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Seanad Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 12 Jan 1966

Vol. 60 No. 9

Electoral (Amendment) Bill, 1965: Second and Subsequent Stages.

Question proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

This Bill will change the basis of registration for electoral purposes of patients in hospitals, homes and similar institutions for persons suffering from mental disability. It provides that such persons will be registered where they would normally be residing. Where that place cannot be ascertained by the registration authority, a patient will be registered at his last place of residence. The proposed change is on much the same lines as that intended under the Electoral Bill, 1965, which was introduced in the Dáil last July as a Private Member's Bill and was withdrawn after being discussed in that House on 1st December, 1965.

Under the Electoral Act, 1923, mental patients were specifically debarred from being registered in the hospitals and other institutions in which they were staying. As a result, long-stay patients were not registered at all. The Joint Committee of the Dáil and Seanad on the Electoral Law, which reported in 1960-61, recommended that persons resident for long periods in county homes and similar institutions should be registered as electors there. At a later stage in their report, in the context of their consideration of the question of qualifications for membership of the Houses of the Oireachtas the Joint Committee also expressed the opinion that the distinction between physical and mental illness should cease to be a factor in the electoral law.

The Electoral Act, 1963, which gave effect to many of the recommendations of the Joint Committee, provides in effect that short-term patients or inmates in hospitals, sanatoria, county homes, homes for persons suffering from physical or mental disability or similar institutions shall be registered at their home addresses and that long-stay patients or inmates shall be registered at the hospitals and other institutions in which they are staying.

Following the 1965 general election, a good deal of criticism was voiced in this House and elsewhere regarding voting at the election by long-stay mental patients at polling booths situated in or adjacent to mental hospitals. The general consensus of opinion expressed by persons engaged in the election seemed to favour a reversion to the arrangements which had operated prior to the 1963 Act. The Bill now before the Seanad sets out to do this without, however, reimposing what was, in effect, the statutory disfranchisement on long-stay patients which operated under the Electoral Act, 1923.

It is intended that the provisions of this Bill shall apply to the 1966-67 Register of Electors, which will be used for the forthcoming local elections and which is at present in course of preparation.

I submit the Bill for the approval of the Seanad.

I am sure Members of the Seanad will welcome the Minister's visit to the Seanad so early in the legislative year. There were some fears that the Minister was falling into the habit almost of coming to the Seanad late in the year with long and complicated measures. The measure now before the House is short and non-controversial and even if the Seanad did seek, in its wisdom, to amend the one small section that compromises, the Dáil will soon be resuming and would be able to deal with any such amendment.

The Bill, as the Minister explained, seeks to amend section 5 of the 1963 Act. It has been brought in, in response to a Private Member's Bill put down by Deputy Clinton. The Minister's prompt response to Deputy Clinton's initiative is a healthy sign and a welcome move. There has been comment and controversy since the last Dáil election concerning certain incidents which occurred at booths placed in mental hospitals for the purpose of that election.

The introduction of the Bill and its subsequent passage through the Dáil seem to indicate that all Parties in the Dáil are agreed that it is undesirable to risk a repetition of the circumstances which did arise during that election. The position in the future is to be that patients from mental hospitals will vote at ordinary polling booths or not at all. This, which is the purpose of the Bill, is one with which the Seanad will agree. The prompt introduction of the Bill by the Minister is to be welcomed in that it will set matters right before the elections which are to take place during the coming year. It is as well that this should be done, even if it means that the Minister has to postpone any action or any legislative proposals on other matters which have been the subject of controversy.

Speaking on the matter in the Dáil on 1st December last, the Minister indicated that he was prepared to look into the question of postal voting by various members of the community and he indicated at that time that he would consider what was the best way of examining this particular problem. I should like to ask the Minister now whether he has made up his mind about the best way of carrying out this investigation and what he proposes to do in regard to it. If we read section 5 of the Electoral Act, 1963, the section which we are amending in this Bill, and compare it with the corresponding section of the British Act, the Representation of People Act, 1949, we shall find that we could learn something from this British Act. I would ask the Minister, when the matter is being examined, to have it examined in a very broad manner.

