they were entitled to of knowing what the implications of full membership of that Community meant. Let me say, at this stage, there was nobody more anxious than myself and others in Dáil Éireann, to ensure that closer links and contacts would be made with the European countries. Too long have we been cut off by whatever type of barrier, or curtain, if you like to call it, from communication with the intelligent races of Europe. We have missed, for too long, the stream of intellectual friendship which would flow between all these countries and Ireland.

Many of us believed closer links were essential but we believed that closer links with the Common Market would be a most disastrous thing for Ireland at that stage in our unprepared condition. After all, if you have an athletic meeting in which professionals take part, and all of a sudden a good amateur is entered in a contest with professionals, is it not quite clear he will suffer a disastrous defeat? He will be beaten hollow and this could possibly result in his not recovering his confidence for years.

This country was in the position of an amateur or perhaps an invalid, being thrown in with a group of the most highly-skilled industrialists in the world and we were prepared to accept all the obligations of full membership of the EEC. That included defence commitments and political commitments. That was back in 1961. I shall not refer again to neutrality but anybody who realised what membership of the Common Market meant knew that neutrality had gone by the board. Up to that very year we would not join NATO, in any circumstances, and the Government and both sides of the house were unanimous that this country would not be part of any military group or any bloc. Yet, we said, full membership of EEC, yes, political commitments, yes, defence commitments, yes. We reversed overnight what had been in operation for years. The public were not told, or it was not intended to tell them, about this altered position.

At that time an OECD report, unfortunately, described Ireland as an undeveloped country. There was uproar in Dáil Éireann because of this description at a time when we were being described by the Taoiseach as being capable of taking our place in this European community on equal terms in the industrial and economic sphere with the already highly-skilled nations. I charged the Taoiseach then, as I do now, that no real assessment was made at that time of what full membership of EEC would mean to the Irish people.

Senator Garret FitzGerald yesterday stated that the full implications were made known to the Irish people of what is taking place with regard to discussions with Britain or the free trade area. I do not agree with him at all. I am satisfied members of this House or the other House were not made aware of the full implications of full membership of EEC. It has reached the stage at which the Taoiseach said we were prepared to go in alone, without Britain. That is forgotten today. We were prepared to go it alone without Britain. Why? I want to recall to the minds of Senators that a short period before that Britain had turned down the Taoiseach's suggestion of a Common Market with Britain. When the Taoiseach suggested we were to go in on our own, it was his way of getting his own back on Britain for rejecting us. When it was suggested that we were going in with Europe, it was not suggested that we were Europeans and wanted to join them because of that. It was suggested out of a fit of pique. It was as simple as that.

I would refer members to the optimistic forecast about Irish industry which the Taoiseach made in his statement to the EEC members on 18th January, 1962. In fact, he made it clear to those Ministers as he did in negotiations that the only concession Ireland looked for having signed the Treaty of Rome was a rhythm of tariff reduction which would give her a breathing space of five years to knock off 75 per cent of the tariffs. That was a rhythm reduction and that was 1962 and by 1970 we would have no tariff support remaining.

That is eight or nine years ago, not five.

I know it is. By 1967, 75 per cent of our tariffs were to be gone. We have made two ten per cent reductions since and the last reduction we were to make last January. The Taoiseach said nothing would deter him from making it but when January came there was no ten per cent reduction. We have only taken ten per cent off the 75 per cent and this is 1965, and we are in a crisis on top of that. How many more reductions does the Minister envisage between now and 1967?

That was in the field of industry in a country where a large percentage of our industries have to import the raw material and at the same time where we have to make provision every year for those who are living on the land. Those industries were expected to be able to compete with 75 per cent of the tariffs off by 1967. Why I raise this is to show how absolutely irresponsible it was for the Taoiseach to try to bulldoze his way into the Common Market when the country was not prepared for it.

The farmer was gulled into the belief that there was an El Dorado in Europe, with unlimited markets for agricultural produce. and these six countries are self-sufficient in all items of agricultural produce which are produced in Ireland, with the exception of beef. We were not, and we are not, able to compete with those European countries on what are, shall we say, the normal products in the Irish agricultural field, with the lone exception of beef. Should it be seriously suggested that because we get a high price for beef in the European Community, we should tie ourselves hand and foot, politically and otherwise, in order that we might sell our beef? My belief is there is such a scarcity of beef, and there will be such a scarcity for years to come, that we will be able to sell our beef without taking part in any arrangement for becoming members of the EEC.

Why can we not do it so?

We have not the cattle to sell but the poor Senator does not realise that.

I do realise it.

The cattle are not there; they are only tiny little calves, and if you are waiting for those, it will be many months before you see a recovery in the cattle export trade.

They are not found under the leaves of cabbage, any more than the Senator was.

I know that and I accept that. I think at one stage the argument was put forward as a sneer that the Irishman had to sell the pig to pay the rent. Now we have to sell the bullock in order to pay our way. Up to this priority was given to the industrial arm based on the raw material to support it. We are now waiting patiently for the little calves to grow so that we will be able to say: "We are round the corner with our balance of payments."

The sacred cow.

If this House is not prepared to accept my word for it that the Government took the decision to join the EEC with a full knowledge of what the commitments meant to the Irish people, let me remind them that the Government set up a number of investigating committees and that the first report of the CIO had not been available, and was anything but available, when the decision was made by the Government to take full part in the Common Market if we were allowed into it. The first report came out in 1962 under the CIO and that was on the cotton, linen and rayon industries. The figures given as a result of a survey were that the production costs in these industries were ten to 35 per cent higher than in England. The second report issued was on the leather industry. That report said that if we joined the Common Market at that stage on the basis which had been suggested, we could expect a redundancy of a thousand workers, that unless we adopted an intensive programme regarding the 31 firms manufacturing in the country, we were in serious trouble, but the decision had been made by the Government to join the EEC before that report was even envisaged.

Other reports by the CIO since that have shown that in practically all fields the picture is worse. Senator Garret FitzGerald referred here last night to the car assembly business. The report on the car assembly business was issued and the result of membership of the EEC would be disastrous for that business. We know this industry has been very friendly with Fianna Fáil over the years, and they were advised on the lines that the existing huge accommodation which was available in the various assembly outfits should be diverted to the manufacture of other products. The Minister for Industry and Commerce begged the car assemblers at the time, for God's sake, to get into some other line of production and that he would give them any amount of money. The car assemblers were offered any money they wanted to re-adapt themselves. How many, may I ask the Minister, made any attempt to re-adapt themselves to the idea of a common market either with Britain or the EEC which is still so dear to the heart of the Taoiseach?

As late as 18th May, 1965, after the present Minister had given the length of his tongue to the car assemblers and exhorted them, as Ministers so kindly do, in regard to their duty to the State, we had the Minister for Agriculture opening a new garage for one of these big assemblers. The Irish Independent reported on 18th May of this year that the extension of an area of 9,000 square feet would enable the firm to increase car production and to expand their sales programme. The Minister for Agriculture did not bless the new garage as this is not his function but he cut the tape, while two years before his colleague and his leader were telling these people: “You are not doing your duty to the State unless you make the necessary preparations now for adaptation, pending admission to the Common Market.”

How can you believe Fianna Fáil? Are they genuine or serious? Yet, because we are friends of a few petrol companies or a few of these big assemblers, we can say: "Do not mind what the Minister for Finance said or what the Taoiseach said." There was not a word by the Fianna Fáil Party during that period of expectancy while we were waiting for our application to be considered. There was not a word about the implications of the planned depopulation of the countryside which is envisaged in the EEC countries. There was no mention here of the fact that eight million farmers in Europe were to be bought out, put out of agriculture and driven into industry. Neither was there any mention of small farmers in this country but we had instead a nice plan to cut the size of the holdings in Ireland in order to give the small farmer an opportunity of making a livelihood. In other words, we were taking steps to plan the decimation of the small farmers in Ireland but we were not calling it decimation. We were telling them it was to improve their conditions instead of making available the finance which would enable the small farmer, through cooperative means, to gain his rights and prevent his exploitation by private enterprise in the sale of his goods. Instead of taking steps to nationalise these concerns, the Government said: "It is much easier to get rid of the small farmers altogether and let us fall into line with what is taking place in Europe."

If we had been allowed into the Common Market, I believe that the fate of many Irish boys and girls would have been to work in the big industrial centres in Germany. West Germany was anxious to have us in the Common Market—France was not concerned about us—because they were short of skilled and unskilled workers. West Germany, Algeria, Greece, Spain and all the countries in the southern portion of Europe were anxious for cheap workers. Huge new cities have been built in the industrial centres of Germany whereas the Greeks are in their own big city, the Spaniards in theirs, and spots were already prepared for building hostels for the suckers from the west of Ireland and elsewhere who would be diverted from Liverpool, London, and so on, and brought as economic servants to work in West Germany and other countries.

That was the fate of the Irish worker, planned by the Fianna Fáil Party who said there would be no end to the industrial development here in Ireland. It has since been proved that instead of industries being switched into centres that needed them most, people were taken from these centres, brought in, attracted like birds to a lighthouse and killed as a result of the clash.

It has been noted all over the Common Market area that the emphasis is on the centres that are already developed and even today there are train-loads of workers coming from southern Italy into industrial Germany merely for the wages. No doubt that will help in southern Italy but that is not the type of programme that we envisage here in Ireland. Our goal was to develop the existing centres here in Ireland. We know that under the terms of the Treaty of Rome this Government, by its adherence to the Common Market, would be prevented from the subsidisation of certain areas like the Shannon Free Airport and the subsidisation needed in parts of the west of Ireland. We would be denied our right to do that. We would be told in the Common Market: "We would love to help you but there is subsection so-and-so of the Treaty of Rome which does not allow us to give you permission in that regard." Who will do that? Will it be the new civil servants of Europe who will be subject to no Parliamentary control worth speaking of? I shall not deal with that further except to say that God and De Gaulle saved us from that disaster at that time.

What happened when the door to EEC was closed in our face? Right on the heels of this came the turnover tax. It would have been a godsend if we had been allowed into the Common Market instead of having to bring in the turnover tax because we would have been able to blame EEC for any troubles that came along. We had already tried Britain to get into the Common Market; we then tried Europe and we failed. We had to raise money; we could not hide our worries any longer and we could not blame the British or Europe for it.

Senator Ryan, the former Minister for Finance, said we had to introduce the turnover tax to pay the civil servants. I ask: "Why? What had gone wrong?" I shall not deal in detail with the turnover tax, except to say that it was another aid in bringing about or, shall we say, cause of the situation we have today. When the turnover tax was discussed, we were told at first that fur coats and large motor cars were all that would be affected. The same man who spoke here today said then there would be no increase in the cost of living and the maximum he could visualise on top of the 2½ per cent was perhaps another ½ per cent. I have listened to this debate for so long in the Dáil I could not forget it. No shrewder man ever sat as Minister for Finance and no man was better fit to get the agreement of Deputies than Senator Ryan. He could be so charming that people were foolish enough to believe him. He soothed the Dáil into believing that there would be only another half per cent as a result of the turnover tax. The position now is that more and more money is needed. The cost of living went up because of the demands for increases in wages to offset the increase in the cost of living. The Taoiseach would take credit for the 12 per cent increase if it suited him but when he sees any difficulty attached to it, he blames the trade unions.

During the by-election campaigns in Cork and Kildare, Fianna Fáil said to the people: "Look; we brought the 12 per cent in; we gave money to the Garda and other sections of the public service," and, in this way, they fought their way to victory. They used it in that way to attract support. They cannot deny the fact that they thought it would——

But there was a general election since.

Did I not say to Senator Ó Maoláin that he believes in the fact that people have short memories?

The Senator is not so stupid.

I am talking about Fianna Fáil who believed they could get away with these things. I should prefer that they would have an honest approach and say to the people: "This is our programme over a number of years and we are prepared to do X, Y, or Z to put it into motion."

Not alone do people not understand us but they do not understand the Senator.

Other Senators have dealt with the cost of living increase and the fact that there seems to be no end to the spiral in prices. This brings me to the warnings given in the Dáil by the Opposition Parties, warnings that price control was essential. It cannot be denied that warnings were given and the Taoiseach sneered at the idea and said there could be no such thing as price control.

Senator Ryan made a statement here today on this question of price control in which he pointed out that he had tried price control in 1939 when there was a penny profit on butter but he found that instead of a penny as a result of price control, they would be entitled to fourpence a lb profit. He also dealt with bacon and said the same thing happened with regard to that commodity. What was Senator Ryan trying to tell this House except that the Prices Bill was a bluff? Is that not what he was telling us, that it will not work? But let me say to Senator Dr. Ryan and to the Minister here present that locking the stable door when the horse has gone is no good at any time.

The fact that prices have gone so high as this stage is enough to warn us all that an attempt at price control at this stage is not going to work. The first thing we need is a price reduction. I know why this Government are prepared to do it—and the trade union movement are prepared to support the idea to see if anything can be done. That is where Senator Dr. Ryan has let the cat out of the bag. The Government know in their heart that price control will not work and they want to prove it will not work by bringing in this measure 12 months too late. If the measure had been introduced in time, it would have worked. Having listened to Senator Dr. Ryan, a former Minister for Finance, can any Senator have any doubt that the Government are just bringing in that measure to prove that price control will not work? Is that not a nice situation where there is a crisis?

Lest anybody is losing patience, let me say that I am coming nearer to the end of what I have to say in these matters before I turn over to the development programme in the West and other areas. What had we on top of this increase in the cost of living? We had a 15 per cent surcharge imposed by our neighbours for their own reasons. I am not here to criticise what they did in that regard at the moment but the fact that that surcharge was brought in has caused consternation amongst our Irish industrialists, many of whom have been protected since 1932.

Now, surely, from 1932 to 1964 is a fair period in which to grow and expand but, in spite of the fact that they were there since 1932 with protection, they felt the cold breezes, they felt the hardship as a result of this surcharge imposed by the British and, as we know, steps have been taken by the Government to ease the blow by making grants available to offset the 15 per cent. That is not what I am concerned with here so much as with a much more day to day matter which seems to have eluded the attention of the Government. The first reaction here in Ireland to the 15 per cent was a campaign to buy Irish. I think a special group was set up by the Minister to bring home to the public the desirability of buying Irish and we had posters to that effect all over the country. County council offices were cluttered with notices to "Buy Irish" and "Save the Future". This was the means of counteracting the 15 per cent surcharge.

Who started to buy Irish? I will tell you who started to buy Irish in a big way and I regret to say it was not the Irish public very much. It was people like Garfield Weston and other English millionaires and multimillionaires. They must have seen the advertisement somewhere because in the past two years those people have bought a considerable number of public buildings, properly and businesses in this city of Dublin and in other cities throughout the country—and this is the money. I presume, of which the Minister for Finance spoke here yesterday as "the inflow of money to promote growth". This inflow includes money for the setting up of certain supermarkets throughout the country.

Not alone are those people buying Irish property as a result of the appeal to buy Irish but they have also done much more. What do we find? We find that priority is given to English goods. Wherever these general stores are in operation, you have only to walk in and have a look at the beautiful counters which carry predominantly English and foreign goods. If any Senator does not believe me, he has not to walk far from this House to see the wonderful variety of English biscuits that are now being sold and that without question are beating the Irish biscuit, the home-produced biscuit as far as the public are concerned. Who is doing that? The gentlemen who came in here and who were allowed to buy up Irish property and to use that Irish property to sell as much foreign goods as they like. How can the Government suggest that they are serious about a Buy Irish campaign——

The Senator may not know that one of Garfield Weston's Irish competitors is opening supermarkets in England, in Manchester, Leeds and Sheffield.

Is it with the State grants? Senator Ó Maoláin believes it is a proper thing for Garfield Weston and Company to have unrestricted rights to buy property and businesses in Ireland.

You are not a dictatorship.

I am accused now of dictatorship by the Leader of the Government Party in this House when I say that those foreign companies should be restricted in their business deals here in Ireland which allow them to buy up valuable Irish properties which, in turn, are used for the sale of foreign goods and are damaging in a very big way employment prospects for Irish workers here in Ireland. The Minister cannot have it both ways. It is no good telling me that a competitor of this particular firm is moving into Manchester, Birmingham or elsewhere. So far as many of those companies are concerned—due to the change in the Companies Acts—only a very nominal Irish capital is required in them today.

The Senator should ask Erin Foods, Jacobs, and Bolands what those concerns sell. The Senator should not make these wild statements.

As far as Erin Foods are concerned, Senator Ó Maoláin should know that it took five years of endeavour to allow Erin Foods even to be formed. He should know that five existing companies here in Ireland, four of which are controlled in the majority from outside, prevented an Irish State company from going into food production and the utilisation of Irish raw material. Let me point out to Senator Ó Maoláin that the Irish Sugar Company were prepared to develop the accelerated quick freeze process to such an extent that we would have got into European markets before that process was fully developed in those areas and that they were held up by so-called Irish private enterprise which had the ear of the Government. The Minister who is sitting here today attempted in Dáil Éireann to deny to me that he, by legislation, prevented the Irish Sugar Company and its subsidiary, if you like, from selling Irish goods on the home market.

They got whatever they wanted from me. The Senator is talking through his hat.

They were restricted to ten per cent of certain lines on the home market.

They asked for it.

Is the Minister not aware that Lieut.-General Costello himself publicly criticised the decision that was made?

No; he was quite pleased with it.

I know why it was made. It was made because the existing companies in the production and the processing of vegetables were purchasing in many instances more than 50 per cent of their raw material from Holland and abroad and these companies were getting preference over an Irish company that was purchasing and processing goods from the soil of Ireland with Irish workers and Irish money. I do not profess to have any great knowledge of economics but I am sick of listening to advisers who say that before a company can be successful, you must have a good home market. Here, we were preventing an Irish company, the Irish Sugar Company, from access to its home market and this is among the companies for which Senator Ó Maoláin professes to have great regard. Do not draw me again on the matter of the Irish Sugar Company.

The proposed free trade area between Britain and Ireland should be examined in the light of the most recent report I can lay hands on, a study by the Economic Research Institute into the costs and sale of 168 products produced in Ireland and in Britain. This shows that in the case of these 168 products, the price in Britain is from seven to eight per cent lower than it is in Ireland. What does that indicate if there is a free trade area?