If we contrast the provisions of the two codes, the British code under the 1949 Act, and our code under the 1963 Act, we find that in regard to the registration of ordinary voters, we are very much more liberal in this country. A person can be registered under section 5 of the 1963 Act if his residence has been temporarily interrupted, and if he intends to resume up to a period of 18 months, and there need be no great reason for his absence. In contrast in Britain, a person whose residence has been temporarily interrupted must have the intention of resuming residence in six months and he is only entitled to register during the interrupted residence when his absence is in connection with his job. As I say, we are much more liberal in this regard. When we turn to the problem not of residence on the day of registration but of the presence of a person in the constituency on polling day, we find we are a great deal less liberal than they are in Britain.

If we contrast section 5 of our 1963 Electoral Act with section 14 of the British Act, we find they have gone a good deal further in helping people to exercise the franchise when circumstances make it difficult for them. We give postal votes to the Army and to the Garda, and the question has arisen, which the Minister dealt with in the Dáil, whether we should also give postal votes to people who by reason of their nature of employment are likely to be absent from their homes on election day. The Minister should look into the other categories covered in Britain during the past 16 years, including the question of blind voters and those physically unable to attend the polls. All of us have, on the occasions when we have been active on election day, felt for blind voters, the way in which they are brought in and the embarrassment which attaches to the whole procedure. It does not always happen but it can happen on occasions. There is also provision in Britain whereby a person is entitled to a postal vote, if, although registered in one place, he is no longer residing in the same electoral division or the same rural district. This is a question which could be examined in the review which the Minister has promised to undertake.

There is another provision in Britain, that where a person is a candidate in another constituency, he is entitled to a postal vote. I am delighted to see in this provision that not only the candidate but also the wife, or the husband as the case may be, is so entitled. I think this encouragement of consorts to take an active part in the political fortunes of the other partner is a good thing.

There is one other point the Minister might look at in this general review of the postal vote, that is, the position of personating agents. The present position is that provision is made whereby the presiding officer and polling clerk who are in a booth other than the booth at which they normally vote are able to exercise their vote. This is not so in the case of the personating agents appointed by the political Parties. In rural areas this does not give rise to much trouble because in practically all cases the personating agents are from the area covered by the polling booth; but in urban areas a person is frequently acting in a booth other than the one in which he votes. This is something which could be looked at.

Accordingly, I might in summary say the Bill is a very welcome one. I congratulate the Minister on bringing it in and on the promptness with which he brought it in response to the Private Bill moved in the Dáil. In regard to the review he has undertaken to make, I would ask him if he would indicate how he proposes to go about this, to make the review as wide as possible, and, indeed, to make it as short as possible. The Minister mentioned a year as being the minimum time to deal with it. I would hope he would try to make that year the maximum time for such a review. We would all welcome in a year's time a further Electoral Amendment Bill which would meet the very real need for the postal vote of a large number of classes of people.

This is a short Bill, discussion of which would perhaps be more appropriate on Committee Stage, I welcome it, but there are one or two points I wish to make. The machinery to be used to operate it rather baffles me. Take a mental hospital with 700 patients. When it comes to voting day, 700 patients drawn from an area such as my own county will have to vote. How is the machinery to operate which will allow these patients out of hospital in all directions to vote? Where will the staff come from? I assume that a great many of them will not be allowed out by the RMS without supervision. There may have been rows previously but I can see the RMSs being up to their eyes in trouble because each RMS will have to agree to the patient leaving the hospital. Supposing it happens a number of people are stopped by the RMS. Some enterprising election agent works out that they belong to his Party and then starts attacking the RMS for using political pressure. I can see as big a row developing as on the last occasion.

Where a person is a patient in a mental hospital, his name will now appear on the home register, so to speak, but his present address will also have to be shown. It has been suggested to me that in many cases this will be rather unfortunate for the family concerned. I know everyone wants to get away from the old difficulty of regarding mental disease as something extraordinary that must be kept hush-hush. That is all very well for liberal-minded people, but there are still a great many people who have not got around to this modern way of thinking. They will be faced with having it pointed out to everyone in the district that so-and-so, a member of their family, is a patient in the mental hospital.

Then there is the case of people who are to be registered at their last known address. In respect of patients who have been in hospital a long time, it can very easily happen—I know cases where it has happened—that quite a different family is now living at that address. I can see objections from that point of view, that someone not connected with them at all gets landed into their address on the register. I know any liberal-minded person would say that this is the sort of mentality we must get rid of. I agree, but I think it ought to be done by education and should not be foisted on people by means of this. I know it is all right to criticise when you cannot suggest anything better.

I should be glad to hear from the Minister how it is envisaged this is going to work, and in particular, how patients are to be got to the various polling booths. Some of the mental hospital authority areas are very large and very oddly shaped. I visited one last week, Carlow-Kildare. How they are to be got from Carlow, in one constituency, away up to Kildare, I do not know. Yet, that is a reasonably small hospital. In Donegal I frankly do not understand how people are to be brought to Inishowen in the north, Ballyshannon in the south and out to the west.

You underestimate the Party machines.

I am not underestimating the Party machines. If the RMS would allow patients out in charge of the Party machine, I think it would be most objectionable.

I should like to support this Bill. It is unfortunate that the last election gave rise to criticism in some areas. It was nice to see that these unfortunate people suffering from mental illness were taken out of the category they shared with prisoners and members of the Garda, the only sections of our community not entitled to vote. Under the last Act the Garda were rightly given the right to vote. It is unfortunate that those suffering from mental illness have not been allowed to keep the same privilege, but, in view of the criticisms we have heard over past months, it was only proper that the Minister should have taken this course. I congratulate him on his prompt action in the matter.

I would appeal to the Minister to look into the problem of extending the postal vote to all commercial travellers. It is a pity that so many of our fellow citizens should be inconvenienced to the extent of having to travel hundreds of miles after their day's work if they want to vote. These people are of sufficient number to be given every facility to have full voting rights.

I supported the amendment of the 1923 Act, which we dealt with in 1963. I thought it was a good thing then that we provided this facility of enabling long-term patients in mental hospitals to vote. I had the feeling that many of those people were in mental hospitals not because of mental illness but because they were simply left there by their relatives. It was their permanent home. Many of them were quite capable of assessing the position and exercising the vote. I agree people were exploited by the activities of the political Parties —the political machines to which Senator O'Quigley referred—in the last general election and that something needed to be done about that; but I am wondering is this the right way to go about it. We still have this keenness on the part of the political Parties to get out every elector. Are we going to have the situation that in their keenness to get votes these people will be taken out of mental hospitals—with the permission of the RMS, I presume, and he will be brought under considerable pressure—and brought to various parts of the county and surrounding areas in order to vote? Again, I am not sure that that is a good thing.

I am making these points, let it be admitted, without being clear in my mind as to the solution to this problem. We thought we had the solution on the last occasion. We underestimated the keenness of the political machine. We agree that what was happening was bad for politics, and, more especially, bad for the patients, the individuals concerned, and we should try to avoid that in the future.

I wonder if the Minister would try to clarify the position for us and tell us what he expects to happen in this direction under the amendment of the legislation he is proposing here. Will the RMS in the various mental hospitals be under pressure to release people so that the political Parties can bring them to distant parts to exercise the franchise? Will this be the position and, if so, what safeguards will there be for the individuals concerned and for the people who have the responsibility of running the mental hospitals?

I am in favour of this Bill, mainly because it changes the conditions under which mental patients were given an opportunity to vote in the last general election. It was seen, there, that it was a very great mistake to have the legislation in a manner that permitted the voting machine to operate as it did in that election. This change, I believe, is not the answer. I think it is a very great mistake to give the power of voting to mental patients. These people are now being asked to participate in the elections of members of the Dáil and Seanad. Let us remember that these unfortunate people will not be listened to in a court of law where the laws passed by the Dáil and Seanad are put into effect. Take a mental patient out of any of these institutions and bring him down to a court of law and it is obvious that any evidence he gives or statements he makes will be contested and will not be accepted. Similarly, if any of these people make a will, or are given the opportunity to make a will, it will be contested.

Take the mental patient who has spasms and who may be very ill mentally for a couple of days, weeks or months and quite sane for another time. That is the type of patient who, during his time of sanity, ought to be entitled to make a will when he is able to make clear decisions which will be acceptable. But, once he is in a mental institution, the power of a patient to make a will is not likely to be contested because it just does not exist. I feel, therefore, it is a great mistake to bring the legislation so far as to permit mental patients to vote.

Possibly the RMS will have some say in this matter. He will be in a position to certify whether the patient is going through one of these stormy mental periods or whether, on the day of the election and the days approaching it, he is sane and able to make a sane decision, to make a sane choice. There is a lot in what Senator Sheldon has said in relation to the address at which the patient will be registered. It is most important to examine the points made by Senator Sheldon. The question of where you will put the people on the register is very important and I think this Bill is not the answer.