The Minister sought to suggest that in this mature society we should take things calmly and not believe there is a crisis at hand. There is a crisis. It is a worse one than in 1956. I say to the people in Fianna Fáil: "Do not look for sympathy at this stage." When things go well, Fianna Fáil want all the credit, but when things go badly, the Fianna Fáil policy is let us all take the blame. Outside influences were responsible to a great extent for what happened in 1956. There was an amount of reason behind the argument that Suez caused tremendous difficulties for Ireland in the economic field. At that time the pawnbroker's sign was everywhere to be seen on Fianna Fáil literature. They sneered at local authorities and said they were not creditworthy. That was what they were doing in Opposition. It is rather appropriate that in one of these Bills before us there is a reference to pawnbrokers. Fianna Fáil are not prepared to change legislation as far as the pawnbrokers of Dublin are concerned, but they would like the country to be in the hands of the pawnbrokers of Zurich and elsewhere. That is what will happen before long at the rate we are going.

Things are not supposed to be bad in this country. What is happening the building industry? What are the commercial banks doing? Do Fianna Fáil Senators know what is happening? Most of them have bigger bank accounts than I have. Surely they have heard in their private conversations with bank managers of the restrictions being imposed all over the country on credit for important projects? I am not referring to the purchase of motor cars and semi-luxury goods. How many people tomorrow morning can get assistance by way of loan to purchase a house?

Even more serious, what is happening the small building contractors who need money quickly in order to get on to the next job? What have they to pay for money? They cannot get it from the bank. I know of contractors who have to pay from 12 to 16 per cent for their money to complete their work. What will happen when those jobs are finished? What will happen the workers? Why is it the Minister and his Department have held up housing grants to local authorities? If you take up the phone and ring the Department of Local Government, the latest excuse is that there is a snag about the house and they will send an inspector to it. Within the past two months, there has been a series of snags with every house built. It is not by accident that has taken place. This is a deliberate attempt on the part of a Government Department to stave off, because there is a money crisis, paying grants due. Why can they not be honest with people building houses? It is dishonest to tell a man that his house should meet with the requirements of the Department and put him off on some trivial point. If he were told that they could not pay him for three months, he would be happy to know his house conformed with the statutory requirements and that he would get his loan. There are people opposite me well aware of the situation at present, and I do not know what they are going to do about it.

Senator Ó Maoláin reminded me, when he interrupted, of the expenditure by the Government on grants for development purposes. As far back as 1951, we have had promises about the undeveloped areas and the congested areas. I am sure Senators are sick and tired of hearing about the poor West. That is a wrong approach. The West is not looking for hand-outs, to be mollycoddled or anything of that kind. All it wants is a fair deal. I deplore the idea of treating the West and other places as poor relations to which the Dáil will throw so much money and say that will keep them quiet for a while. That is a wrong approach. It has done immense harm in the West, has caused much waste of money and has not brought proper results.

This Government cannot be allowed to get away with the propaganda that they are more interested in helping the undeveloped areas than in helping areas like Dublin, Kildare and other reasonably wealthy localities. If you have an undeveloped area far removed from the port of exit, you have to aid it over and above the assistance given to the east coast, for instance. That is not an unreasonable suggestion.

I have compared the five counties of Connacht and the city of Dublin to see the figures for grants, both for new projects and for adaptation purposes. According to the Foras Tionscal report just published, a sum of £700,000 has been approved for industrial development in the five counties of Connacht. In the same period a sum of £3,100,000 has been approved in the city and county of Dublin for industrial grants under the same Acts. The province of Connacht has a population of at least 600,000. So far as population is concerned, therefore, it would be fair to compare it with the city of Dublin. Surely, if we are concerned to help a province, we do not provide grants for industrial projects on the basis of £3.1 million for the city and county of Dublin and £700,000 odd for an entire province of Connacht, where there is a huge mileage to cover and various other factors which do not operate in the case of Dublin.

There is a shortage of money. That is admitted. The Government are up to their eyes trying to get money. How are we spending the money? What type of people or industries are getting grants? I have here a list of grants published within the past few weeks. In the city of Dublin, Hawlmark Cards (Ireland) Ltd has been approved for a new grant of £160,000. As if that was not enough, another group producing scenic postcards in the city, John Hinde Ltd., has been approved for a grant of £33,000. Philips Electric (Ireland) Ltd.—do not forget that is a subsidiary company—have been approved for a grant in the city of Dublin of £250,000. Another interesting case is that a firm manufacturing bowling equipment in the city of Dublin has been approved for a grant of £50,000. Senators know how much of the raw material for that product is native raw material. Unidare Aluminium Foil has been approved for a grant of £285,000.

I thought the Government had no money available. One of the concerns that Senator Ó Maoláin is worried about—Bolands Ltd.—Biscuit Manufacturers, have been approved for a grant of £99,000. Why? I do not know. I do know that Bolands can send their vans to the far end of the west of Ireland—Ballina, Galway, Clare—and send relief drivers. They did not give a damn if they did not sell one dozen loaves over the past ten years. They have put every local bakery out of action We give them a grant of £90,000. Fry-Cadbury—again "(Ireland) Ltd."—a subsidiary company, have been approved for a grant of £250,000. Gateau Ltd., our cake friends with the eggs, have got a grant of £85,000 and, last but not least, our friends who are in trouble as a result of the strike. Independent Newspapers Ltd., have been approved for a grant of £17,000.

What are we coming to? The cases I have mentioned represent only a limited number of the grants. I have the full list here and I could spend the next hour reading it. It shows grants of £55,000, £200,000, £120,000. I forgot Potez—£463,000. They have received no less that £125,000. I should say the £125,000 is the actual payment that was made between March, 1964 and March. 1965 of the total approved grant of £463,000. That is the position with regard to industries, many of which I have pointed out, significantly, carry the bracket "(Ireland) Ltd."

In case it may be said that the Labour Party are against industrial development because we criticise that type of hand-out, let me say that it is far from being the case. That is not the position. We believe that much of that money is going without proper supervision. It is a wrong way to deal with grants to hand out a large sum of money that belongs to the Irish people without any control being exercised over it afterwards. Surely, if we hand a company ½ million for development, it is not wrong to suggest that the State through some organisation would be entitled to have a director or an observer on the board of that company to see that the money will be spent on the purpose for which the grant was approved. We are not all satisfied and Senators on both sides of this House know that one of the concerns I have mentioned, as surely as we are here, will never produce the items for which, in the beginning, the grant was approved and we have no way of knowing what is taking place until the collapse takes place. The Government have no way of dealing with these things. They may think they have certain control by giving a grant in dribs and drabs. That is no answer because some of these concerns are quite satisfied not to get the full grant before they fold their wings. Many of these people are getting these grants in addition to getting away without payment of income tax on their exports over a period of years and we are told that these firms are now not able to compete in the British market, that the 15 per cent surcharge imposed by the British Government has been a cause of disaster to them.

In spite of all that has been said here, we believe that what is needed in this country is a Government with a proper sense of values, with a proper planned programme. We believe that the type of Government we need here is a socialist government who are not afraid of the word "planning" and not afraid to implement plans that will give to the people an opportunity to live in Ireland and to work in Ireland without exploitation. We believe that in order to give a proper foundation to our industrial arm we must concentrate more and more on our agriculture and that it is on agriculture that the future of this country depends. I am not referring to beef on the hoof under any circumstances. I am referring to the processing of the maximum possible production from the soil of Ireland and in the case of beef, the maximum amount of processed beef that we can sell, whatever form that processing may take.

That is only one aspect. Another aspect is the pig industry. Let no one tell me that the small farmer today is any better off as far as the pig market is concerned than he was seven years ago as far as security of prices or a guarantee are concerned. He is open to the same exploitation at a fair or pig market today as he was in 1957 and he is open to that by the bacon curers and the bacon processers. We know what the position is in other countries. I shall quote Denmark as an example. In 1949, the Danes decided that they would "have a go" at the American market with a new line of canned ham and sent over a consignment worth about £40,000. The next year the amount was increased. Then some kind of disaster hit that type of ham processing business in America. Something went wrong with the flavour. Do you think that got the Danes down? From 1949 to 1965, they kept at it. Their exports of canned ham could go up from £40,000 in 1949 to over £11 million in 1955. If we were able to sell £11 million worth of that commodity in America we would be doing very well for the farmer, the businessman and the worker. That type of suggestion was put forward years ago and nothing was done about it. The money was not available, yet we could give these grants which I have read out. When it comes to an industry that is based on raw material imported from abroad there is no trouble whatever in getting a very substantial grant to adapt a factory, to increase output, although there is no guarantee that the raw material will be available at a particular price next year or the year after. Our own raw material is being ignored in that regard.

Instead of talking here about fairy things, about manpower switching here and there, fundamental decisions must be taken in regard to our agriculture. In the field of bacon, particularly, nationalisation, or shall I say public ownership, must be adopted. A company should be formed like the Irish Sugar Company which would see that the producer got a fair deal, that the consumer got the finished product at a reasonable price, a big State company whose experience and technical advice would ensure proper markets abroad and that our customers, wherever they may be, would be provided with a good product, a stamped and guaranteed product, and continuity in the flow of the product to that market. That has not been faced. If that industry is developed it will do more for the small farmer or worker than all the grants to hothouse industries.

The next industry that needs to be examined and which is based on the land is the distilling industry. There is no more important industry, if it is developed properly, than this one. It is based on barley grown in Ireland. Back in 1932 when prohibition was being removed in America there was not a bottle of Scotch whisky being sold there. At that time the then Irish Ambassador in America came over here to Ireland—Senators can confirm this if they wish in documents that are available—as a result of a chat he had with the then President Roosevelt who was a great personal friend of his. He was told by Roosevelt: "Prohibition is going. Tell your Irish distillers there is a first class market here and let them get going immediately." The Irish Ambassador came to Dublin in Horse Show Week and met two of the primary Irish distillers and they both told him: "We are not interested in the American market. We are interested in the Irish market." In 1932 there was not a bottle of Scotch whisky sold in America. Last year the sales of Scotch whisky in America were worth more than £50 million and those sales represented only five per cent of the total consumption of whisky and spirits in America. The total consumption of these is over £600 million.

What have we been doing about this industry? We have allowed a group of the most reactionary companies in Ireland to put a stranglehold on a vital industry to the Irish farmer. In 1954 when they were asked to expand, when they were asked to pool a certain type of whiskey between them so that a proper blend would be produced for the American market, their argument was: "It would damage our own Irish whiskey. The people like our Irish whiskey. They like the strength of it and we will not interfere with it." Within four years they changed the strength of Irish whiskey in order to try to compete with outside whiskey.

The people in the distilling industry consider that the industry is private property. My belief is that it must be acquired. Compensate the distillers, of course, and retire them. I hope Senator FitzGerald and others do not think this is an outrageous suggestion I am making. I believe that Irish whiskey sales in America can be enlarged to a minimum of £50 million like Scotch whisky. Have we done anything about it? What has happened since 1954 is that the Government put up pound for pound with the distillers in order to try to drive them into the business through shame. Our exports are at a figure of about £350,000 as against £50 million for Scotch whisky. That is an industry based on agriculture with a guaranteed price for barley, a guaranteed job for the workers, first-class shipping and all the other requirements which can be met within the country but we are only prepared to say: "This is private enterprise". You are a Communist if you suggest that should be taken over. We are not dealing with fundamentals at all.

What will happen in regard to whiskey if we have free trade? As it stands, the imports of Scotch whisky into Ireland are greater, as far as the latest figures I have indicate, than our exports of Irish whiskey. The Irish business man, the Irish company director, the Irish medical man, the Irish engineer, when they go in for a drink having come back from abroad, automatically drink Scotch. They have to be persuaded that Irish whiskey is a better whiskey. We should not have to do that. What I like personally does not interest this House. I believe that what we have is good enough for us but I also believe we cannot spend our lives persuading others to drink it because we like it. This is the mistake we make. Unless we are prepared to produce whiskey that will suit the taste of others, we will make no progress. There are people in America who are prepared to take on the marketing of Irish whiskey. Instead of sending over a few representatives from Ireland who would probably drink the whole consignment on the way over, we should allow the American company in the distributing business a percentage on their sales of Irish whiskey. The Irish distillers should pool a certain percentage of their whiskey and the blenders from America or whatever country we intend to sell the whiskey to should be allowed to dabble about as tasters until the proper blend is produced. That can be done and if we are serious about developing this industry we will get down to brass tacks in that regard.

The third industry to which I want to refer is the milling industry. I will not bore Senators by speaking at length about it but until that is taken over in the public interest we will have the exploitation that has obtained up to the present time.

In regard to Fianna Fáil's record on industrialisation, some people say their mistakes were genuine and that they should be given credit for trying. I have been the last to attack them as far as time is concerned; my idea was that they would see that these fundamentals must be tackled. I am 18 years in public life and I am 18 years waiting for them to tackle one or other of these industries. They should no longer be allowed control and the sooner they give it up the better it will be.

Sure, the people wanted them.

The inmates in the mental hospitals wanted them anyway.

Having been at the starting gate for so long, I find it rather difficult now to get off, coming after Senator McQuillan, with all his fire and brimstone. However, I want to look calmly at the situation. I intend to pick out a few salient points. The debate, ranging over so many different aspects, has been just as unsatisfactory as in previous years. The contributions were good but it is not within the compass of any one Minister to answer in any reasonable way all the points raised. I suppose we shall have to be content with getting the points on the record.

We meet here in an atmosphere of uneasiness about the future, uneasiness at both the economic and the political level. While I would not go nearly as far as Senator Fitzgerald in his uneasiness at the prospects of this free trade area, I am upset by the timing. I am upset by the feeling that everything happens when Parliament is in recess.

Parliament is once more being disregarded. It is being pushed more and more into the background as time goes on. It is difficult to know what this free trade area means. Early statements suggested the British had given way almost nothing because our butter was still to be subject to the same quota restrictions. There seemed to be nothing at all of value. There seemed to be uncertainty as to whether or not we would gain access. I suggest to the Government that they should allay public concern by setting up an all-Party Committee, as a Standing Committee, on this free trade area during the recess. If that is done we will have some assurance that the representatives concerned will face this grave problem, this issue that could have such enormous potential for us, in a realistic and responsible manner. If that is done there will be no need for anyone to make extravagent charges merely for the sake of trying to elicit what is really happening. I suggest that the Minister should promise to take some steps along the lines I have adumbrated in his concluding speech. If that is done we can rest assured that the negotiations will proceed smoothly and what is done will meet with the approval of all Parties.

I should like to point out here that in negotiating with a Labour Government in Britain we are negotiating with a Government that is on the run, a Government that has not the faintest hope of being returned to power and can hardly cling to power much longer. That should be borne in mind in all our negotiations. We should always keep in the forefront the knowledge that this Labour Government would dearly love to buy the Irish vote in the crucial election that is coming. That is a prime factor in all this.

I cannot deal generally with the situation without a word first in defence of private enterprise. Private enterprise was attacked quite bitterly by the last speaker. He described it as dog eating dog. Speaking as a private citizen, I should have thought that the examples we have had of dog eating dog have been set by some irresponsibles in the labour force in our semi-State bodies. It is they who have sparked off the industrial uneasiness and the strikes. If that is a sample of what we might expect from nationalised industries, then God protect the country from any more such samples. I need only mention the bus strike and the prospect that, next Sunday, those who are unfortunate enough to have to rely on public transport may be compelled to foot it once again. Had transport been left in private hands we should never have reached such an impasse. We would have the effects of real competition. Real competition would be competition in the true sense and not in the sense of extorting the last penny from the public. It is very easy to make a scapegoat of private enterprise but, as far as I can see, the State companies are by far the most favoured in every sphere, whether it be travel or education. The closer one is to the State, the nearer one is to Merrion Street, the more favoured treatment one can expect. Then, when crisis threatens, private enterprise, like the private secondary school, has the finger pointed at it. In other words, you starve a group and then mock them because they are weak.

The situation as reported to us by the Taoiseach showed that a rather serious deviation has occurred in relation to the Second Programme. This deviation is most serious of all in the case of the balance of payments deficit, which is gone up from £22.1 million to £31.4 million, and is rising rapidly. That is a serious situation, but it is a situation that is to be expected, a situation associated with a period of development in a small economy, like ours, in which we are so dependent on world trade and, at the same time, so eager to rush in to claim the rewards of labour before they have really been earned. This situation is exactly parallel to the situation in 1957. As an independent and as one with economic training under one of the best professors in the California Institute I have tried to understand what has happened. I hope the present situation will not be exploited by the Opposition as the previous situation was exploited by the present Government in 1957.

The Senator still calls himself an independent.

I do, absolutely.

I have yet to hear evidence of it in this House.

The situation in 1957 occurred after a period of two years of prosperity, with national incomes rising by four to 4½ per cent per annum. Suddenly our desire for imports got out of hand. The building programme became too far advanced and, at the same time, the terms of trade turned against us because of the Suez crisis. Due to the Suez crisis import prices went up. There was a period of agricultural glut in which prices for agricultural commodities went down. That is what happened. We have been saved the worst features in the present crisis because in the past year the terms of trade were very much in our favour. In fact, had the rise of over 20 per cent in cattle prices last year not occurred we should have been in dire trouble in the autumn rather than in the early summer of this year. because the cattle prices last year added at least £12 million to our exports. That would have meant that the gap last year would have been much too dangerous in the autumn. It would have been such as would require corrective measures. I appeal to the Minister and the Government in asking for co-operation to face the present crisis, or shall we say, recession or difficulty, to look again at the situation and consider how it is comparable to that of 1957 and cease all their distorting propaganda. In 1957 the Government was advised by the same Civil Service that are advising the Government today in the present situation and we have no more reason to believe that the Government of 1957, deliberately or otherwise, either ignored the considered advice of our Civil Service than we have to fear that the Government today would go against the advice of our Civil Service in handling the present situation. Consequently, I hope that the all-Party approach will be developed in the present crisis and that it will first be preceded by what will, in effect, be an act of repentance or contrition by the Government for the way in which it distorted the previous crisis.

I shall now deal with a few points that have caused concern and first I shall take the balance of payments. The balance of payments requires the curtailment of imports to a fair extent. I hope that the Government will make many and continued appeals on this score and if they do the country will give a good response to them. Again, we look at the question of unnecessary buildings because we are aware from the figures given in the Budget returns for 1965 that the number engaged in the building and construction industry has gone up very appreciably from 57,000 in 1960 to 72,000 last year. Building has been over-expanded. If we seek for the cause, certainly this rash of supermarkets and take-overs that we have had should be curtailed because I see in the city of Cork where some of the longest-established stores have been taken over largely by English companies or companies in which English firms hold a controlling interest. We can see thousands of pounds expended in installing modern glassy counters and so on and then we find little sales girls employed at a few pounds a week replacing the men who reared families out of these positions previously. That is not progress and it is not the type of development we want. These super-stores are displacing local activity and eventually the local people will have to pay for the money that has gone into all this modernisation. In a period where capital is scarce and when unnecessary development must be controlled that is one activity which should be controlled.