With the democratic outlook that prevails in this country and the very fair outlook that there is amongst our people, there is the danger that we can go too far in being fair. The Civic Guards were deprived of the right to exercise the franchise and, after all, these people are mentally balanced. They are doing a very important job in the community. They are affected by the laws of the country, the same as every other citizen, and, still, that body of people were not permitted to cast their votes and take part in the elections. If Civic Guards are not permitted to vote, there is a very weak case in favour of allowing mental patients to vote.

I do not think there has been agitation or pressure by mental patients for the right to exercise the franchise. I do not think any number of them felt they had a grievance because they could not vote and could not participate in the elections. In accordance with our democratic outlook, we have decided to give these people a right and a facility which they did not ask for. Everybody must look at this in a humane manner and agree that we must be fair to these people. We must respect the fact that they are suffering from a mental illness but this is an illness that deprives them of the power to make a decision—at least that is the view of sane people. Sane people believe that mentally ill people cannot make a sane decision and yet here they are being given an opportunity to participate in the election of Members of the Dáil and Seanad. That is why I think this Bill is a mistake and that what we are doing today is not the answer to the problem, and that if we are anxious to give votes to these people, it is because they are aged over 21 years and are in good physical health. We decide, then, to give them a vote. I think it is not the answer because there are different degrees and different types of mental illness.

It will be difficult for the RMS to decide, on the day of a general election, that, when the patient is marking the ballot paper, he is sane. He might or might not be sane on the day he was marking the ballot paper. Therefore, the RMS will have a very big job in this matter, apart from deciding whether or not he can release patients from the institution in order to vote from various addresses. Senator Sheldon has made very effective points in that connection that should carefully be considered by the Minister and his officials. I am very unhappy about the proposal to give these voting powers to mental patients. When we were quite satisfied to leave the Civic Guards without the right to vote, being sane persons, there is no reason to worry too much about ensuring that people who are physically fit and mentally ill will have a right to vote in these elections.

I feel, too, that this Bill does not go far enough in the matter of postal voting. I hope that this is only a temporary measure and that the Minister will bring in a new Electoral Bill to meet modern conditions and modern circumstances. Travel is very easy at the present time and we know if an election occurs during the holiday time when people are likely not alone to be away from their ordinary addresses here in this country but to be away on continental holidays and elsewhere, they do not get an opportunity to vote. Those people are away from the country for a matter of a few weeks only and when they come back, they are subject to the laws and participate in the various forms of taxation imposed upon them as citizens. Still, just because they were away on holiday on election day, they do not get an opportunity to vote for or against a particular policy in the light of their own opinions.

People who find it necessary to be away on the election day, whether it be on holiday or for business purposes— commercial travellers and various other classes of people—should not be deprived of the right to vote because they are unable to be present at the booth for the purpose of marking the ballot paper in the area in which they are normally resident. The Minister might consider, for instance, the possibility of giving those people proxy votes; in other words, that they could instruct members of their family to cast the vote for them. Possibly they could give a member of their family a document which could be brought to the booth and which would enable that person to cast the vote for them. I feel it is a great mistake in this day of easy travel, where people can be long distances from their normal residences on the day of the general election, that those people are deprived of the right to cast their votes.

It was mentioned in relation to mental patients, that a number of them are quite sane and have been left in institutions by their families. Surely it is up to the RMS of a mental hospital to certify that a person is not mentally ill and he should then be removed from the mental institution to some other type of home for sick people. Surely it is not right to keep in a mental hospital a person whom the RMS is in a position to certify as not being mentally ill. With regard to this point about sane people being left in institutions by their relatives— if it is a fact—I feel there is a job there for the Minister for Health, to ensure that that practice will be discontinued and that those people will be put into a proper place and not detained in mental institutions if they are not mentally ill.

This is a very minor Bill and is more notable for what is omitted from it than for what is included in it. The Minister has, on a number of occasions, sought to suggest in the other House that he was interested in widening the scope of legislation to enable the majority of our citizens to decide the Government of the day. The last Bill which came before the Houses was not, in my opinion, a true reflection of the Report which the Minister had from the Special Committee which had been set up some time before that. As a member of that Committee, I happen to be aware that a great deal of pressure was exercised to prevent recommendations which would give many of our citizens the right to vote who are deprived of that right. I refer specifically to what is omitted from this Bill when I mention our emigrants, or migrants, whichever you like to call them for the purposes of this type of discussion. The Minister, rightly, is anxious to ensure that people who have been long resident in our mental institutions and who have their senses about them should be entitled to vote. But I am puzzled by the priorities that seem to establish themselves in the Minister's mind when he decides he will give priority in legislation to those people over and above the able-bodied Irish men and women who are resident in Britain on a temporary basis, through no fault of their own.

I should like the Minister to explain to me now why it is, for instance in France, that a French citizen resident in Ireland, on application, will be entitled to cast a vote in the French elections. I put that question specifically to the Minister because we find so many Irish people who have been forced to go to England through economic circumstances deprived by legislation of their right to decide the type of Government in Ireland— perhaps a Government who would look with greater sympathy on their point of view and on the necessity for altering the economic system in operation to ensure that a living in Ireland will be made available to the people who now have to leave.

This Government in office at the moment are straining at the leash to get into Europe, so that, when I make a comparison with France, I hope we will not be told that we are not interested in what the French do. We are showing a great deal of interest in Europe at the moment, at least on the surface. If we are serious about admission there, I see no reason why we should not adopt that very sensible and sane approach which the French have as far as their citizens are concerned. What would be wrong with giving Irish people in London, Manchester, Liverpool and all those other centres, who wish to vote, the right to do so over there? Is it because we have so many of them over there? Is it because the Government are shivering in their boots about what the results would be? This is only a little closed society, composed on the one part of old people and on the other of the very young. The life's blood who should have a decision as to how that nation's affairs are conducted are outside the State and deprived of this right and of an opportunity of making a living in the country. To me the deprivation of the right of those people to vote is a crime against the Irish people. We hear very little talk these days——

The whole problem of electoral law may not be raised on a Bill of this nature.

I certainly do not intend to dispute the ruling of the Chair. I shall not deal with it at any length but there is an opportunity given on the Second Reading—as the Chair will agree with me—to refer to what is not in the Bill.

We must have regard to its relevancy to the Bill before us.

The only other point I should like to deal with on this particular matter of omissions is the question of the age at which people should be entitled to vote. I do not know at what age——

Again, this matter does not properly arise on this Bill.

I am not very familiar with the procedure in the Upper House here but I do know it is an accepted fact in the other House that a Member of the House is entitled to refer on Second Reading——

The Chair is not concerned with the affairs of the other House. This Bill deals with section 5 of the Electoral Act of 1963. It is a Bill of limited scope.

I may say this to the Chair, that in this Bill, which I accept is a limited one, we are amending section 5—that is the purpose—and section 5, if I may refer the Chair to it, deals with the franchise and I should like to quote it. Section 5 (1) says:

A person shall be entitled to register as a Dáil elector in a constituency if he has reached the age of 21 years and was, on the qualifying date, (a) a citizen of Ireland, and (b) ordinarily resident in that constituency.

We are amending that section, or portion of it, in this Bill and I submit I am entitled, on Second Reading, to refer to that section on the ground that I feel the Minister is not going far enough.

The Chair does not dispute the Senator's right to refer to matters but to engage in a full scale discussion of these matters is not in order on this Bill.

Yes. The Chair has the final decision on what is a full scale discussion and I do not intend to try the patience of the Chair on this matter. I referred to the qualifying age but I have made no statement so far on the question of age, whether it should be 21, as it is under section 5, or whether I should be entitled, with your permission, to suggest that it is a pity that the Minister has not in this Bill sought to bring the age limit down to 18 years of age. I do not propose to give the reasons in any detailed fashion as to why that should be done. Commonsense should make it apparent that a person of 18 years of age is just as mature as perhaps any member of the House, or even the respected holder of the Chair himself. I am sorry the Minister has not seen fit to take the necessary steps on this occasion and all I can say, in conclusion, is that the two matters to which I have referred, the extension of the franchise to people at present outside the State, due to the failure of the Government to provide them with the means of getting a livelihood at home, and the age at which voting begins, are matters the Minister should bear in mind for immediate attention. In particular, I hope that in the near future he will, having given sympathetic consideration to this point of view, bring in legislation which will enable these suggestions to be carried out. I look forward with the greatest interest to seeing such amending legislation in the near future.