I have also been amazed at the reluctance of the Government to take cognisance of this new form of gambling, the take-over bids, that have been so much a feature of Irish affairs over the past three or four years. I cannot see why the fortunes made by those people are in no way subject to a levy by the State or why the Minister for Finance has so far resisted any attempt to bring in what is regarded as normal in other countries, an adequate capital gains tax.

We had the Second Programme for Economic Expansion which was laid before us in July, 1964. We have just had a report on the first year of these projections and we find that in the most important aspect of all, employment, the progress is sadly lacking. What is the object of economic activity but to ensure that we provide jobs for our people here at home? Over the past four years there has been a certain reluctance to talk about creating extra jobs and an inclination not to speak of the question of raising the national income but the plain fact is that our first duty is to ensure that those who want to work at home have an opportunity of doing so. The Second Programme has been heavily criticised already for the rather paltry target set for increased employment. On page 299 we find the provision made for the six-year period, from 1964 to 1970, was a loss of 36,000 jobs in agriculture and again of 60,000 in industry and 57,000 in other occupations giving a net increase of 81,000 or 14,000 per annum. That figure is still calculated to allow emigration at a very dangerous level but we find from the returns given in connection with the Budget this year that employment has gone up by only 3,000 and I doubt if the Statistics Office can calculate with that degree of accuracy. Next year, in fact, the figure may be amended, as figures have been amended, and the number may be even less. The fact remains that we have just 3,000 instead of a projected 14,000 new jobs. That means the project has failed sadly in its most important aspect, the provision of employment.

The reason is not very difficult to see because we find that the numbers in agriculture, forestry and fisheries have gone down by 10,000 in the past year. So long as we complacently accept such a defeatist policy of losing —according to the Programme, the figure would be—6,000 a year from the land, it is not within our power to gear Irish industry in such a way as to take up the loss in agriculture and at the same time provide those 14,000 new jobs. In other words, it takes the present recession to bring us back to fundamentals and make us realise that we are an agricultural country and that on the development of agriculture rests our main hope for economic development and our main hope of creating increased employment for our people.

Business suspended at 6 p.m. and resumed at 7 p.m.

As we adjourned for tea I was just pointing out that the most serious divergence has occurred in the Second Programme for Economic Expansion right in its first year, that is in regard to the employment target which has shown an increase of only 3,000 where the projection was an increase of 14,000. That was due to the loss of 10,000 from the land, a decrease of 10,000 from 362,000 to 352,000. We have got to get back to fundamentals and realise that we are an agricultural country. Our future depends on the development of agriculture and in the development of agriculture we must take cognisance of what is regarded as being necessary in Europe: the three factors, capital, labour and know-how required per 1,000 acres. We find that we are somewhat short on the know-how but we have made great strides in regard to this in recent years. The agricultural advisory service is doing great work and has been expanded very successfully. On the question of capital there is no gainsaying the fact that we have much less capital invested per 1,000 acres than they have in Europe. Consequently, if we are low on the capital side, and if we have still something to make up on the know-how side, surely we cannot afford to be low also on the number of workers per 1,000 acres. The most reliable statistic we can get of the number of workers per 1,000 acres in Europe at present shows that we have less than one-half the number of effective workers per 1,000 acres that they have in Holland, Denmark, or even in France which has the lowest density of agricultural labourers per 1,000 arable acres in Europe.

When the farmers' organisations attacked the Second Programme they said, quite rightly, that agriculture could not afford to lose any more from the land. Yet we have lost not the planned 6,000 but 10,000 from the land. Why is that the case? How is the planned figure out? The planned figure is out because of the great increase in the numbers employed in construction. Last year they went up substantially by 4,000. Probably most of those were men who had been working on the land in the previous year. Certainly in the Munster region there has been that drag by construction from the land. However, that is not much use because we still have the planned figure of 6,000 and we are told that we cannot do anything about that, that it is happening all over the world. That is no excuse whatever because we have to get from our acres the wealth that is in them, otherwise we perish as a nation.

I know from experience in Limerick, Cork and elsewhere that there is a chronic scarcity of help on the farms today. It is the greatest single factor in increased production.

Then we have to examine how this can be remedied and we can think of various schemes. However, we must come back to the idea that something really new is necessary and then look at the greatest single factor inhibiting Irish farmers from increasing their cow numbers. Whether farmers are small or medium, they have the feeling that there is no relief on which they can call in cases of illness or if they want a day off. Consequently, there are numbers of farmers being pushed by those circumstances into less intensive lines of production, like dry cattle. The result is that our total gross production last year was up by only four per cent.

That happened in a period which was preceded by six years in which we had averaged only two per cent. It does not give hope that we shall realise the target set for 1970. The remedy as it appears to me—not from any academic study but from observation and talking to people on the land where most of my people are—is the development of a relief worker system. That means that if a farmer is ill, he has someone to call on. Such a system can be developed only through the co-operative movement emanating from centres to each of which would be attached a number of employees of the co-operative who would be available for relief work, whether it was milking or other work on a farm.

That would go a long way towards removing the greatest anxiety that hangs over medium and small farmers struggling to milk between 20 and 25 cows. If such a farmer could feel he could call on a co-operative, feel that if lie wanted a day off, he could get a relief worker, it would remove that anxiety. We must come to that position because at the moment farmers are not badly off. At least they are at a stage where they can value that little bit of freedom sufficiently to be prepared to pay for it. Such a development, if done through co-operatives, could provide quickly an outlet for several thousand workers—well paid and secure—an outlet that would enable farmers in the co-operative areas to increase production with all its associated benefits.

The other need of such farmers is a provision for depreciation, again from a co-operative centre. Nowadays, it is very difficult for any one farmer to get somebody else to work for him and him alone. There is a certain social stigma attaching to being somebody's boy in that sense. The master and serf relationship is involved. In larger farms where two, three or four men are employed, that mentality does not exist but I am afraid it will become increasingly difficult to get the extra man on farms of between 60 and 80 acres. Such relief will have to be provided largely by calling in outside aid, whether it is a relief milker or, in the case of certain depreciation like opening drains, the provision of expensive machinery.

What is called for is the development of co-operation on a level we have not yet faced up to—integrating farmers into local co-operative societies to ensure that farmers have not the excuse that they cannot make the fullest use of their land. In the case of depreciation, which is a key factor in agricultural development and one which has been completely ignored, we can take the case of the heifer scheme which figures in this year's Book of Estimates at £3½ million. Grants of £15 per head were given for heifers over and above the number of cows on a farm in the previous 12 months. That scheme has done some good but a great deal of the money has been wasted and squandered.

The provision of £3½ million was aimed at providing extra cows and consequently extra calves in the past year. The majority of those cows today are looking at us out of cans and they cannot produce calves from that position. We have given to dry stock farmers a way of making money during the past year: instead of grazing bullocks as they did previously, they took advantage of the heifer scheme, allowed the heifers to have calves and suckle them and then sold the lot off at the end of the year so that we got only one calf off each heifer and no extra cow at the end. Therefore, there was no addition to the national herd.

We had hoped that the improvement last year would be maintained in the present year. It all reverts to the fact that if we allocate taxpayers' money towards increased production, we must see that the assets are conserved. Our aim in the heifer scheme was to encourage the production of extra calves, to keep the heifers and have more calves in after years, not to sell them off at the end of the first summer.

Anything we give by way of grants towards increased production in agriculture should make proper provision for depreciation. In such a case, where grants are given to aid increased cow numbers, not alone is it necessary that we should ensure that they are not sold for slaughter, as cows have been at the end of their first year, but that, when their normal period of production runs out, say, after five or six years, the person who has them has the necessary capital to replace them. If he cannot replace them at the end of the five year period, his asset is gone and we are back where we began.

We have got to face up to this question of replacement. I would envisage that these cows, when giving their produce, would go through co-operatives and an essential condition of getting the grant would be that they would go through the co-operative and the co-operative would make a small deduction every month from the produce cheque. That small deduction, at the end of the calculated period of four or five years, would have built up sufficiently to replace the animals. We do not ensure continuity otherwise. You cannot expect a small farmer with £7 or £8 per week as his gross family income, when he gets an extra £1 or 30/- to pay 5/- a week out of that towards replacement of the asset when it wears out. That is asking too much of human nature.

That is the wrong way to spend public money. The provision should be there so that the co-operatives can ensure that the assets are there and ready for replacement so necessary. There would be an element of insurance built into it which could quite easily be incorporated into such a scheme so that if animals died prematurely and had to be replaced prematurely, the insurance element in the deduction would take care of that. If we do not do that, we will have a stop-go policy in agriculture and one that will not really produce the results which State investment should produce.

The same applies to the Land Project. We find that much of the money spent on it is not producing now as it should, due to the failure to provide for depreciation. If that had been channelled, again through some group organisation or co-operative, or otherwise, where there was a standard deduction from the produce coming off the land, at the end of the year, when the work gang went out to effect the necessary running repairs or improvements, they would get back some of the deduction that had been made. If the owner wished to work in that work gang, he could earn back all, or portion, of what had been deducted from him. In fact, he might even earn more. We would have the assurance, from the taxpayers' point of view, that whatever the person who got the grant did, the assets would be conserved and maintained in running order.

I believe that is an absolute and essential part of agricultural development which has been totally neglected up to this. I believe it can be catered for only in a full development of the co-operative movement, something much more intensive and with much greater power, as it were, in its members than our present movement has got. Perhaps somebody with the dynamism of General Costello will be necessary to get that co-operative movement off on such a dynamic project. It offers the prospect of employment for several thousand workers. When we look at how much it costs to put our workers into industrial employment, surely, if we can put them into that type of national conservation employment and national farm relief employment, it offers a first-class opening and a solid, pensionable, secure position for the people concerned. This could be the missing factor in our hitherto disappointing efforts to increase agricultural production.

It is absolutely essential that the archaic attitude of the Department of Agriculture on non-co-operatives be finished with and that agriculture takes its place, as the National Farmers Union wanted to do in the National Industrial and Economic Council. It a ridiculous to think of economic planning for this country as a unit with our major industry, agriculture, excluded from the scope of that planning, wanting to go it alone. Indeed, its success up to this does not give us any great confidence that it is capable of going it alone. In any case, you do not have the cross-fertilisation of ideas that does, and should, take place, in a council like the National Industrial and Economic Council. I appeal to the Minister to see that this defect is remedied and that agriculture takes its proper place in that Council.

Senator Dooge has dwelt at length on the necessity for a manpower policy. This is absolutely essential but nowhere is it more essential than in agriculture. We need, to begin with, to know, what numbers we are catering for. The statistics say we have 352,000 working on the land. I do not believe that for one moment because that includes the blind, the lame and the infirm of all sorts. Any male on a farm is counted as one of those. We need to break those figures down, as outlined by Senator Dooge, as to their capacity for work. Above all, we want to know the age structure of those because it is my firm belief if we saw the age structure, we would get a tremendous shock. Our main group should be between 25 and 40.

The success of the agricultural industry depends on the management of that group. I believe we would find, if we had a census taken of those engaged in agriculture, that the group between 25 and 40 is very slack and desolated. In fact, we got a shock two years ago, when we saw in the national survey that, nationally, that group is very slack, because they are our main productive group and our future depends on them. We were shown up as a nation of children and elderly people. Of course, it would be far worse if that could be broken down by professionals because we would find agriculture is by far the hardest hit. We need this manpower policy as a prerequisite to any type of national planning. We need, as a matter of urgency, a survey of the human resources on the agricultural holdings so that we can plan on that basis.

Again, there seems to be a total absence of planning in the matter of exports. The need for a good marketing board, or a cattle marketing board, is a must, and the National Farmers Association have called for that again and again. Whatever progress has been attained in Irish agriculture over the past five or six years is due largely to the unselfish, devoted efforts of the National Farmers Association. They have in an extraordinary way the ability to seek out and to use expert advice. Unfortunately, they have not got from Government Departments the co-operation they should get. They have called for a marketing board again and again, and they know what they are talking about in the industry. If this were done, we would have a planned system of approach rather than the present lottery system of marketing cattle.

Again, at present when it is difficult to sell bacon, when mutton and lamb are not going well and when beef is at a premium and making high prices, I have not heard any response officially from the Minister, from the Government, or otherwise, urging the people to make more beef available for export and use up what is cheaper, and better for the economy, that is, bacon and mutton which are more difficult to market at present. I would have thought that any overall system of planning would alert the people to such switches and would, without compulsion, suggest to the people that they should make those switches in buying meat.

At this stage I think it only fitting that tribute should be paid to the great work done by An Bord Bainne. In a matter of three years, they have really made an amazing effort in the sale of Irish-made products. The success of their marketing scheme in England is a pointer to what a well thought out marketing scheme can achieve. It is unfortunate that it was not developed just after the war. If it had been, at this stage we would really be in the market for dairy products. But, for ten years we were told: "You cannot sell dairy products" and it is only by the great and dynamic drive of An Bord Bainne and its secretary that the market has been opened up. It has shown that when it comes to competition, we can compete with the best in the land.

I want to turn now to the question of education. There are so many items in the Book of Estimates that one is tempted to range over many but I shall confine my remarks to one or two. I want to confine my remarks at this stage to university education. Senator Ryan referred to the university and education as a social service. That view has gone out now and the modern view is that education is the greatest single factor in promoting economic growth. That is accepted in European thinking. It is acted on by Europeans, and its results are to be seen in the United States, Germany, Japan and in places where they have regard for education in that sense of the word. We see the results in the great technological advances these countries have made and their resultant buoyant economies.

We have been paying a great deal of lip service to this but, so far, we have not got down to other than tinkering with the problem. While we can produce money at the drop of a hat for the eradication of bovine tuberculosis or for a heifer scheme, which went up from £1 million to £3½ million and nobody worries about it, when it comes to education, we are much less ready to provide it.

I want to take a concrete example here. It is the one I know best, as it refers to the position of University College, Cork. I am speaking here in an independent capacity and not as a spokesman of the university but I am giving the situation as I see it. Fortunately, or unfortunately within the last two weeks I had occasion to visit the university of Sheffield and I saw their facilities, plans, and so on. I came back totally depressed when I compared our conditions with theirs. If we want to get a comparison closer to home, we need only look across the Border at Queen's University, Belfast. There they can attract our staff at will because their facilities are so much better. I had the occasion within the past two years when there was a Chair vacant in one of our colleges— Galway, to be precise—to suggest to a lecturer in Queen's who had the appropriate qualifications that he should come to Galway. He said he would not, that he would not teach 12 hours a week with no facilities, when in Queen's University he had research facilities and what he considered a proper teaching load of six hours a week. That is the position. Surely, when we pride ourselves as being the major part of this island— the Republic, and only waiting to have the Border joined with ourselves —we cannot be proud to look at the comparison between the way we treat education here and the way it is treated across the Border.

If you take the Statistical Abstract, 1964, you will find on page 370 the income and expenditure in Queen's University, Belfast. You will find they had a total of £1½ million for 4,500 students. That was in 1962-63 and it had gone up from £1½ million to £1½ million in a space of three years, an increase of about 17 per cent. By comparison with that, we can take our College in Cork and we find we have half that number of students and our income from all sources in 1962-63 was less than one-quarter of the corresponding income in Queen's. Taking this on another basis, we have less than one-half the resources per 100 students they have in Queen's.

That is a deplorable situation and I have called attention to it again and again over the past four or five years. We in the university are becoming dispirited and disheartened and we feel there is something wrong. We are beginning to become highly critical of the university administration. We feel they are not adopting the right methods in dealing with the Government in this regard. We feel they are being far too gentlemanly and not insistent enough on their demands. We also feel that with the outlying provinces— Cork and Galway—the farther you are from the central power, the less you get. It is somewhat understandable in so far as there is not enough of the national cake to go round but it cannot be condoned. A very drastic improvement must be made in that position.

We have the improvement as given on page 143 of the Estimates for 1965-66. When I had a look at this figure last March, I thought it did not look too bad. I made a quick calculation and it showed an increase here of some £50,000 on £240,000. £50,000 looked a reasonable increase until we got the aguisíns that are tagged on by the Department of Finance to such a grant. There was £10,000 earmarked for reduction of indebtedness. There was an allocation of half of the remainder to the new Dental School, a development pushed on us by reason of the fact that the Dental Council in England have come to the aid of the dentists here and have said they will not recognise the facilities provided for dental training here unless something is done about it in a hurry. The fact is that it cost us £20,000 to achieve the first stage in that development.

Therefore we had the miserable sum of £20,000 with which to face the ninth round increase and to provide for developments. £20,000 on our figures is less than eight per cent. We did not get the 12 per cent increase; we merely got eight per cent and Queen's University, Belfast and others are progressing with an increase of at least 17 per cent per annum, which is for expansion. We are expected to stand still. In fact, our position relative to that of Queen's University is far worse than it was in 1938. In 1938 we were both what might be called "red brick" universities. Since the war, Queen's University has gone ahead like the English Universities while we have remained almost at a standstill. It is a source of pride to me that my colleagues are able to do the wonderful job they are doing in turning out graduates who are second to none anywhere else.

Time is running out and it is difficult for us to get our good graduates back because they come and inspect us and say: "Sorry, you told us three years ago you would have all the facilities, a new building and so on, and where are these?" So, in this way we fail to attract them back. During the Cork by-election campaign, we were promised a new building and we were told everything would be all right, but that was a year or a year and a half ago. Since last November, we have been in a quandary trying to decide whether oil or turf should be used for heating. In other words—and I speak for my colleagues on this—there is a sense of frustration and despair amongst them and there are all sorts of needless interferences and obstructions created by the Department in the handling of their projects.

We want a university grants council here such as they have in England and we must have it if we are to develop as we should and if our university is to make the contribution it should and can make to the national welfare.

I should like to show how distance from Dublin matters. I am sorry to have to go into this and it is not pleasant for me to do so but we must call a spade a spade in these cases. On page 187 of the Estimates we see that the veterinary faculty is given a grant of £102,000 in the College, a grant of £102,000 in University College, Dublin and a grant of £46,500 in Trinity College for the training of veterinary surgeons. That is £250,000 in all for the training of just one single faculty. I am not saying that it is too much but it is a yardstick and it represents conditions that were achieved here under threat from the Veterinary Council in England who said they would not recognise our veterinary surgeons unless we took immediate steps to bring facilities up to what were considered reasonable for training. That has been done. The result is it cost £250,000 to train 45 veterinary graduates last year and the total veterinary faculty has around 300 students.

Yet we in the backwoods in Cork, and the same can be said of the College in Galway, are expected to operate our university not for 300 students but for 2,100 students and the total grant available is exactly the same—that is, £300,000 as compared with £250,000 in the veterinary faculty. Surely there is something wrong there. Surely we can be pardoned for saying that the distance from Dublin, and the authorities who place the Estimates have been responsible for some of this disparity. Our medical faculty alone has more students than the veterinary faculty in the Veterinary College. Something has to be done about such situations if we are to progress.

There are just a few more figures I should like to put before the House. We have been trying all means to convince the powers that be of the necessity for planning on university education. We are expanding at the moment at the rate of 200 students per annum; two hundred extra students who go to the university are 200 fewer to be provided for in the creation of new jobs. In fact, the programme envisaged for 1970 specifies that there should be 60,000 more places in secondary schools than there were in 1960. If this number were not in the schools, then we would have a national obligation to try to find jobs for them. Therefore, educational expansion is one way in a modern State of actually providing employment for the people concerned. It is part and parcel of the modern approach to work with the five-day week, with the shorter working period and longer holidays, but the fact is it relieves the Government in achieving the position they desire, to have 60,000 more students in secondary and vocational schools by 1970.

The alternative would be to say that the Government would provide 60,000 new jobs to cater for these people because the total employment requirements are always down by that amount. I put it to you: what would the Government grant need to be to put these 60,000 people into industry? Take the matter of grants. We are very happy if we can get men placed at £1,000 each by way of grant and they require extra capital from private sources as well. But, at £1,000 each, that would mean that the net equivalent of 60,000 is £60 million and that, perhaps, may be another way of looking at the question of increased educational facilities.

One other point occurs to me. I think it is worth making. It concerns this question of a university student and the grant given by the State. At present, that grant as far as we can find out, is roughly £130 per student. At least, that seems to be the amount though we have tried unsuccessfully to find the basis of the calculation because we never get an increased allowance for increased student numbers. That is one of the factors that is disregarded.

If we take the figure as being £130, we can reckon that, at the moment, the living expenses of the student, payment for digs, and so on, for the period of the university year, will amount to about £250. As well, he will have to pay fees, for books, and so on; put down another £100. Then the Government give, say, £130 to the university. That means, in all, that £480 has been put into circulation in that way. It is largely the parents' money that is put into the £250 and the £100 and the Government are paying in £130. That adds up to £480 put into circulation.

That £480, when it starts circulating around the economy, is acted on by all the usual tax laws. You get the turnover tax and what you have on whatever the student buys.

Even on books, the turnover tax is charged. You have whatever taxes are met and also whatever taxes are met by the staff who are paid by fees to the university, income tax and so on. That, largely, brings back about 40 per cent of the first impost: that would mean in this case £200 a year.

Therefore, every student going to the university through his parents' efforts in providing the money for his digs and for his books and through the Government grant of £130 deposits into the Exchequer about £200 in tax. Is the Government treatment, then, of the student not rather parsimonious when they do not give him back even the amount of tax he himself generated, £200? He gets just £130. In fact, you can show, on the same calculation, that had the Government brought the allowance of £130 up to £260, the amount put into circulation in that way would actually generate about £250 in tax. In other words, effectively, what the Government would say to the student is: "Look; while you are at the university, we are not going to ask you to make any contribution to general taxation. We will give you that back." Of course, afterwards, when the student's earnings are increased, somewhat anyway, the Government get their money back on the double and treble.

If this argument applies to the university student, how much more so does it apply to the student going to the secondary school with his total, again, at about £40 a year? In other words, he and his parents who are paying in the money to maintain him, together with the State's minimum subscription of £40, deposit away more than £40 into the national Exchequer by means of taxation. My calculations show that the figures would go from at least £100 to £120 in their case.

So, all in all, we are not being treated as well in attention as the industrialist in the Shannon Free Airport where they are given their reliefs of taxation over 20 or 25 years. This was something that emerged in discussion with an English colleague two weeks ago. It made a great impression on me and was something that I thought should definitely be put before the Seanad and before the Government.

If you go further on the question of the provision of additional places and the cost of these new buildings, you will find, if you make any realistic estimate of the amount by which the earning capacity of the individual is increased, due to his having a degree—take a figure of about 500 per annum as an estimate of the increase in his earning capacity due to having a degree—that the tax so generated would actually pay in a matter of about 14 years for the present cost per new place of about £2,000 per student. You are turning out a product at least every four years and after 16 years, we would assume you would have four products out earning. Therefore, a very big tax load is coming back.

It all adds up to the fact that we salute the parents of this country and the great sacrifice they are making to give secondary education and higher education to their children. Let no amount of sympathy, or anything else, for the fact that some cannot get this detract from what we owe to the parents who, rather than spend their money in pleasure, are saving it to put their children through the schools.

I appeal, then, for a completely new deal in education in this country. I appeal for the making of some provision for that 60,000 figure that has been mentioned by the Government for the new places they want. In fact, I just cannot see it happening because 60,000 at a pupil-teacher ratio of 15:1 would require 4,000 teachers. It takes five years to produce a teacher. Not a single consultation has been held with any educational authority in this country on the problem of producing those additional teachers. Where are they to come from? The whole scheme will break down under that heading and, of course, 4,000 are not enough because we have got to relieve the overcrowding that at present is prevalent in the schools. In other words, there is the need for consultation.

I think we can sum up that it looks as though our Civil Service have attempted to "go it alone" in this country and to develop this country just on their own without the aid of the bodies concerned. We are shown where that can lead to. We have dissatisfaction by the farmers, the teachers, the universities, by all groups, on what passes for consultation. The only place where there seems to be effective consultation is in this Committee on Industrial Organisation. There seems to be new ground broken there and a real spirit of give and take. So far in the other spheres, that has not been developed. We are all citizens of the country. We all have a contribution to make. I ask the Government and the Civil Service to see to it that a new spirit of co-operation and consultation is developed. If that is done, I know that none of the outside organisations will be found wanting.

Finally, I should like to turn to the functions of this House where we seem to sink lower and lower every year. We are simply a talking box with no powers. I do not know what influence we carry. The Irish Independent says we do not carry any. We should be either abolished or modernised. The urgent necessity at the moment is to develop out of this House a proper and adequate committee system along the lines of the committees doing such fine work in Holland, Belgium and elsewhere. If we had this, we could make our contribution from here. Rather than spending hours talking or waiting to get in to speak, we could do effective work across the committee table where we would meet the people making the decisions. At the moment we do not know who is making the decisions, but the recent musical chairs of Ministers and the recent developments in the Succession Bill and others prove conclusively that the Government are not the people making the decisions.

Senator Garret FitzGerald and Senator Dooge dealt in a very comprehensive way with the economic state of the nation. I believe Senator Dooge's expert work in relation to what we could expect from a manpower policy will prove of immense assistance to the Parliamentary Secretary charged with formulating a new manpower policy.

I have a few small points I should like to bring to the attention of the Government. First, I should like to remind them of the plight of the hundreds of workers in the north Kilkenny and south Laois coalfield. This Friday some 350 miners there are to lose their employment. I am not satisfied the Government have done sufficient, or, indeed, anything at all, to come to the aid of this industry.

The Senator is speaking with his tongue in his cheek. He knows well what was done by the Government.

They are being let off. Had this taken place in an industry in Dublin, I am sure we would see the Minister coming in with a Bill giving immediate relief, such as happened when the British introduced the 15 per cent levy last year. These 350 workers and their families have grown up in the mining tradition. Many of them have no other skills or training. A few years ago when we were all set to join the Common Market, we were told that workers who became redundant would be compensated and would be trained to take up other employment. The Government now have an opportunity to demonstrate to the workers of the country how they can expect to be treated if as a result of our joining the Common Market, they should find themselves redundant.

This is a stricken area. In Crettyard, Doonane, Clough, Hollypark and Wolfhill some 400 miners have lost their employment over the past four years. At least some of these people have small uneconomic holdings. The Minister for Agriculture should, as a matter of urgency, have the Agricultural Institute send some advisers to make a survey of this region. It is comprised solely of very small uneconomic holdings. I should like to see the Institute put at least 20 agricultural advisers into these three or four parishes for a few weeks to see if the injection of additional capital. which possibly could be arranged through the Agricultural Credit Corporation, would relieve this area to any great extent. At least something along those lines would be of benefit to this very thickly populated area.

Speaking of the Agricultural Institute, I certainly admire the work these people have done over the years. However, if I may be allowed to be local for a moment, the open days at the Oakpark Estate in Carlow clashed this year with the annual show at Athy a few miles away. If the Institute are sincere in wanting the farmers in surrounding areas to come, see and learn from their experiments, they should arrange their open days so as not to clash with other long established rural activities in the area.

For the past few years, there has been a tendency in the Department of Agriculture to compel farmers to test, inoculate, dress and, the latest, dip their stock. Many of our older farmers find difficulty in accepting all these new regulations and the necessity for them. The latest of these, the sheep dipping scheme, is one with which I am in complete agreement, except I feel it should be left to the discretion of farmers whether or not to dip their sheep a second time. Many of our older farmers hold the view that to dip sheep in October would, perhaps, affect their early crops of lambs. Men who hold those views should not be compelled to dip a second time. The Department of Agriculture say it is not compulsory to dip but yet it is against the law to offer sheep for sale that have not been dipped.

I should like to comment on the unnecessary delay by the Department of Agriculture in making payment to farmers of the grants under the heifer scheme and the farm buildings scheme. If the Minister could expedite the payment of these grants, it would facilitate many of our farmers. I would like to advocate that the Minister should increase the grants for silos and haysheds. Replying to a Parliamentary Question in the Dáil some weeks ago the Minister for Agriculture stated that he did not think it was necessary to increase these grants as the number of farmers applying for them had increased over the past few years. I submit that the farmers who are at present changing over to the idea of silage and those who have already done so would make the change even if there were no grants available but the fact is that very many farmers are not in a position to avail of the grants because they have not got the necessary capital. For that reason it is essential, in order to help the majority of farmers, to increase the amount of the grants for silos.

Senator Ryan mentioned a figure of 57.8 per cent as being the improvement in farmers' incomes since 1956. I find it difficult to accept that figure. In my view, in arriving at that figure, the Senator did not take into account the vastly increased cost of agricultural production. In 1956, the price of feeding barley was 45/- per barrel. Since that time the price has fluctuated from 37/6 to 40/- last year and, for the first time, the price improved to the 1956 price for this year's crop. Pigs are another item that have not been as remunerative for the Irish farmer over the past seven or eight years.

Erin Foods have been referred to in this debate. Last year, farmers, especially in the western part of the country, grew under contract for Erin Foods potatoes at a price ranging from £9 to £12 a ton and delivered these potatoes at a time when on the Dublin market potatoes were fetching £34 per ton and later went up to £40 per ton. It is difficult for the agricultural industry when large sections of farmers are exploited in this fashion.

I hope that any advantage to be derived from the new Anglo-Irish Trade Agreement will compensate the Irish farmer for the hardship he has suffered because of Fianna Fáil policies regarding the British market in the past. I hope our Government will endeavour to raise the income of Irish farmers to the standard that British farmers have enjoyed and are enjoying at the present time rather than advocate that the income of the British farmer should be dragged down to the Irish level. The income of Irish farmers has failed to keep pace with the incomes of other sections of our society, despite the fact that a figure such as 57 per cent is represented as the increase in the income of the Irish farmer.

It is true to say that were it not for the great improvement in the price of cattle, the income of the Irish farmer would have been very greatly reduced over the past few years. Any upward trend in agricultural income and agricultural prices will indeed be welcome. If, as a result of the new Anglo-Irish Trade Agreement, farmers' incomes are doubled or trebled, the most that can be said of that is that it is restitution for what our farmers suffered in the 1930s especially as a direct result of Fianna Fáil's first Anglo-Irish trade disagreement.

The civil servants who are charged with the task of completing the negotiations, and who are quite capable, in my view, should be fully aware of the way in which the farmers of Ireland were sacrificed in the past. I hope they realise that the income of the farmer is not keeping pace with the incomes of every other section of our society. The meagre increases granted to the farmers this year can be classified with the increases given in the Budget to social welfare recipients, widows and orphans and old age pensioners having less than £26 per year. It is very important that these civil servants should know this and bear it in mind when they return to London.

There are in this country over 20,000 turkey producers. Last year, according to figures published by the Government, this section realised almost £2 million, the profit element being £800,000 or nearly 100 per cent. Experts who studied the matter say that by 1970, providing that marketing arrangements are modernised, the national net profit with increased production is likely to be more than double what it was last year. The immediate problem is that this year, for the first time in over 12 years, there is likely to be an increase in production as a result of last year's prices. If there is an increase of 15 per cent and if the present antiquated marketing conditions are allowed to continue, it is quite probable that producers this year will make no profit whatever. For example, in 1963, the national average price was 2/8 per lb. live weight. In 1964, the national average price rose to 3/6 per lb. The difference in quantity between the two years was only 5.3 per cent. Yet, the price rose by over 30 per cent—from 2/8 to 3/6. Obviously, if a decrease in supply of 5.3 per cent on the home market can produce an increase in price of over 30 per cent, it is logical to expect that a surplus of ten per cent this year will have a serious reducing effect on the national average price, unless some positive measures are taken to ensure that the ten per cent increased production this year is exported.

A great deal has been said in the debate so far on the subject of education. There is one small point I should like to make in regard to the means test for university scholarships awarded by county councils. The means test should be immediately amended. At least, the additional income allowance of £75 for each qualified child should be increased to £125. With the last wage increases, very many of our people especially in the rural areas found their children ineligible according to the means test. Similarly, in the case of candidates whose parents derive their living solely from agriculture. I would like to see the poor law valuation allowance for each qualified child increased to a minimum of £10 for each additional child.

I should like to draw the Minister's attention to the fact that in many of our national schools in rural Ireland the maps are years out of date. This is a very important matter because practically 50 per cent of the newscasts of Telefís Éireann and Radio Éireann deal with foreign places which do not appear on the majority of maps in national schools. Some system of amending those maps should be devised.

On the Department of Health, I should like to see the treatment and care of cancer made a national charge. The time has come when the Minister for Health should do something for cancer sufferers. The Government have the headline that was set by the inter-Party Government when they tackled the problem of tuberculosis. As that scheme was highly successful, it is altogether wrong that people——

The Senator is not so young as to think the inter-Party Government initiated the attack on tuberculosis?

When was Sarsfield Court—St. Stephen's Hospital —opened? Was it not let for grazing up to 1948?

There were about 40 hospitals——

Nobody could secure a bed in a TB hospital up to 1948. Thousands had to stay at home spreading infection.

Who brought in the TB legislation?

There were not sufficient beds for TB patients up to 1948.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

Senator McDonald.

In rural Ireland today there are people in the lower part of the middle income group who cannot afford either medical attention or the drugs necessary to alleviate pain. That is a sad reflection on our semi-welfare State. I do not think it is beyond possibility to have this dreadful disease tackled in a serious way.

The rates our hospitals and nursing homes are allowed to charge have gone up by leaps and bounds. In parts of rural Ireland, at least, doctors have now increased their call fees after 6 p.m. at weekends to about 50 shillings per visit. This may not appear so much and one may argue doctors are entitled to make these charges but how can a man with an agricultural wage of, say, £7 15s per week, afford to call a doctor not to talk about getting a prescription from a chemist when those charges are made? The means test ceiling for medical cards should be increased so that more people will qualify for registration.

I should like briefly to add my voice in support of the Sandymount Residents' Association in their campaign to preserve their homes for themselves and their families. There is no justification whatever for this new encroachment on private property. The Government and the planning authority surely could find other sites for the factories it is proposed to build in that area. There are many regions in the country crying out for factories and for development. For example, one of the tidiest and most picturesque towns in the midlands has offered a six-acre site and 10,000 square feet of warehouse to any concern willing to establish a factory in that area. With such country towns making valiant efforts to attract industries, there is no need for the powers-that-be to devalue the Sandymount area or encroach on the amenities and facilities that have been enjoyed by the public in that residential area. This is also one of the strands most convenient to Dublin city and every effort should be made to preserve it. It is typical of Fianna Fáil policy to squander money making land available in Dublin while there are throughout the country hundreds of acres of ideal land which is derelict and crying out for development. The people of North Kilkenny and Laois, a very densely populated area, could well do with a new factory and I suggest the Government should interest some of the industrialists in that area.

Senator Sheehy Skeffington and Senator Quinlan have mentioned the Houses of the Oireachtas, and I believe that Members should have facilities for studying the activities of our State and semi-State organisations. At least a special fact-finding subcommittee of the Seanad should be set up in order to observe the way in which the moneys voted by the Oireachtas are spent. Deputies and Senators often deplore the fact that we have a bureaucratic State here and this is one way we could study the administration and keep a closer eye on the affairs of our country. There is a sphere in which Seanad Éireann could play a most important role.

Some weeks ago Members of the Oireachtas had the opportunity of touring the industrial area in Shannon. We visited some five factories and I was greatly impressed by one factory which did not produce goods as such but provided a computer service, and, indeed, a service to the entire English speaking world. One of the things with which I was most taken was the fact that the girls employed there, the manager told us, get the very same salary as their counterparts working on similar machines in Birmingham. As I walked between the rows of machines, I saw jobs being done for well-known international companies in America, Britain and even faraway Australia.

I find it difficult to understand why the Government should curtail credit and hire purchase, advocating less spending by the public, and singling out especially purchases of new motor cars by insisting on a higher down payment, which, I understand, is producing the desired result, while, at the same time as the Taoiseach prescribes this medicine for the country in general, he buys part of a fleet of new German manufactured State cars. I am not opposed to State cars, but, if it is detrimental to our economy for the people to equip themselves with new cars during the present crisis, then I believe the Taoiseach should himself give the lead and keep the State car he had for a second year.

Before dealing with the points raised in the debate, I have something on my mind that I should like to put before the Seanad for its consideration so that every Member can give it some thought. Now that I have the Minister here, it adds to the value of the opportunity. This would more properly arise on the Appropriation Bill. For a long time now, I have had the idea that we have reached a point in our history when we should do something about commemorating the dead, not in the way in which we do it with sectional commemorations, but in a dignified national way.

I want to suggest for the consideration of the Seanad and the Government the following proposition. Since we are to have completed next year on the 50th anniversary of the Rising, a National Memorial Park, in which, I hope, there will be a National Cenotaph, we should take steps to arrange that there should be on one national memorial day each year a ceremony in that Memorial Park at which the President of Ireland would lay one wreath, with an inscription on the following lines: "To the memory of and in tribute to the Irish men and women who died in every army, in the service of every flag, and in every land, believing they were serving the cause of Ireland and of human freedom". I believe that at that ceremony there should be no speeches, but there should be a parade and, in that parade to the Cenotaph, I should like to see the Irish Republican Army, the Organisation of National Ex-servicemen, the Old Dublin Brigade of the Free State Army and the British Legion. I see no objection to any section of that parade carrying their banners or wearing their ribbons, but I do see a great value in securing the attendance of all sections of our people at a national commemoration of that nature.