I have one comment to make. Certain members expressed concern about the availability of nursing staff on election day to accompany patients to the polls. I think there is no need for such concern. It is common practice with mental hospitals throughout Ireland for the better patients to be allowed out in the hospital grounds or allowed to visit nearby towns without nurses accompanying them. I believe this is the type of patient the RMS will allow out to vote and any others, of course, can have nurses with them. For that reason I do not think the RMS will be subject to pressure from political Parties.

Senator Rooney also referred to the point that patients did not ask for the vote and did not want it. I disagree very strongly with this. I live quite near a mental hospital and meet the patients from time to time, and I must say that patients in that mental hospital at least looked forward to casting their votes on the last occasion. I hear that only four of them voted for Fine Gael which goes to prove that they were not so crazy after all.

I should like to welcome the Bill and congratulate the Minister on introducing it. It is designed to meet the points made by Deputy Clinton in the Bill which he introduced in the Dáil and subsequently withdrew. On that occasion Deputy Clinton quoted from a report of an election agent, as reported in the Official Report in volume 219, column 776:

From the foregoing you will see that there were grave abuses. Since the total vote in the hospital could have no significant effect in the result of the then General Election I am now taking no further steps in this matter as Election Agent for the Election now past.

The Minister saw the point of that and agreed that if he were to concern himself with the abuses on general election day, he would not be concerned with very much, but he said that there was a matter of importance and stated at column 787 of the same volume of the Official Report:

There is, however, a matter of importance, that is, with regard to the election of local authorities, particularly urban councils. This has not been mentioned here but the extraordinary situation can arise in connection with the register for certain of our smaller urban councils, and some of them that are not so small, that the total number of mental patients and staffs, if they all voted and voted en bloc, would be sufficient to gain complete control of a number of our urban councils.

Not alone that but they would be sufficient to win seats in county councils. I think the Minister has met the point. The abuses that occurred, on the last occasion, while serious in themselves, had little effect on the result of the general election, at least in the case of the mental hospital with which I am connected. In the forthcoming local elections, however, it could have very serious effects and if even some of the patients voted, they could influence the results very seriously. The Minister is to be congratulated on appreciating that position and on introducing the Bill which allows patients to be registered either in their known place of abode or their last known place of abode. If these patients are physically and mentally well enough, they will be allowed to vote just as they are allowed out to work on farms and in hotels and with local shopkeepers.

Senator McGlinchey, I think, suggested that where they want to vote, they should be accompanied by nurses. I do not think the mental nurse has any business accompanying a patient to vote. The duty of the mental nurse is to look after these patients in hospital: if the patient wishes to vote and is able to do so, then the medical officer will allow the patient to vote but I do not see that if a mental patient expresses a wish to vote but cannot be allowed to travel unaccompanied, he should be accompanied and furnished with what in effect is private nursing attention. If any member of the general body of ratepayers is sick or unwell but still wants to vote, he will not be furnished by the county council with a nursing attendant to accompany him. I do not see why the general body of patients for whom the ratepayers are paying in order that they may be looked after should be provided with this private attention.

In the city of Dublin there are many hundreds of patients from rural areas and if they want to vote on election day, they will not be accompanied from Dublin by nurses. If they can go without nurses and the doctor says that they will be all right, that is perfectly in order, but when I hear Senators and other people saying that these people can be accompanied by nurses, I wonder if we are getting back to the old position. Will the intention of the Bill be frustrated again? If there is a considerable body of patients who require nursing attention on the way to vote they can be influenced. I am not saying that they will be influenced, but they can be. The Minister or his colleague, the Minister for Health, should make it quite clear that nurses should not be allowed to travel outside a mental hospital with patients who have expressed a desire to vote but who are unabe to proceed to vote without medical or nursing attention. The Minister should advert to that point when he is concluding. I would like again to congratulate the Minister on introducing this Bill. He has met very fairly the case made by Deputy Clinton.

A few questions arise from the discussion that has taken place on this Bill. I have no experience of seeing mental hospital patients voting. I have a great deal of experience of seeing blind persons and illiterate persons voting. Facilities are provided for such persons whereby they can be accompanied into the polling booth. I am not sure if the same provisions apply in the case of mental hospital patients. I do not know whether or not they can be assisted in voting by a person of a political Party. There must be in mental hospitals patients who are not in a position to vote, even with the assistance of a person accompanying them.

The local authority in each area deal with the compilation of the register. There are at present nightly appeals on television to voters to see that their names are on the register. At the time the local authority are compiling the register for, say, a mental hospital in Dublin, the resident medical superintendent should help by determining that a certain number of patients in the hospital are physically and mentally capable of registering their votes. There must be people in mental hospitals who would not be physically or mentally capable of voting.

There is another question on which I should like clarification. What is the difference between a patient and an inmate of a mental hospital? The clause says "where on the qualification date a person is a patient or inmate in any hospital." I should like to know what is the difference between a patient and an inmate of a mental hospital. Apparently, there has been misinterpretation by Senators who have spoken and I should like the Minister to clarify the position.

As I have said, when the local authority are compiling the register, the resident medical superintendent of the hospital should be in a position to say that such an inmate or such a patient—if there is a difference—is physically capable of voting and should be on the register. It is not on the day of the election that the RMS should be called upon to make that decision.

Senator Dooge referred to the position of persons in hospitals for the blind and illiterate persons and physically incapacitated persons, who can be accompanied to the booth and assisted to vote. Would the same apply to persons in mental hospitals? Some Senators seem to think that they should not be assisted to vote. In my view, there must be in mental hospitals persons who should not be allowed outside the institution. If they can be allowed out, they should not be in a mental hospital. There are indications that there are many persons in mental hospitals who need not be there. They may have a mental incapacity of some kind but that does not mean that they could not be accommodated in suitable hospitals other than what could be described as mental hospitals.

So far as the content of the Bill is concerned, I do not think there is very much on which to comment but in regard to the few matters that have been raised that are related to the Bill, I shall try to elucidate what is intended.

The question has been raised by Senator Ó Donnabháin as to the difference between a patient and an inmate. I could not say. I am not worried. This is imported from the 1923 Act and, indeed, from an earlier British Act and its use at the moment is to ensure that we are leaving nobody out rather than trying to define the difference between the two terms. It is always best to follow precedents established in previous Acts in case some bright spark might decide that the description was not fitting and might try to upset the provision. "Inmate or patient" would cover all that it is intended to cover and that is the purpose behind the use of these two words in the section.

Senator Ó Donnabháin also suggested that the RMS should predetermine who might vote at a forthcoming election.

He should assist. It is the local authority that compile the register.

The whole effort to extend the franchise to inmates or patients of mental hospitals is based largely on the fact that these people are not always in a mental condition such as would preclude them from exercising a sane judgment and therefore an attempt by a resident medical superintendent or any other learned person to predetermine who should be on the register, even a week before an election, would be at variance with the general spirit and purpose underlying our efforts to give these people the franchise which up to the advent of the 1963 Act they did not enjoy.

I should have said at the beginning that I am probably in the Seanad on a basis which I am seldom on, that is, that I do not agree with the sentiments of the Bill. I do not see a great deal of purpose in it. Admitting that the majority is normally right and the clamour for change being so great, I was not so convinced or convicted in my mind that I could not change. I have the Bill before the House. Quite honestly, I have no stomach for it. I believe that a great number of inmates or patients of mental hospitals are capable of making judgments far more sane and reasonable than have been made by persons, allegedly sane, outside mental hospitals. Senator McGlinchey made reference to that. There is a great deal in what he said. We cannot get away from the fact that we are and have been over the years continuing to regard persons who are mentally ill as persons who should be locked away, as being different from everyone else and who should be denied civic rights. It was because of this that I felt it was a real advance when, in the 1963 Act, we gave those people for the first time the right to vote.

I am rather sorry that we are taking that right away, even to the degree that we are doing, in this Bill but at least, as salvage from the sentiments that brought about the change in 1963, we have preserved for those who on an election day are regarded as fit to go outside to vote, the right to do so. I do not think that all the worry that has been expressed as to whether these people should be accompanied by attendants or nurses need arise. As I see it, the patient who on election day requires, in the judgment of the RMS, to be escorted by an attendant is not really entitled to this jaunt out to vote at all. If he is not well enough to go in more normal circumstances, if he has to have an attendant to look after him, then he should not be allowed out to vote.

Generally speaking, the RMS will exercise his discretion in this matter as he exercises it in other matters relevant to the patient's welfare and wellbeing. Whether the patient will vote one way or another, or whether there is pressure put on him by any political Party or its agents, will not enter into consideration at all. It will be the duty of the RMS to have, as he has now, a care for his patients. That will be of paramount importance in his mind when he comes to determine what patients are entitled to vote or what patients he will be prepared to allow out to vote. Whether the polling station is situated near to or far from the hospital will also have a bearing.