I feel it would do much to put an end once and for all to the remnants of whatever little bitterness may still survive after the events of 45 years ago. I feel it would be a dignified and constructive move and an example to the younger generations in demonstrating that only by working together for the good of Ireland can progress be made and the happiness of our people ensured. I should be very happy to take any part I could in bringing such a situation about and I hope Senators will think over the proposition and, if it finds favour with them, that they will do their best to influence their friends in favour of it, so that in due course and in good time some concerted move can be made to bring it to fruition. I may say that long, long ago, only four years after the end of hostilities, I propounded this theory but, at that time, bitterness was so rife I was more or less pushed into the background. I renew it now, believing that the time is ripe and the day is here.

To get back to the subject matter of the debate, the Minister began his speech by emphasising that there was no reason for panic or sensationalism. Neither is there. I am afraid some Senators must have been asleep when the Minister was speaking or perhaps they decided this was a good opportunity to start on a hare-chasing expedition. The only other explanation for all the bogeyman talk to which we have listened here is that they have grown so accustomed to double-talk that they no longer understand the meaning of the lucid English in which the Minister addressed the House.

Just for the record, and to refresh the minds of Senators, I think we should recapitulate the main facts of the situation. It is obvious that in a rapidly changing pattern of world trade, our existing arrangements with Britain had outlived their usefulness and were no longer suitable for commercial intercourse. Neither were they as advantageous or as satisfactory to us as they were when the initial agreement was signed in 1938. It is also clear, as was pointed out, that any concrete improvement in our position nowadays in this changing world could only come by our adherence to either some type of free trade area or to a customs union. The logical development of this line of thought was, of course, to explore the possibilities of a new and more satisfactory trade agreement with our nearest neighbour and our best customer.

The talks which took place in London and about which so much verbiage was used in this debate resulted in a decision by the two parties to develop eventually a bilateral free trade area between Britain and Ireland. Negotiations will continue on this for the next two or three months before an agreement is hammered out on details and is ready for signature. This agreement, we hope, will cover every aspect of trade between the two countries and will replace the 1938 Trade Agreement and the amending agreements of 1948 and 1960. It is well to remember that the new free trade area will not be instituted immediately the agreement is signed, but it is understood from the reports we have received that it will result in the almost immediate removal of whatever British tariffs there are still on our industrial exports. The removal of Irish tariffs, however, of which so many Senators were afraid because of the damage they thought it would do to our economy, will be extended over a period of years.

On this point, it is of interest to note that the Taoiseach has said that the period contemplated by this number of years will be longer than that contemplated in our original application for admission to the European Economic Community. The creation of this free trade area will not hamper in any way or impede our eventual accession to the European Economic Community, but it will facilitate our entry into GATT, the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, which we are unable to join at the moment because the terms of our trade agreement with Britain conflict with the regulations adopted by the GATT partners.

These are the facts. There is no sensationalism in them. There is no cause for panic or alarm and, when the trade agreement is eventually signed, as in the case of all agreements, the two Houses here will in due course have every opportunity to pass judgment on it, as they have done on every agreement signed in the history of this State.

Most of the Opposition speeches tonight were, to me at any rate, classic examples of what a notable columnist describes as the béal bocht. Senator FitzGerald, who made a very long speech, covered a great deal of ground, describing the proposal as more far-reaching than the Constitution or the Declaration of the Republic.

In its practical effects.

If he means by the Declaration of the Republic, the action taken by the Coalition Government in fixing the title of "Republic" to an already existing sovereign, independent state, I would say "Yes". If he means the enactment of the Constitution, I think he is talking complete poppycock.

You even tried to amend that and you failed.

If the Senator wants a barrage of interruptions, I am pretty glib, too, so he better leave me alone.

Yes, threats. I do not believe in turning the other cheek. There is nothing to gain for Irish industry, according to Senator FitzGerald, because we already enjoy free entry of goods to Britain. He must not have been listening to the Minister because the Minister pointed out that in some cases members of EFTA already enjoy lower tariffs on their goods going into Britain than we do.

I did not say that. I made specific references to the advantages we would gain on the textile and clothing side——

The Senator said there was nothing to gain——

Except on the textile and the clothing side, and I emphasised this on two occasions.

I am glad the Senator referred to textile and clothing because one of the immediate results of the proposed new agreement would be a big benefit to Irish industry, which is calculated to run to £10 million or £12 million, by the removal of tariffs and restrictions on man-made fibres. If the Senator appreciates that——

——then we are making some progress. He also asked what steps the Government had taken to establish the impact of free trade on industry.

I did not. I asked what steps the Government had taken to establish the impact of free trade with Britain only, on Irish industry, and I developed at considerable length the efforts which the Government had made——

Of course if the Senator is going to bob up and down——

Only when I am misquoted.

He will have a lot of bobbing to do when I am talking.

I am quite sure the Minister will quote me correctly.

Whatever explanation Senator FitzGerald has for this, the fact remains that for five or six years the Taoiseach in every newspaper in the country has been warning industrialists, the trade unions, and everybody concerned to prepare for free trade. The Senator knows, as was mentioned by other Senators, of the committees set up to investigate the impact of a lowering of tariffs——

With Western Europe.

——on our industry. It also applies to Britain. The Senator also knows that every encouragement was given by way of adaptation grants.

To export to new markets in western Europe.

Really, I must give the Senator a ball to play with if he is not quiet. The Senator knows that there has been a rhythm of tariff reductions for the past couple of years. I cannot understand why he should ask such silly questions because he is not a silly man. The Senator did say that the proposed free trade area may not be a serious problem if it is absorbed by the European Economic Community. Well, since our long-term objective is to join the European Economic Community and since the leaders of the present Government in Britain are still veering towards that point, it is logical to assume that our bilateral free trade area, between Ireland and Britain, will in due course be absorbed. The Senator no doubt knows that the new Leader of the Conservative Party, Mr. Heath, is a staunch believer in the European Economic Community and led Britain's application for entry into the Community at that time. So that even in the event of a change of Government, as suggested by some Senators over there, it does not appear that the pattern will be changed.

I trust that the Senator's optimism applies also to the French President.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

Deputy Ó Maoláin should be allowed to speak without interruption.

I really should.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

From himself or anyone else.

The Lord gave me great patience for the past two days. I have listened to everybody and it took great patience.

Not without interruption.

Senator FitzGerald suffers from an inferiority complex. It is not surprising because it is the hallmark of the Party in which he has lately become active. I am disillusioned, however, because I gave him credit for some independent thought and for some sturdy independence of mind in regard to matters of this nature. I was disappointed also by some of the phrases he used such as "placing ourselves at the mercy of Britain". Such phrases indicate an amazing lack of confidence in our capacity for survival.

However, the thing that annoyed me most was his question "Is it wise to tie ourselves to the sick man of Europe?" That indicates a deplorable lack of knowledge of current events and a complete lack of appreciation of the quality of our neighbours across the Irish Sea. I, for one, could not for a moment accept the proposition which is inherent in the Senator's question, that is, that the people over there, who so courageously stood up to, and defeated, the air terror of 1940 and 1941, and survived the years that followed, are now going to be defeated in the way in which the Senator suggests and are now to be classified—all 55 million of them—as a back number and written off with the contemptuous phrase that they are really only the equivalent of the country once described as "the sick man of Europe."

Like us, like every nation, like the United States of America, Britain has her difficulties, but like us, she is taking measures, stern measures, to overcome those difficulties. I believe she will overcome them, and I very strongly hope that she will and in the very near future.

Senator Murphy is afraid we shall tie ourselves more closely to Britain and Senator McQuillan views the proposed free trade area as an act of union. I do not know if Senator Murphy means closer trade relations which will be mutually advantageous to the two countries, as of course they will. If he means the surrender of our political independence, he is as far in the twilight zone as Senator McQuillan whose 90-minute chapel gate speech really was a feature that could be embodied in one of Grimm's fairy tales. Senator Crowley and others protested against the signing of any agreement until the House had approved it and Senator Quinlan went so far as to suggest we should have an all-Party committee which would sit through the summer and vet each stage of the negotiations as they were agreed.

And when they were finished, you could sign anything you liked, in the knowledge that all Parties here approved of it—that would not mean that all the people approved of it. However, as far as I know, it is the universal practice in international agreements that they are negotiated and signed and then published and debated by the Parliaments concerned. I do not know of any international agreement of any sort or consequence which was negotiated and in which particulars, during negotiation, of what was going on were given either to the Press or Parliaments by any responsible politician. In our own case, this was the procedure followed in the 1938 Trade Agreement and in the famous "Drown Britain with Eggs" amendment to that Agreement in 1948 and again in 1960. The details of these agreements were published after they had been signed and were discussed and debated then.

There is no reason why we should depart from that procedure in the case of the proposed trade agreement with Britain. As Senator Dooge quite rightly said, in a changing economy the country has been under notice to prepare for free trade and so it should not come as a surprise to anybody that the basis of the new agreement with Britain is that of a free trade area. It is worth remembering also in this connection that as far back as 1959 in a remarkable speech which he made to the members of the Oxford Union, the Taoiseach propounded the theory of the feasibility of a free trade area within Ireland. That suggestion was never followed up. If the free trade area visualised now comes to pass, it will, of course, result in a free trade area within Ireland. It will result in the disappearance of a customs frontier which was an anachronism in a small country and that will be a consummation devoutly to be wished for by all Irish men and women who want to see this country what God intended it to be —one.

Senator Murphy says we are not facing a crisis and I agree with him. I also agree, however, with Senator Crowley who says that there is a crisis, but the crisis I see is not the same crisis as Senator Crowley sees because the most remarkable feature of this debate was not what was said but what was very carefully left unsaid by every speaker on the Opposition side, except Senator Quinlan. The crisis that I talk about and that everybody in the country knows exists, and that every member of the Houses realises exists, is the crisis brought about by the assumption of dictatorial powers by a breakaway group of trade unionists styled the National Busmen's Union and the inability of the Irish Congress of Trade Unions to take any action against them.

It is nice, of course, to hear from Senator Murphy that Congress is prepared to accept responsibility, that it is a serious body. I believe that, and it is also most reassuring to note the support which the delegates last week in Cork gave to the stand taken by Mr. Larkin, but something more than that is required now. Action is called for now before more serious damage is done by these crazy transport strikes and by the action adopted by this breakaway group of trade unionists who are holding the economy of the country up to ransom.

There will be no buses on Sunday next in this city and it is strongly rumoured that the NBU intend to shut down the bus services on Wednesday, Thursday and Friday of next week and thereby cripple the Horse Show.

Will there be any lock-out?

If the Senator will bear with me for a moment, I shall talk to him then. This business of refusing to pass the pickets, which has now become almost a religion with trade unionists, means that any small group like the NBU, any breakaway group setting itself up as a union can wreck the economy of the country.

When you give them licence to do so.

The Irish Congress of Trade Unions must act now, in the interests of thousands of workers not directly involved in these disputes with CIE who will be seriously affected. Congress must take into consideration also the detrimental effect which this type of "carry-on", this buccaneering of the NBU, will have on the future of employment in the State-controlled transport company for hundreds, perhaps thousands, of workers in the future because if the road freight service of CIE does not attract the traffic which will make it a going concern or an economic proposition because of the inability of the company to fulfil its contracts—and it is quite on the cards that some big contracts may be lost as a result of this—then the employment of thousands of workers in that company may be affected.

Does a one day strike mean a six-day lock-out?

The same thing applies in a different way to the other strike which is going on at the moment, the printers' strike. I know of one firm which had a big contract for printing from London and it has been unable to fulfil that contract, the terms of which involved a deadline date for delivery. They have lost the contract and that means unemployment for some workers. There may be others.

Surely Congress, as a responsible body, cannot shirk the responsibility they have for dealing with this group of workers. We know that no human body is entirely infallible, or can perform miracles, but I am certain that if the Irish Congress of Trade Unions made up their minds to have discipline restored in the trade union ranks, they would very soon put an end to this sort of blackmail that is going on by a new breakaway group——

Is there no board of management?

The Industrial Relations Act has worked fairly well for some years. The Labour Court have functioned fairly well for some years but now it appears that the Industrial Relations Act requires amendment and that the Labour Court require strengthening, that they require new powers. I suppose only the Government can give them those powers but there is not much use in the Government doing anything about it unless the Government get the wholehearted co-operation of the trade union movement. Accordingly, the trade union movement should make up their minds that the time has now come for them to accept their responsibility. They represent the workers and they should see to it that a breakaway group of workers do not perpetrate a campaign of immeasurable damage from the point of view of the many thousands of workers whom the trade union movement represent. I say this in the best interests of the workers, of whom I am one, and I hope that something concrete will come of the consideration Congress are giving to this at the moment before more damage is done.

Too many speeches of this kind will not help.

Somebody must say it. If everybody shirks the issue, it will not help. Somebody must put the cards on the table. This is what the people are saying. I travel every day by public transport and I can tell the Seanad this is the type of talk that is going on. The people are getting impatient. I am only repeating what they are saying.

Can the Senator tell us what they are saying about the lock-out?

I should be delighted to tell the Senator and I could speak for hours. However, I do not intend to prolong my speech because I know other Senators are anxious to get in.

It is a big part of the same issue.

If the Senator— but maybe I had better not. I could go on for another hour but I refuse to do so.

I am grateful to Senator Ó Maoláin for stopping when he did to allow those of us on the back benches who have not spoken to get in with a few words. After the very fine speeches which we were privileged to listen to yesterday and today, dealing with subjects ranging from high finance to economic planning and other topics, I feel like apologising to the House for asking Senators to descend for a few moments to consideration of such mundane things as sheep scab, warble flies and high quality milk. Before doing so, I shall deal with the part of the Minister's statement yesterday on the proposed free trade area. Listening to the Minister, it was hard to believe he was a member of a Fianna Fáil Government. Indeed, despite Senator Ó Maoláin's reference to the tone of the debate from this side of the House, I am quite sure I shall be allowed the democratic right to make whatever suggestions, criticisms, proposals we feel are in the best interests of the community.

I took only half an hour.

I, therefore, feel entitled to say that Fine Gael have been advocating for as long as I can remember the value of the British market and I feel also entitled now to say to the Government: "We told you so"

We negotiated the 1938 Agreement, a long time ago.

We listened for a long time to the slogan: "Thank God, the British market is gone forever." Now we hear them say that the British market is a godsend to Ireland. Now we hear Senator Ó Maoláin say Irish industry is to be protected for a long period. I do not know any Irish industry that could stand up overnight in completely free trade conditions. Small countries such as this cannot hope to survive as autonomous, small, self-contained economic units in the fierce trading conditions going on throughout the world and which are likely to extend. I say in all sincerity that we wish the Government every success in their deliberations with the British. We hope the conclusions they will come to will be in the best interests of every section of the community.

Having said that, I should like to turn to agriculture. During the recent general election campaign, the Minister for Agriculture, in a telecast speech, declared he was delighted to be Minister for Agriculture for several reasons. One of the reasons he gave was that the position presented a challenge—there were so many things that could befall the farming community. He said they were at the mercy of a great many risks—animal diseases and the elements. I do not ask or expect the Minister to do anything about the elements—though we need some improvement in the very unseasonable weather we have been getting—but I do ask the Minister to continue his efforts for the eradication of animal diseases.

Senator McDonald touched on the subject of sheep scab. Farmers throughout the country are entirely behind the Minister in his efforts to get this disease removed once and for all. However, his new regulations govern compulsory dipping in July and later. I am not concerned with the July dipping. I am convinced the Minister had very good reasons for insisting on it, though I must say I should like to know what they are. Perhaps the insistence on July for compulsory dipping is because that month was insisted on in years gone by.

I remind the Minister that the pattern has changed in recent years, that now a great many farmers dip their sheep, to avoid fly strike, very soon after shearing, which is in the month of June. We were told this year that even if sheep were dipped every day in June, they must also be dipped during the prescribed period up to 7th or 8th August. I ask the Minister for Finance to convey to his colleague the desire of farmers that the regulation be changed next year to include June as well as July, thus saving farmers a great deal of trouble and considerable expense.

On the warble fly problem, this year we are to have a scheme which was operated to a limited extent last year. The Minister has stated that the scheme is absolutely voluntary, but, after a certain date in December, no farm can offer cattle for sale that cannot be certified as having been treated for the warble. The Minister cannot have it both ways, cannot have his cake and eat it. He is, to my mind. avoiding the responsibility of the cost and, for the risk of losses, the cost may not be considerable. Last year, it cost those of us who availed of it six shillings per beast. That can be quite a sizeable amount of money over a big number of cattle. The benefit derived from this makes up for the cost. It was extremely successful because, not only did it eradicate the warble but it also left the cattle free from lice the whole winter. That benefit was over and above the benefits we expected from this.

Unfortunately, some farmers suffered loss of stock as a result of this dressing. While we had insurance to cover such losses, there is no mention of any compensation under the order this year. The scheme, as I have said, has been stated by the Minister to be voluntary. Yet it is compulsory when you come to sell your stock. I would ask the Minister to look into this and make some provision for any losses that may be incurred by farmers.

The third point I want to mention is the question of high quality milk. In the creamery areas, on Sunday morning, milk is collected at a very early hour, at 4 o'clock in some places. Consequently, the Sunday morning milk is not delivered to the creamery until Monday morning. It has happened that an order for a test is made on Monday. When that test is made, nine times out of ten, the milk goes down and does not qualify for the penny a gallon increase to cover high quality milk. It is, I suppose, a bit too much to ask that no test should be made on Monday morning but it places the farmer in close proximity to the creamery at a big advantage over those whose milk is collected at, say, 4 a.m. They do not have the Sunday morning milk ready and it goes on to Monday. I would ask the Minister to look into that.

Finally, I would like to add my voice to those who have asked the Minister to ensure there will be no restriction of credit to agriculture. It has been stated that for every £3 million worth of industrial imports, industry exports £1 million worth and for every £1 million of agricultural imports, agriculture exports £7 million worth. Whatever the cause of our difficulties at the present time, and various theories have been advanced during the past two days as to the cause of our problems, it is true to say that agriculture has not aggravated that problem. It will eventually be the saviour of the economic situation. It is, therefore, essential that no restriction, as far as possible, be operated that would in any way interfere with the expansion of agriculture.

Some weeks ago we were dealing with the Agricultural Credit Bill and I asked the Minister if he could assure me that money would be available for the purchase of land by young farmers who wish to avail of the opportunity to purchase a particular farm, which was near hand, and which their parents were not in a position to buy for them. The Minister assured me that that was so. I am given to understand that quite a number of applications for loans for the purchase of land, not necessarily by young farmers but by farmers in general, have been turned down by the Agricultural Credit Corporation and that it is not now considered to be their policy to provide money for the purchase of land.

It is a great pity if that is the case because it will hamper young people who are branching out on their own into the agricultural field. They have a lot to offer to the nation and it is up to us to assist them in every way we possibly can. I hope the Minister will see to it that agriculture will get what I am afraid we did not get in this year's Budget, a fair slice of the cake. I am afraid when we went to look for the cake, there were not even a few crumbs left on the plate. We hope the Minister will remedy that position in the future.

I have only one very small point which occurred to me on the Succession Bill, but which is a financial matter and will have to be dealt with under the Finance Bill. I refer to what is known for the purpose of argument, as the compulsory giving to the spouse of what are called shares under the testated estate and what is called a legal right under the will. It appears to me that what will happen is that when the testator dies, after death he will be charged on his full estate. Then, his widow who survives him will receive half, two-thirds, one-third or whatever it might be, and that estate will go to her, under the Bill as it now is, and which, it is assumed, will be passed. There are a great many cases where those people are probably of a similar age. It seems to me that what will happen is that in a very short time in a great many of those cases the State will come in again and take estate duty off the other half or one-third.

I do not think the Minister can deal with this under the present Bill but it is a matter which his Department could look into before the next Finance Bill comes in. This matter cannot be dealt with under the Succession Bill. I am taking it the Bill will be passed roughly as it is now and these shares or legal rights will be put into force. As far as I can see, they will not be assisting the surviving spouse but they will certainly assist the State in a very big way where the estate is over the minimum amount. I would ask the Minister to deal with this matter before the next Finance Bill.

This is one of the most extraordinary debates that have ever taken place in this House. There were marathon speeches from one side of the House and there was marathon silence from the other side until Senator Dr. Ryan said a few words. When there is a limit on the debate, there should also be a time limit on the speeches and I would like to see that observed in future when there is a time set for closing the debate. I am not criticising anyone who spoke for a long time because there was no agreement, but I should like what I suggest to be done in the future.

Certainly the free trade negotiations with Great Britain are of grave concern to us all and probably led to the debate we had here today. I welcome the negotiations with Great Britain and I hope something good will come of them. Naturally, I have some doubts that some of our factories may suffer but I know, too, that others will benefit, as was said here today. I am quite certain the Taoiseach is not likely to do anything that would harm the industrial development of Ireland. I express the hope that when he has concluded his negotiations, we will have reason to be thankful that he went there and that these negotiations took place.

We must ask ourselves whether a serious situation confronts us. I would be inclined to say there is. There is a definite shortage of money and when you have a definite shortage of money you will have more problems arising —unemployment, emigration, and so on, which is something we have had too much of for generations. There are factories closing; there are factories on half-time at the moment and there are factories giving an extra week's holidays without pay. These are not good signs and it is for that reason that I think the position at the moment is much more serious than people imagine. Not even the Minister has given us the reason for the credit squeeze and I should like him to do so.

Senator Quinlan attributed this to the election of a Labour Government in England, to the fact that we had so many semi-State bodies, that we had no private enterprise, and that the trade unions were not doing their business. He also said that we are negotiating with a Government which will last for only another five months. I should like to bet with him that the present British Government will last much longer than five months.

I would say that the principal reason why there is so much unrest—and I think this is the one thing that is worrying us more than anything else— is that there are two classes of citizens in this country—the VIPs and the ordinary workers. VIPs are treated in a different way from the ordinary workers. When employers got the green light with the 12 per cent we found that males who are earning less than £8 got £1 and that all others got 12 per cent of their wages no matter what their wages were. Subsequent to that we had what is known as the status awards and the status awards applied only to certain classes of citizens. It applied to MOHs, high officials in the Civil Service, county engineers and such people. These people in their status awards got, as in the case of a county engineer who has almost £3,000, £8 10s a week while a man working under him earned £8 a week.

The man who is working under him read that in the paper. He as a member of a trade union wanted to know when he would get an increase and asked whether he would get a status increase. He was told he would not. What would be wrong with giving a man with £8 a cost of living increase? Would you not think that a man with £8 would be entitled to a standard of living increase —forget about the word "status"? You could never get a worker to agree that a status award was not an increase in wages or salary. That is my argument. You cannot pick out one class of people and rub fat to them while telling another class that they have no status, that they do not require their standard of living to be increased.

That is the cause of all the industrial unrest in the country. The Busmen's Union was mentioned this evening. They published their wage scale which is around £11 a week. When a busman sees his neighbour getting £8, £10 and £13 a week on the status award, do you expect him to be a contented citizen or do you not expect him to break away from the union which failed to get him a standard of living increase, a status award, or an increase in wages? He would be prepared to call it an increase in wages.

Senator Garret FitzGerald's contribution was, indeed, very good and very interesting. His knowledge of economics was, indeed, excellent but when he mixed his economics with his politics he was not quite so good. He wants no Prices Bill. He said that people should get up in the morning early, listen to the radio, find out the shops where the cheap goods are sold, let the wife hawk around the town and buy one article here and another somewhere else. That would be nice work but we are forgetting that the minimum bus fare is 4d and if she takes the bus three or four times she would have lost her profit.

I should like to know the conditions under which the people work in the cut-price shops in the city of Dublin. I had an experience the other day of going into a shop and giving 4/4 for a packet of cigarettes. I got back fourpence and I asked the young girl had she made a mistake. She said she had not, that the price-there was 4/-. I asked her how much she was paid and she said she got 30/-. I gave back the cigarettes. I, as a Labour man, have no time for anyone who sells things at a low price at the expense of the people they employ.

Why did the Senator not get her into a union?

She would be sacked the next morning and somebody else would get her job. Why does the Senator not get her into a trade union if he likes to support people who do not pay their workers?

I hold that the credit squeeze will affect education in a big way. I happen to be chairman of a vocational committee. We had to seek a small loan of £3,500. I went to a bank and asked for a loan repayable over 15 years. I got a letter saying we would get it over five years. Later when we put up pre-fabs, I looked for a loan of £7,000 and we got a letter saying we would have to go to the Commissioners of Public Works about it. That is an indication of a vocational committee being unable to get money from the banks to the extent of something in the region of four figures, and of the existence of a serious situation in Ireland today. Whether the Minister likes to let us know that or not, I believe it is a serious situation when public bodies are being refused loans by the banks.

You could ask people who are building houses the position they are in at the moment. A few months ago if a manager made an order giving a loan of £1,600 or £1,700 to an individual, it would take about three or four months for the loan to go through. The moment the applicant got the order made by the manager, he could walk into his bank, get £1,000, sign that the loan would be repaid to the bank and get the house built. Now the position is the contractors will leave him and say: "We cannot continue until you get money". That is a new situation, too.

Last year we had Professor O'Brien here and he warned us that there was quite an amount of hot money coming into Ireland. He also warned us that that hot money would not continue to come in and apparently something like that has happened. I always had great respect for any contribution Professor O'Brien made in this House, especially on the matter of finance.

In conclusion, I should like to say what the outlook for the future is, or for this particular year at any rate. I shall say something here this evening that nobody else has said during the course of the debate, as far as I know, that is, that the coming year will probably be the hardest year we have had to meet in Ireland yet. I shall give the reason for that statement and I shall not blame the Government. The reason for it is the bad weather conditions we have gone through during the past three months and if they continue through the coming month, there will be a very serious financial position. For example, at the present time there were never more young cattle under one-year-old in the country. There is no hay and if the hay is not saved for these cattle, it will mean a huge mortality rate during the next winter.

Another matter which will have a terrific impact in rural Ireland is the fact that Bord na Móna will operate at a complete and total loss. The sale of briquettes to the public has stopped and it is proposed now that the briquette factory will open only for a further five weeks to fulfil contracts already made with various companies. No briquettes will be sold to the public and in the powerhouses in Rhode and Ferbane, there is only enough material this year to keep them going until Christmas. That is not the fault of the Government. It is a matter of grave concern to us all. It is of very grave concern to me because I happen to live in an area which is highly developed from the Bord na Móna point of view. We will all have to be prepared to do our part to ensure that we get over the serious situation we find ourselves in today.

At this stage in the debate I find myself at a certain disadvantage, an historical disadvantage, in that I am not aware of, nor do I concern myself with, the Fianna Fáil opposition policy of 30 years ago or indeed with General Mulcahy's educational policy of the same time. I find I must restrain myself from ranging far and wide over all our country's ills, and in suggesting remedies, unlike previous speakers. I can happily confine myself therefore to two or three brief points.

In reference to education, it might be prudent at this stage to say that, like Senator Sheehy Skeffington, I welcome the new approach in educational policy here. I should say, at the outset, that there is very little I can add to his comprehensive analysis of the educational scene. I think the views of people like Senator Sheehy Skeffington on this matter should not only be readily available to the Government in formulating policy but, in fact, should be very strongly heeded.

There are some aspects of the Minister's policy which he embodied in his text and on which I may be able to throw some little light from my own personal experience. In particular, the Minister made definite reference to the teaching of languages in our secondary schools. He pointed out the desirability of the oral teaching of languages in our secondary schools. I should like to point out that this is something which is more than evident to anybody who concerns himself with it in this country and in European countries, particularly when they have seen the benefit of the practical teaching of languages.

Further, there is a lesson to be learned in relation to our approach to the Irish language and here I might elaborate on a point which the Minister passed over rather briefly. The experience and the confidence which any pupil in those early formative years gets from endeavouring to express himself in a second idiom, be it Irish, French or Italian—of course in this case, it is largely Irish—will stand him in very good stead when it comes to adapting himself to the new idiom of another language. This is something I feel can be evidenced by anybody who has spent even a short while on a continental holiday. If you compare the attitude of the Irish holiday-maker with that of his English counterpart—an Irishman who maybe has little or no other experience of the Irish language than a few expressions like "slán leat" and so on, but who at least has had the experience of a second idiom—he is more prone and indeed more ready to take on this awful task of expressing himself in a third idiom.

This is something I feel is a matter we must consider very strongly having regard to the co-relation of our language policies in both Irish and modern languages. It can also be evidenced by the fact that in most European schools, and particularly in Switzerland, it can be said, I suppose, that economic pressures or economic advantages have something to do with this. But it must be noted that children there of the age of 15 or 16 years are reasonably competent in three or four languages and the more competence they have in the third or fourth language the more they lend themselves to the fifth or sixth. Therefore, all this narrow approach to language teaching here should be dispelled. The first essential is to inspire confidence in a new idiom which is given effectiveness in expression. I may have dealt with that point at somewhat greater length than I had intended but I do feel there are other very important parts of our educational policy which we cannot afford to overlook at this stage.

One of these is the awful abuse which our own works of literature have been subjected to for the purposes of examination hacks. I feel this is to a certain extent due to economic pressure and to our examination system but we have now reached the stage in our political development and maturity that it may be a most convenient method of assessing whether or not a student will pass his Leaving or Intermediate certificate or whether or not a student will get a university scholarship. We must realise once and for all that we are not providing the full benefits of education in the real sense for pupils by depriving them of all that is best in both the literature of our own and other countries and at the same time using this literature for the purposes of examination hacks.

These incentives might lead to the philosophical rather than the factual approach to education. The term "philosophical" may be rather frightening to those who think we are introducing strange notions into education but, by and large, it can be said to be nothing more or less than the fundamental approach which gears a child's or a young pupil's mind towards rationalisation of any subject he hopes to be asked to cope with.

I do not intend to delay any longer on the educational problem but I see it in relation to the present context in the same way as I see the proposed economic union with Britain. At this stage, possibly enough has been said on that matter. The Minister may take the opportunity to vindicate Government policy on this. However, it should be said that what may not have been the Government's policy thirty years ago—whether or not it was does not concern me—has no effect whatsoever on what Government policy should be now in relation to our present circumstances. The Minister made some reference to that in his opening speech. In common with all of us, I believe he feels, and we all hope, that this proposed union with Britain is merely a stepping-stone to what we hope to achieve with Europe in a short time.

We have one major problem which has been referred to at various stages of this debate and which should not be overlooked even in such a brief summary as this. I refer to our representation of the employees and indeed it goes to the whole question of trade unions, employers' organisations, farmers' organisations and professional services.

Each section of our community must face the fact that their primary responsibility is not now, any more, merely to their own members but to the community. This is something which must be brought home to trade unions, to employers and to professional men, that you cannot advance the benefit of one without advancing the benefit of the other and that the detriment of one is accordingly the detriment of the other.

I have been discouraged to a certain extent by the rather reactionary and conservative language used in this connection by the trade union representatives in this House when they spoke in terms of forcing employers to export in order to survive. This cuts across the whole notion of private enterprise. That an employer should be forced to take a course which a worker should not be forced to take is something that does not occur in any social policy in relation to ordinary free enterprise. I can visualise situations where it would be in the interests of the community that an employer would broaden his markets but that he would be forced to do so to accommodate the interests of the workers, to the detriment of his own interest, is something we shall have to dismiss from our minds immediately.

I feel that the attitude of our unions, of representatives of employers' organisations, and so on, to the whole problem has been coloured by the rather unsuccessful series of negotiations we have had in these past few years. They cannot begin to realise that they are not any longer at a conference table negotiating for an increase in wages or for better terms. The first fundamental for all sections of the community is to look to their own problems and their own defects and to try to remedy these internally —and I say, in conscience, that this applies to professional services as well as to employer and employee organisations and, indeed, farming organisations. In that way, we shall all make a better effort towards effecting a common approach. Much abused though they may be, the only organisations that attempt—and I am not even sure that all of them do—to accommodate all views are the political Parties.

I feel the time is one for discipline and restraint. It is also one for hope and for co-operation. While I am sure Ministers and the Government will give us every indication of what steps are being taken, I think we are entitled to have some proper idea of what is being negotiated on our behalf in England. At the same time, to demand anything which might prejudice our ultimate advantage at this stage would certainly not be in our interests. As Senator Garret FitzGerald said yesterday evening, these talks may be most far-reaching. Personally, I hope they may achieve an aim to which everybody here has addressed his mind and, indeed, many previous Irishmen have held very dear.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

Before calling on Senator D.J. O'Sullivan, I would remind him that there is agreement to call on the Minister to conclude at 10 p.m.

I am aware that there was agreement but there was also an arrangement that I would be let in at 9.20 p.m. Could I be given 20 minutes?

Five minutes for me, please.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

If Senator D.J. O'Sullivan goes beyond 20 minutes, I shall call on the Minister.

Give Senator Seán Ó Donnabháin the five minutes.

Thank you. As other Senators have expressed it, this has certainly been an extraordinary debate. The House has been asked to deal with three very comprehensive measures, one of which would tempt the House to range over wide aspects of Government policy and administration. The manner in which the three measures have been grouped together has somewhat frustrated the debate. Then we had the injection by the Minister of references to the commencement of talks with Britain relative to a free trade area.

Much has been said on both sides of the House about the present situation of the country. The Minister said at the outset that we should not talk ourselves into a crisis—I agree—but neither should we attempt to talk ourselves out of a crisis. We must get, and rely upon, some practical demonstration of what the Government's attitude is in assessing the difficulties of the moment. Are there difficulties? What do they amount to? Are they any more than difficulties? Can they be described as any more than difficulties?

It has truly been said that if the Party on this side of the House were to resort to the tactics employed in 1956 by the Party now in Government when the inter-Party Government were in difficulties, we could have a most volatile political situation in this country at the moment. Speaking in the Dáil on the Second Reading of the Prices (Amendment) Bill on 13th July, 1965, the Leader of my Party, Deputy Cosgrave, said:

So far as this Party are concerned, we have always refrained from exploiting a serious economic position for Party purposes. However different the treatment we received in other circumstances may have been, we will continue to exercise the same restraint in the national interest.

We gave a good example of that for a very long time when the Government which were re-elected were seeking to make arrangements with regard to admissions to the EEC. What we resent is the switching in emphasis. It is all wrong, now, to describe this as a crisis. But we know and the country knows and we allege that, for political reasons, the truth was not told to the country until the people had voted in the general election. However, we know the facts.

There is credit restriction. We all know that now: it is admitted. The question of the balance of trade problem has not been adverted to by Senators opposite. It would be as well to admit it and to get the message across to our people that if it is to be rectified, we must have the understanding, the co-operation and the help of all sections of our community, no matter what their avocation may be. It is well for us to realise that.

However, it is not just enough to talk down to people and to exhort them. I now propose to quote from a statement made by the present Taoiseach when he was in Opposition and when the country was in somewhat similar circumstances.

Not half as bad.

Speaking in Dáil Éireann on 8th May, 1956, as reported in the Official Report, Volume 157, column 48, the Taoiseach had this to say:

What is the meaning of all this nonsense that the Minister for Finance is talking—the effect of increased costs upon the national economy—when Government costs are going up far more rapidly than any other? Is there any sense in this exhortation to our people to avoid increases in costs which have an inflationary effect when the Government will not set a lead?

Can the Minister for Finance find in all the industrial activities carried on in this country, in all the business firms which are supposed to listen to his exhortation, any single one of them in which costs have risen as much as they have risen in the Government service? Does he not think that example is much better than precept and that he should begin his exhortation by announcing what he is going to do to bring down the costs of Government or to stop them rising?

Now he is leading the way. The Taoiseach is back in office leading a new Government. Let him now implement what he exhorted another Government to do in similar circumstances some years ago. He has plenty of experience of Government, both as a prominent Minister and now as Leader, to implement the advice he offered so clearly and so cogently when he was in a position to do so as Leader of the Opposition.

Of course, that veteran of debates, Deputy MacEntee, could not be expected to remain silent. He said:

The Minister, of course, promised that at some not far distant date, we will have substantial economies in the Civil Service. Again, on this matter, an ounce of example is worth a ton of precept.

Repeatedly through the pages of the debates, we find this cliché is trotted out regarding example being worth more than precept. He went on:

Who is going to believe that this Government is serious or in earnest about tackling our economic problems when we see Ministers flying around helter-skelter all over the Continent, and, indeed, all over the world? It is a sorry thing to have to say, but here we are after the Coalition has wasted our substance and brought us to the condition in which we are today asking the foreigners to come in and take us over and save us from ourselves.

That is the only possible policy that now informs the actions of the Coalition, when deposits are flying out of our banks and our external assets have dwindled to the point at which they are almost unable to carry our present volume of trade. What is the Coalition cure for it all? Bringing in the foreigners — shades of Dermot MacMurrough — to restore order to our economy and save us from ourselves!

We are asked in the course of this debate to deal with the prices situation.

The Senator might give the reference.

I will give the Minister the reference.

I do not want it but the Senator might give it for the sake of the Official Reporter.

There are many references which are most interesting. The first quotation was from Volume 157 of the Dáil Debates, column 48 and the second was from the same volume, column 185.

One of the items of legislation this Government have introduced to remedy the present difficulty is the Prices Bill, one of the measures the House is at present discussing. We assume the members of the Government sat around the Cabinet table, deliberated at some length on the circumstances and decided to introduce a Prices Bill. We assume they have some faith in their own measure, and in particular, we would expect the Leader of the Government to have faith in it. Today we listened to Senator Ryan saying that in his view one of the effects of the implementation of the Bill would be a rise in prices of some commodities. Far from enthusiasm, there appears to be no faith in the efficacy of this measure.

In case anybody has any doubt about what the Taoiseach thinks about it, let me quote from the same volume, column 612, when he was referring to the issue of rising prices. He went on to say:

I am not thinking now of the apparatus of inquiries by the Prices Advisory Body and the making of regulations by the Minister for Industry and Commerce—all that silly nonsense that the Government maintains to keep alive the illusion that they are continuing to do something about prices.

Those are the words of the Minister's leader.

Would the Senator give the title of that debate?

Resolution No. 10 in the Budget debate of 1956.

The Minister cannot believe his ears.

I thought it might be the same volume from which I can easily quote the Senator's leader.

It is the Minister's leader who now has responsibility for Government and who has launched the Minister into this House to pilot the Prices Bill through it. I am telling him what his leader thinks of his own Prices Bill.

Let us hear what you think about it.

That is not the only thing Deputy Lemass had a solution for. He also had a solution for the problem of deposits leaving the country. He asked to what extent was the decline in bank deposits due to the fact that deposits were leaving the country and going elsewhere and went on:

Does the Minister for Finance not know that there are industrial finance houses in England at the present time advertising their willingness to take short term deposits and pay 6½ per cent on them? Has any estimate been made of the extent to which deposit funds are being lost to this country by reason of the fact that they can be more profitably applied elsewhere? Is that situation to be allowed to continue unchecked in face of the consequence to this country?

South Africa had a somewhat similar problem. Their situation was in many respects similar to ours. South Africa is in the sterling area and had free transferability of funds within the sterling area. When the bank rate in England was increased recently they had to face this problem. They saw the likelihood that funds would move from South Africa to London because of the higher rates prevailing there. They appreciated that the consequences to South Africa might be serious. They faced the two alternatives there —either to push up their own interest rates in line with the British rates in order to prevent the outward flow of the funds or impose restrictions on the transfer of the funds. They adopted the latter course and imposed restrictions on the transfer of funds to London.

In that respect Deputy Lemass, as he then was, has committed himself very forcibly to the solution he recommended at that time to the Government then in office. He recommended the imposition of restrictions on the transfer of funds to remedy the situation existing at that time.

This matter of increased costs has been dealt with at great length. We could deal with it for days on end. In the limited few minutes available to me, I should like to deal with it at greater length. We lost a glorious opportunity when we could have guaranteed the stabilisation of the cost of living by the retention of the food subsidies. Looking back now, whatever the theorists may say about it, we could have developed an economy in which our costs could have been kept down and we would have been in a far better position to avail of external markets because we would not have had the spiral of increasing costs which unfortunately the country has experienced in recent years. The spark given to this spiral was the initiation of the turnover tax. Senator Dr. Ryan today in defence of his actions referred again to the figure of 2½ per cent and said nobody objected to it. Of course the people who were most vociferous in objecting to it at the commencement quite suddenly became converted to the idea of the additional trouble involved in the collection of the tax from their customers, because they found they could make it pay. We know that, far from its being 2½ per cent, it ranges from at least three per cent to seven per cent.

Furthermore, they were given the green light by the Minister at the time to impose an additional charge for the expense involved in the collection of the tax. We know the Government are concerned at the fact that they are not getting the revenue from the tax they expected. We know that, despite the allegations of the present Minister for Agriculture that two computers could handle the whole thing and there was no need to engage inspectors, the Government are actively engaged in the employment of sufficient inspectors to guarantee they will rake off all they expected.

I want to deal with the statement of the former Minister for Finance, Senator Dr. Ryan, when he played down the increase in costs that has occurred and said that in fact it was one of the lowest increases in Europe.

He did not say that.

He said we were about the average.

Let me deal, so, with the average. That makes it quite firm. I will accept the Senator's definition of what Senator Ryan said, that he did not say we were one of the lowest, that he said we were the average. I am sure the Senator and Senator Dr. Ryan will accept the May issue of the OECD Main Economic Indicators which shows that in the 18 months from the third quarter of 1963 to the first quarter of this year consumer prices rose in Ireland by 11 per cent and that in only two western European countries did prices rise more rapidly during this period—Spain and Iceland. In all of the other 15 western European countries prices rose less sharply than in Ireland—by about 6 per cent on average.

In a very limited period.

These are the latest available figures and the operative figures as far as we are concerned. We are dealing with the prices situation confronting the country at the moment, not as it existed three or four years ago.

My time is limited and there are a number of other questions that I wanted to put to the Minister before he rises to reply. There are any number of points raised by other Senators that I wished to comment on. Unfortunately, time does not permit. I wish, before I conclude, to go back to the proposal to form this free trade area with Britain. I want to know whether there was miscalculation in the timing of the parliamentary arrangements for both Houses. It would seem that the Leader of the Government has only one peer in Europe in his contempt for Parliament. It was not expected that the Dáil would sit for as long as it did; it was to adjourn a week earlier. Consequently, if it had adjourned, we would not have had the opportunity that has been presented to us these last two days to have the say we did have in relation to the trade talks with Britain.

Yes you would. You would still be here.

At any rate, the opportunity has been presented. It is regrettable that both Houses will not have more time in the months to come to discuss the position and to ascertain just what is involved. I should like to know in the interim what steps the Minister and the Government propose to take regarding consultations with Irish industrialists, trade unions and affected parties in relation to it.

It is true, as Senator Ó Maoláin has said, that in relation to an ordinary— and I stress "ordinary"—trade agreement, the Government making the agreement must come back and place it before both Houses, where the implications can be discussed. This proposal is comparable with our application to enter the EEC, in which case there were 18 months of information, of discussion and of debate and there was not a society of any account in the country that did not apply itself to the implications of entry to the EEC and so we had a people who were informed, who were prepared and who understood the implications. This proposed Agreement is just as serious a matter and there is this difference of attitude on the part of the Government.

Senator McQuillan said the people did not know a word about the EEC. Apparently, they did.

There were some who did; there were some who did not, and there were some in high places who did not. The question I should like to have the Minister determine is a question of interpretation in a commentary on Telefís Éireann. In fact, Senator Ó Maoláin made a reference to the matter. I want to know if the interpretation is correct regarding the qualifications for entry to GATT. I should like the Minister to clarify the matter. I got a somewhat different impression from listening to the Minister's opening statement. The interpretation is that it is permissible to join GATT and maintain the existing trade agreements with their present preferential arrangements with Britain or with any country, that the inhibition comes in relation to an expansion of existing preferences, that now the situation is presented where there is the obligation to be aligned in a free trade arrangement but that one could gain entry to GATT on acceptance of the existing arrangements as they operate at this time.

These are some of the remarks that I have to make in relation to this agreement. There are several others that I should like to make in relation to the Appropriation Bill and other Bills but, unfortunately, due to the manner in which the Bills have been grouped, many of us have been completely frustrated in the time available to us and the wide scope permissible in the debate both yesterday and today. In addition, it is unfortunate that the Government are hampered at this time by the regrettable printers' strike. It is desirable that they should take the people completely into their confidence and tell them what the situation is, as to whether there is need for the credit restriction and, in relation to the announcement of the Taoiseach that in order to correct the situation he was obliged to cut some £8½ million from the capital programme that was voted this year, we should like to know the details of this cut back in the capital programme and what effect it may have on employment and the administration of the services for which this money was originally voted.

The Taoiseach did not say quite frankly that this is what he was doing. He said he was going to cut back to the level envisaged in the Second Programme. This means precisely a reduction in the capital expenditure this year of that figure, in an effort, with others such as the Prices Bill in which he has no faith, to correct a situation for which the Government can claim to a great extent to be responsible.

If there is one fact that emerges clearly and has not been refuted in the course of this discussion, it is the fact, so lucidly presented by Senator FitzGerald and repeated by Senator Murphy, that the argument that all the blame for the increase in the cost of living must be laid at the door of the workers who secured an increase of 12 per cent is fallacious. This increase contributes to the spiral in the cost of living but there were other factors. Government taxation and Government expenditure have also played their part and must be made responsible for that part. It is the Government's responsibility to bring in the correctives.

I will try to be brief because the hour is late and I have been listening to a lot of contributions, not only here but in the Dáil, ranging back to the ordinal Budget debate right through the various Stages of the Finance Bill, and it is difficult to remember all the points, even though I thought I had them fairly well marshalled in relation to this debate, but they have got a bit mixed up.

I want to explain—I do not think it is really necessary, but some Senators referred to the fact that we had to discuss three Bills together—that the reason we got such ready agreement for that arrangement was, first of all, the necessity for the introduction of the Prices Bill at the time, the fact that we had a succession of other circumstances like the general election, the late introduction of the Budget, the protracted debate on the Finance Bill in the Dáil and the difficulty of having printing done which, of course, precluded the possibility of the Seanad meeting last week when it would have been possible to have the Second Reading of the Finance Bill and, indeed, of the Appropriation Bill, before the House. So that, while I appreciate the difficulties of Senators having to debate three Bills at one time, with certain references to the trade negotiations now going on, it was, in the circumstances, inevitable, particularly because the Appropriation Bill and the Finance Bill have to be passed, in the case of the Appropriation Bill by 1st August and in the case of the Finance Bill by 5th August.

Senator Quinlan said at the outset of his remarks that it would be impossible for any Minister to compass this debate in his reply. I think he said even all subjects, much less points. He prefaced his remarks by a protestation of his independence here in the House.

On a point of information——

I am not looking for information. I want to make my own comment on that. I know Senator Quinlan a long time. I was in the same college with him at about the same time. I have come into this House on a number of occasions and I have yet to see the slightest evidence of Senator Quinlan's independance vis-à-vis this Government. I have never seen him once support any proposal that the Government put forward in the House on which there was any opposition.

His knowledge must be very limited.

I want to give Senator Quinlan every acknowledgment of his right to oppose Fianna Fáil, as long as he does not pretend he is independent.

I stand as an Independent and I act as an Independent.

I have known the Senator for a long time. I am friendly with him. I admire his views but as long as he tells us he is anti-Fianna Fáil, if that is the type of independence we can expect——

I was not anti-Fianna Fáil when I voted No. 1 for the Minister.

I have only the evidence of what I hear and see.

I want to protest against these interruptions. I was not allowed five minutes and the Senator is wasting ten. I shall continue to object if the Senator persists in interrupting.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

The Minister, to conclude the debate without interruption.

Why did the Senator not offer to speak after Senator FitzGerald?

Since Senator Garret FitzGerald has been brought into it, I might as well continue. I always regarded Senator Garret FitzGerald as being a very objective contributor on economic affairs before he came into this House.

The Minister nearly said "independent".

No. I always knew what his political affiliations were and for that reason I admired the reasonable degree of objectivity he showed in his articles. I do not think he was a member of the Fine Gael Party then but as far as I know, he made no secret of his affiliations. When he was elected to this House on the Fine Gael ticket and appointed to the Fine Gael Front Bench, I did not really expect him to maintain that same degree of objectivity when he was commenting on economic affairs, but I certainly did not anticipate that he would have lost it to the extent he displayed here yesterday when he was discussing the trade negotiations now going on and I did not expect that he would treat the matter in such an emotional way.

Senator FitzGerald inferred that the Government went into these negotiations—I think Senator Ó Maoláin dealt with that—without taking account of what the reduction of tariffs would mean. Then he tried to qualify that here this afternoon: he knew the Government had taken account of what the reduction of tariffs would mean vis-à-vis EEC but not vis-à-vis Britain. I cannot see the distinction because Britain would have been in the EEC at the time and we would have expected the same type of industrial competition from Britain as we would get from the EEC. The Senator himself was a member of many of the committees, certainly of the Committee on Industrial Organisation and many of the sub-committees, that investigated our capacity to withstand competition under free trade conditions. We expected the same type of competition from Britain as from Germany or France and to suggest that the Government were unaware of what the effect of that free industrial competition from Britain would be and that the Government would not be in a position to assess that is rather naive.

To be fair to myself, the point I was making—I am sorry if I did not make it clear— was not that we did not know what the impact of free trade would be here. This has been well and clearly established by the excellent surveys carried out under the auspices of the Government. What we did not know was how much of the compensating gains in exports in conditions of Western European free trade we would get if we did not get access to new markets in the EEC. I made that point yesterday. I did not make it merely in reply to Senator Ó Maoláin today.

I do not remember that qualification yesterday, but if the Senator says he made it, I shall accept it. However, when we are talking about a reduction of tariffs, we talk primarily of the effect it will have on our industries here, and we have fully tested that. We have taken all the steps it is possible to take and we will be able to continue to take them, even if we negotiate this Agreement. I am sure the Senator will acknowledge that the Government and their advisers are in a position as good as he is in to assess what this effect will be. I do not know whether he will be surprised to hear it but certainly it is my experience that the type of advice available to us is advice on which I am very happy to act. Having received the advice and having applied our own thinking to it, I am sure the Senator will accept we are capable of exercising judgment as to whether the arrangements we try to come to will be in our own interests.

The suggestion that we were tying ourselves to the "sick man of Europe" and that we were limiting our freedom of action was rather emotional. Not only were a great deal of his remarks emotional in this respect, but having, as I thought he was doing, examined the prospect of our free trade area proposition with Britain, he went on to tell us apparently that a lot of the premises on which he was basing his arguments were rumours. Let me say that whether the Taoiseach or anybody else was here little more could have been said about this trade agreement than I said during the course of my opening remarks. Senator Quinlan suggested that we ought to have an all-Party committee sitting in with the Government representatives and negotiating this agreement.

Not negotiating.

I wonder what kind of a welcome we would get in Whitehall if we brought over three or four people who had no responsibility for government. It is no analogy to say that the people of Ireland knew exactly what was happening in the case of our application for membership of the EEC and did not know exactly what was happening in relation to the negotiation of this agreement. Everybody knew or was in a position to know if he bothered to find out what the terms of access to the Rome Treaty were. There were certain easements that we would have had to try to negotiate for ourselves if negotiations proper started but, by and large, people knew what was involved.

In the case of a trade agreement, however, that is something that is created around the conference table and something that has to be kept confidential up to a very late point. The suggestion was made that we did not consult industrialists and that we did not consult the farmers in advance. Until the meeting took place in London last Monday, there was nothing we could indicate at all to the people generally as to what was afoot, because we did not know up to that time although we had a good idea from the reports of the civil servants and from the frequent conferences that took place between what is called the Cabinet Economic Committee and the senior civil servants, of what was going on; but until such time as the Ministers met and got over what might be described as some of the very major humps, it was not possible for the Government, for me or anybody else, to indicate even in a general way what form this trade agreement was likely to take.

There are still humps to be got over. The Taoiseach made that clear when interviewed on television, both in London and at Dublin Airport, both of which interviews were recorded and relayed here. It would appear as from now on that, provided we can produce satisfactory arrangements on certain outstanding matters, a free trade area agreement should be possible. However, before I proceed further on this line, I should like to recapitulate what led up to this.

When I introduced the Bill, I mentioned that the arrangements under which we operate our trade with Britain stemmed from the Ottawa Agreement of 1932 which created this preferential system. That subsequently enabled the 1938 Agreement to be made. That Agreement, of course, did a great many other things besides create access for our industrial goods and most of our agricultural goods to the British market. That Agreement was amended to some extent in 1948 and, again, to some extent in 1960. In 1958, and for some years before it, we were, as members of the Organisation for European Economic Co-operation, in negotiation on the original free trade area concept for Europe. As the House is aware, the Rome Treaty had been signed and the original negotiations for this European Free Trade area broke up in, I think, October, 1958 at the famous meeting in the Chateau La Muette in Paris.

Shortly after that, the British with the Scandinavian countries principally, and some others, decided they would establish a free trade area. This ultimately came to be known as the Stockholm Agreement. This Agreement took no account whatever of agricultural produce. It provided, when the tariffs inter se between all the countries to that Agreement had been removed, for access to the British market, without tariff, of their industrial goods. By and large, we already had that access. Having already reached that situation ourselves, remembering that the Agreement took no account of agricultural produce and that, under it, we would be obliged to reduce tariffs against these Scandinavian countries and open our market to them, without the prospect of any corresponding market in these countries for the goods we produce, the EFTA Agreement was naturally not attractive to us and we, therefore, took no active steps. Indeed, we were not invited to accede to EFTA.

We were, however, interested, and always had been, in the European Economic Community, even though we knew membership of the Community would pose very difficult problems for us. We knew, too, that the setting-up of EFTA was a possible base, on one side, on which Britain and some of the EFTA countries could eventually erect a bridge connecting with the EEC base on the other side. Apparently, however, the British decided that this bridge, if it were built, would not be strong enough to carry their weight or the weight of the other EFTA partners into the EEC and they decided, therefore, in 1961 to apply for membership of the European Economic Community. We applied immediately and, as it happened, our application was on the table of the EEC central body in advance, I think, of the British application. We were naturally interested in the success, if it was to be, of the British applicaton because the EEC would have provided an outlet for our agricultural goods, even if that outlet meant reducing over a period up to 1970 our industrial tariffs.

Everybody knows what has happened since. In the meantime the EEC countries have been going ahead and continuing to reduce their tariffs between themselves. Simultaneously, the EFTA countries have been reducing their tariffs. In one case tariffs will be gone by, I think, the end of this year and, in the other, by the end of next year. In both cases it is only a matter of months before tariffs disappear altogether. In that situation we could not naturally isolate ourselves from this movement towards free trade. As a voluntary exercise and as a means of ensuring, if and when our membership could be re-activated, our industry would at least be in as good a position as we could possibly make it, we set up, shortly before our application was made, the CIO. Senator FitzGerald will remember that.

We know the work it did. We know the effect the Government gave to the CIO recommendations as part of the work of preparation, which included, of course, the giving of special adaptation grants, the setting-up of a technical assistance grant scheme, and many other devices of a similar nature. We started this rhythm of tariff reduction, which we intended to continue on a unilateral basis. I do not mind telling the House—I think I mentioned this before—that some industrialists, who were apprehensive about the first ten per cent tariff cut, came to me afterwards and admitted that the tariff cut stimulated a tremendous effort on their part and on the part of their employees, so much so that they did not feel the draught at all at that stage.

I do not deny that with the third and fourth ten per cent cut, they may have felt a draught, but we believe the preparations we had encouraged them to make, which most of them are, in fact, making, would ensure their becoming sufficiently competitive ultimately for the majority of our industries, at any rate, to accede to the Common Market, given the rhythm in tariff reduction we expected to get.

Some Senators suggested inconsistency in our attitude, but surely it is not inconsistent for us, as part of this exercise in tariff reduction, if we felt it was good for us in one way, to try to get some advantages with it in another way. When the British surcharge of 15 per cent was imposed last October, we immediately sought discussions at the highest possible level with the British Government, and we got them. The Taoiseach and I—I was Minister for Industry and Commerce—and some officials went to London on 5th November and there met the Prime Minister and the Secretary for Economic Affairs, who is regarded as Deputy Prime Minister. We were told in no uncertain terms then that it was impossible for the British Government to give us any relief of that 15 per cent surcharge, having regard to Britain's commitments in many other directions to the EFTA countries, to the Commonwealth countries and to many other dependencies.

We had to acknowledge the situation. Apart from telling them that we proposed to take certain steps ourselves, which might not be of a retaliatory nature, we said: "This is another indication of the eroding of the benefits. we have under our existing trading arrangements and we think, therefore, that we ought to do something more about these now, and something new, if that is at all possible." That is how the talks started.

This brings me on to the suggestion that there is something we are trying to hide by reason of the fact that we got to London only last Monday. I am sure the House will remember that the Taoiseach, when he came back, mentioned the possibility of a new trade agreement being negotiated and also that he was prepared to send two of his Ministers, or as many as they wanted, almost immediately, and certainly immediately after Christmas, if the British Government were ready then to initiate negotiations. Unfortunately, the British Ministers had a lot of work to do at that time—they still have. Nevertheless we insisted on going ahead with negotiations at official level and that brought the negotiations up to the position reached last Monday.

In the meantime, Senators who complain about this timing are inclined to forget that we had a general election campaign. On the basis that even if we were not elected as a Government, an incoming Government would have pursued the negotiations, even if not to the point of agreement, we insisted that the officials would continue and they did in fact meet right through the compaign and, if I am not mistaken, a day or two after election day. We were anxious to pursue the position reached by the officials but naturally it was not for us or for the British to fix the date. A day mutually acceptable had to be found. I can assure the House that there was no attempt whatever to hold back that last meeting until after the Dáil had adjourned.

Senators opposite, I think, know better than I do that Fine Gael and the Labour Party were more anxious to adjourn the Dáil earlier in July than we were and they made suggestions to us to that effect for good reasons of their own. The Irish Congress of Trade Unions conference was being held in Cork and Fine Gael had some other good reason. We were trying to facilitate them but because of the length of time Fine Gael took on the Committee Stage of the Finance Bill, they kept the Labour Party from discussing the Prices Bill.

A good job was done on the Finance Bill and I trust the Minister appreciates that.

Of course I shall acknowledge that at any time. I am happy to acknowledge it. That is the history of the negotiations and what led up to them to the present.

Senator FitzGerald refers to "this fait accompli.” He knows in his heart that is a completely inapt term to use in the circumstances: he knows there is no fait accompli. If he read the communiqué, he would know that.

Does that mean that the Minister would be prepared to say that the Dáil and Seanad would have an opportunity to debate the principle of a free trade area with Britain before the agreement is signed in order that there will not be a fait accompli on the principle?

The Senator knows as well as I do the principle that is followed in these cases.

There is no question of "these cases". This is a unique agreement of a kind we have never entered into before.

(Interruptions.)

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

The Minister, to conclude.

We can put up with a certain amount of that.

These arguments about tying ourselves to the sick man of Europe and limiting our freedom of action surely make no sense if Senators are realistic. This Government, or I may say any other Government, will have the national interest at heart in whatever they do, especially in matters economic and political. I want to assure the House that there will be no agreement, free trade or otherwise, unless it is judged to be in the best interests of Ireland. It is the duty of the Government in power to ensure that and that is the function the people gave the Government when electing them.

May I ask how can our dependency be increased if by negotiating such an agreement, we can increase our economic strength? Surely the stronger we are economically, the greater our independence will be? The free trade area, if it offers us a reasonable balance of advantages, will help our exports agricultural and industrial and that is the key as we have so often admitted here and accepted, to our economic growth. As the House is aware, we have extracted as much benefit as possible from protection and as long ago as 1958 when the First Programme of Economic Expansion was published, we said that free trade was coming and we warned industrialists and everybody else that tariffs would have to be reduced in order to meet it. We were prepared to have free trade in a common market context not only in favour of the continenal Six but in favour of Britain also. Now, it is a question of only Britain and only if we can become competitive there I think we would be better able to sell our goods everywhere else as well. In a free trade area, there is no surrender of sovereignty as Senator FitzGerald well knows, and indeed much less a surrender of sovereignty—none at all in fact—compared with membership of the Common Market which he advocates so readily here. There is a certain surrender of sovereignty in the Common Market because you are not completely free to negotiate all your economic affairs and I think the Senator will readily acknowledge that.

I made no objection to the surrender of sovereignty.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

The Minister should be allowed to speak without interruption.

The Senator referred to freedom of action and Senator Sheehy Skeffington backed him up by referring to the free trade area as the United Kingdom as he knew it. I would like to ask the Senator would he agree with me that we would be quite independent economically except in so far as a free trade area will oblige us ultimately to get rid of this now outmoded system of tariffs? And it is outmoded because although tariffs exist throughout the world, they are due ultimately to be eliminated. Other than that, we are free to follow our fiscal policy and our own development policy as we wish.

Did Sweden and Norway consider in any way that they were limiting their freedom of action or their independence when they became members of EFTA? Did they consider that they were tying themselves to the sick man of Europe? Did Switzerland, possibly the most sensitive country in Europe so far as sovereignty and neutrality are concerned, consider that she was limiting her sovereignty or independence in any way when she joined EFTA? Surely everybody knows that in order to maintain our sovereignty, we must be strong and in order to become strong, we must take advantage of whatever means is available of increasing our trade. In our case that means increasing our exports. A bilateral trade agreement with Britain would be for us an interim objective. We see it as a help to our economic advance, a sensible move in the right direction that we must follow if we are to ensure the optimum use of our resources and the degree of efficiency necessary for progress in an increasingly competitive world. Our object is membership of an enlarged EEC of which Britain would also be a member and it is with Britain bilaterally that we are in a position to make the best interim trade arrangement.

Senator FitzGerald made reference to Western Germany having been able to continue the right to import goods without the application of common external tariffs to goods made in Eastern Germany. He also mentioned the possibility that we might have done something such as Austria had done in the way of association. But I am sure he knows better than I do that the considerations which apply to these two arrangements, the arrangements between Western and Eastern Germany, in a Common Market context, and the suggested arrangement as far as Austria is concerned—because it is by no means certain of coming off —have no analogy as between their position and ours.

I want to repeat that it is our own economic interests and nothing else which motivated the negotiations at present in train with Britain. The trading relations which we already have with Britain are close to that of a free trade area and the free trade area description in GATT refers to substantially all the trade between two countries being free. We have some 72 per cent of our total exports, and 79 per cent of our total agricultural exports, going to the British market, many of these being completely free of tariffs. Plans for the expansion of these exports cannot ignore the necessity for obtaining and retaining access to the British market, at the same time being free to see whatever other markets we can get in any other part of the world. No surrender of sovereignty is involved in the kind of trade agreement under discussion. Our influence in the world is to a considerable extent a function of our economic strength and if we have a stagnant rather than a progressive economy, we will be vulnerable politically as well as economically. These, therefore, are the considerations behind our present negotiations which, I am glad to hear, the majority of members of the Seanad hope will come to a successful conclusion.

There were one or two points raised by Senator O'Sullivan. One in particular was what the position would be in relation to the existing preferences if we accede to GATT. It is by no means certain but we believe we could retain existing preferences, but we are bound to give Britain preferences in any new tariffs. We are bound by our agreement with Britain but on the other hand, we would not be permitted to do so in GATT. To that extent we would not be able to accede to GATT but within the free trade area context, we can cause these preferences to be given to countries forming a free trade area or within a customs union.

Senator FitzGerald became much more objective when dealing with the prices legislation, with our economy, with industrial relations and so on. I have some notes but I think it would be unfair to detain the House by going into them fully, but I want to assure the House that the Government made no secret of the fact that economic difficulties exist at present. As I said at the outset, our economic expansion was increasing by about four and a half per cent per annum since 1958 and it may fall slightly this year but some Senator—I think, Senator McQuillan—was kind enough to say that in a small country when the economy is moving well, there is bound to be some trouble arising. If a car goes down a hill and reaches a corner, someone has to put on the brake, gently at any rate, for a start. That is what we have done. The banks had been advancing credit far beyond the resources of their deposits and it was necessary to indicate to the banks that they should not increase their lending at the rate they had been doing. To the extent that they had credit facilities available they were advised to confine them as far as possible to productive purposes.

I was going to deal with a lot of other points which were made but I think it is rather too late; I spent too much time on the free trade area negotiations. I want to say, however, in reference to industrial relations that I recognised at a very early stage— in fact it was forcibly borne in on me having to intervene in strikes—that our industrial relations legislation needed overhauling. The first suggestion at that time—that was in 1961—was that the Labour Court had outlived its usefulness and ought to go. That was a feeling which was quite prevalent throughout the country at the time but when I tested whether that feeling was shared generally, and particularly by the trade unions and the employers' organisations, I was told very trenchantly that the Labour Court must stay, that it had performed a useful function and could continue to do so.

The next step, therefore, was to see to what extent the Labour Court machinery could be improved. Even as far back as that, I started negotiations with both organisations but these unfortunately were interrupted by a number of serious strikes but shortly before the election I decided that it was time to get down to this thing in a realistic and, if necessary, aggressive way, and start these negotiations again. In the meantime, I had been in negotiation with the Irish Congress of Trade Unions about the necessity for amending trade union law and, if possible, rationalisation of the trade unions themselves. The Congress representatives told me at the time that they had undertaken, or intended to undertake, exercises to this effect and that they knew, as well as I should know, that these were slow and often painful processes. Nevertheless, I told them I was prepared to give them whatever facilities they required by suggesting amending legislation to strengthen Congress in whatever way I could to achieve the purpose. My successor, the Minister for Industry and Commerce. Dr. Hillery, is now carrying this on and hopes that in a short time he will have the framework of amending legislation. I am not going to comment on who is responsible for what but I think there were faults on both sides.

I was hoping that Senator FitzGerald might develop his remarks about an incomes policy because I would be interested to know what he understands by an incomes policy. There is a lot of loose thinking on this matter and his remarks might have been of some assistance to the House. However, he did not develop them except to say that as a result of decisions at the conference of the Irish Congress of Trade Unions recently, there would be a possibility of evolving an incomes policy.

I just want to say something now in relation to Senator Quinlan's suggestion that the Department of Agriculture should allow the NFA to become members of the NIEC.

That agriculture should be represented, I did not say by whom.

The Taoiseach has said that the door is open for agricultural representation as soon as it is possible for them——

The sooner the better.

As the Senator knows, there are stresses and strains within agricultural organisations which are very difficult to resolve and as far as I know these difficulties have led them not to seek membership of the NIEC at present.

Speaking of the NIEC, Senator FitzGerald suggested that political Parties should have observers in it, but I would not go for that suggestion at all. He made that suggestion because he thought the Government were not getting a proper feed back on what was happening in the NIEC. Of course, he knows that the Government, through the Civil Service, receive all the necessary information. There is an indication of the danger—I am not saying there is a danger here— of political observers being there which was illustrated by one piece of Senator FitzGerald's speech. When as he used, perhaps unwittingly, a recent report, hitherto unpublished, of the NIEC, practically word for word, he caught my ears because I read the report only recently. The report was on development centres. I know the Senator did it unwittingly and I am not making any allegations. The portion he referred to dealt with the north western part of the country.

I was giving ideas which were my own. The proposal of the NIEC with regard to the northern part of the country, originated from an idea of mine. My idea was adopted by the NIEC rather than vice versa.

I accept that the Senator used words of his own which happened to be word for word what appeared in the NIEC report, hitherto unpublished. I am not suggesting there is anything sinister in that. The Senator may have contributed to the report. I merely mention the fact that the Senator, unwittingly perhaps, used words in advance of publication of the document. The words used by the Senator make no great difference, but political observers may be in on these things.

I shall deal quickly with Senator Sheehy Skeffington's observations about teaching and education generally. I shall not go into all the points he made because I was not here all the time. Besides it would take a very long time. I do not know whether the Senator was being facetious. If he was not, I am sorry for having used the word. He appeared to have a smirk on his face when he criticised our system of education. He spoke of a former Minister for Education as a man in dungarees keeping the knocking out of pipes.

The metaphor was not mine.

The Senator carried it on.

The Minister carried it on.

He went on to criticise me. I should like to remind the Senator that when I became Minister for Education, in a short time I almost doubled the school building programme. I wasted no time in sanctioning an increase in the training college facilities. I abolished the marriage ban to ensure that a large number of trained teachers would be immediately available.

That was excellent.

I shall not recount all the activities I carried out while in Marlborough Street, but at an early stage I walked every hall and treaded every cobblestone of Trinity College and with the indulgence of a very able and understanding colleague. Senator Ryan, then Minister for Finance, I increased considerably the State grant to Trinity. My dungarees were not too clean when I left the Department of Education. I now come to Senator Sheehy Skeffington's old hobby horse of punishment in schools. The only case brought against a teacher in the entire country for a long time he used to decry our educational system. I shall repeat what Senator Sheehy Skeffington said in this respect. He said he would hate to think that the pictorial symbol of Irish national school education would be a picture of a man beating a child with a stick.

I said an adult.

An adult beating a child with a stick. He said he did not think it ought to be the symbol and that if that adult were dressed in clerical garb, the picture would not be any more attractive. He said it made a picture in his mind of which he, as an Irishman, feels ashamed. There was no qualification: he feels ashamed. If he had said "I would feel ashamed", I might have felt there was no attempt to distort the picture. We have more than 502,201 national pupils in the country and a total of 14,297 national teachers. We have 695,000 students between national schools, secondary schools and vocational schools and 24,943 teachers. The one instance out of all those figures of a case brought against a teacher for beating a child is given here as a pictorial symbol of our primary education system. It is unfair to the great bulk of our teachers, to 99.999 per cent of our teaching body, to present this pictorial symbol.

I remember the Minister in the Dáil washing his hands of every case brought before him. He said it was not his business. That also was his method of dealing with questions of overcrowding.

The Minister wrote to those concerned.

I took the trouble of asking in writing last week how many classes contained more than 40 and less than 50, more than 50 and less than 60, more——

——on the 24th July, received in the Department on 28th July.

It was a question asked repeatedly since 1956, but never answered.

Today is July 29th. The Senator did not tell the House——

I hoped for a reply from the Minister here.

His letter was received in the Department on the very day he was speaking here.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

The Minister should be allowed to make his reply.

The Senator was not satisfied with picking out this isolated case of one pupil out of almost 700,000 and one teacher out of almost 25,000. He had to speak about Canon Troy. I am not a defensor fidei neither of Senator Sheehy Skeffington's nor of my own but I can tell the Seanad that a large section of the public in Dublin know Canon Troy and know that it would be hard to meet a person who has the interests of children at heart more than he has. He has given proof of that interest.

The Senator spoke about overcrowding and sugested that this occurs only in schools that poorer children attend. He should know that it is only in the areas where there has been a population explosion, where there has been much local authority building and, indeed, speculative building, that any serious overcrowding occurs. Such a population explosion naturally creates an immediate difficulty in infants' schools. The authorities in Dublin, and particularly in Ballyfermot, have tackled this problem. The programme in Ballyfermot produced at the time the biggest school project in the whole of Europe, but if they built all the infant classrooms immediately required you would have, in the fullness of time, infants' schools as white elephants throughout the whole area. The Senator ought to know enough about education generally to realise that fact.

I asked for the latest figures available on overcrowding in Dublin schools.

(Interruptions.)

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

The Minister must be allowed to speak.

Instead they adopted and continue to adopt in the areas where a similar problem arises the sensible alternative of providing transport to schools where there is plenty of accommodation until demand leaves off as between age groups. I have seen the same difficulties arising in what you would call speculative building areas where young couples go in, buy their own houses and raise their families. When you have a lot of people in those areas, congestion takes place in the schools. Congestion problems arise in those areas as well as in others because the parents who occupy these houses are newly or recently married. In the normal course of events there will soon be big demand for school accommodation for infants and younger pupils that will not be repeated. However, the Minister for Education has given an indication of what he is going to do and, indeed, his immediate predecessor, Dr. Hillery, and myself gave a fair enough earnest of what we were doing to relieve the school crowding position and the pupil/teacher ratio.

But no figures yet for Dublin's overcrowded classes.

I might say, in this respect, from the particulars supplied to me, that the Minister for Education has undertaken a detailed review of the position. There is no doubt that review will be available for publication. In the meantime, as a result of reorganisation in Dublin, it can now be said the great majority of classes of over 50 have been eliminated. Similar reorganisation is taking place in Cork city, the other centre referred to by the Senator.

A very shifty answer to a simple question.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

The Minister must be allowed to continue without interruption.

The facts are not yet available after 9 years of inquiry.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

The Senator must cease interrupting and allow the Minister to continue.

The Senator, who presumes to know a lot about education, must know facts change from month to month and from year to year. I was trying to indicate some of the difficulties, in the case I mentioned, where young children grow up together and then leave the district. I shall not delay the House any longer. I have occupied somewhat less than the hour I expected to take. I am asking the House for the Second Reading of the three Bills.

Question put and agreed to.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

It has already been agreed that the Committee Stage be taken tomorrow at 10.30 a.m.

When will it be possible to submit recommendations to this Bill?

Tomorrow at 10.30 a.m.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

The House has agreed that the Committee Stage be taken at 10.30 a.m. tomorrow. The Leader of the House has indicated that recommendations will be accepted up to that time.

Can they be circulated?

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

Every effort will be made to circulate them.

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