Senator McQuillan criticised the 1963 Act and criticised also the shortcomings of this amendment. The odd thing is that he did not speak once in the Dáil when the 1963 Act was before the House.

I was not available at the time.

That could be, but stranger still, the Senator has not in the years which have elapsed since taken any opportunity to put on record anywhere the views he expressed here this afternoon.

The proposal to reduce the age from 21 to 18 would, of course, require a referendum. It might be of interest to Senators who are thinking along these lines to learn that the British Speaker's Conference is this week considering this very matter, amongst others, in relation to British electoral law. It is as well, however, in this connection to have regard to the fact that we do not require slavishly to follow Britain. Indeed, our electoral law is in many respects well in advance of Britain. The Speaker's Conference is only now beginning to consider some of the changes we have already made here since 1963 in our electoral laws.

Does the Minister include proportional representation in this commendation of our law?

Amending it?

That is irrelevant.

The fact that we have proportional representation is, to my mind, one of the great assets of our electoral law and I should be glad if the Minister would see his way to endorsing that.

I thought the Senator was asking me about getting rid of it and, in that case, my answer would have been "Gladly".

We do not need to ask the Minister that question.

Senator Murphy referred to the undesirability of the wholesale emptying out of mental hospitals on election day. I do not anticipate that is how the arrangements will work. The RMS will be responsible on that day just as he is responsible on every other day in the year.

Reference was made to postal voting. This matter was discussed by the Dáil in relation to commercial travellers. I said then that I did not think we should change for one particular category; there were other categories to be considered, amongst them our migrants and our emigrants. This country is not really so large as to prohibit anyone who wants to vote from voting. It would be very interesting to find out what percentage travel long distances and at some personal inconvenience in order to vote. I should think the percentage would be good as compared with that of those who, though living within easy voting distance, do not bother to come out and vote. Invariably 20 per cent to 25 per cent do not vote. It is the old story: what one has one does not appreciate and what one cannot attain one desires.

I have said I shall have an investigation into this matter of postal voting. I have not yet determined the form of that investigation. I have not promised to give a decision because I could not make that promise. What I did promise was some type of investigation. When that investigation is complete, I shall be happy to have a decision for the Oireachtas and the public.

Some irrelevant matters were raised and, interesting though they were, I do not propose to deal with them now.

Question put and agreed to.
Agreed to take the remaining Stages today.
Bill considered in Committee.
SECTION 1.
Question proposed: "That section 1 stand part of the Bill".

I should like to ask the Minister a question. There is an obligation now on those responsible for compiling the register to ascertain, if possible, the home addresses of the mental patients concerned. How does the Minister envisage this will be done? To what extent should this attempt be made? I know their answer would be that every reasonable effort would be made to find out but I should like to ask the Minister if the idea would be that the person responsible for the register would ask the mental hospital for the address and if it was not there to leave it at that. Is that what the Minister has in mind in subparagraphs (a) and (b)?

Without tying it down to that, I would feel that that information for the purpose of the register would be kept in the mental hospital, and in most cases an inquiry would prove adequate. In cases where it is not adequate, it is difficult to say at this stage what further investigation might be followed. The Senator probably would be interested in the fact that we have already prepared a circular in relation to registration of mental patients for electoral purposes, and that we have given certain broad outline instructions that should be followed. The first paragraph of that circular says that if the registration authority cannot ascertain where he would have been resident such a patient or inmate shall be regarded as resident at the place where he last resided.

His home address on admission?

Yes, or if not his home address, then the address from which he was committed. This information is normally recorded at mental hospitals. In regard to those people about whose home addresses we have no information and in respect of whom the last address from which they came is given, we suggest that the register for the area include at the end of the register after all the other names have been entered in the normal way, the name of the institution in which the patients now are, so that political parties or others interested would know who these persons are.

This would not constitute an address for the purpose of the register?

Yes. That would be the address.

Is that in accordance with the Bill as amended? Are we entitled to use the address of an institution at all under this measure?

This would be classed under the heading "Other abode".

Then it would not, strictly speaking, be the address for the purpose of the register?

No. These names will be found in alphabetical order at the end of the register because the address from which they came is the only address available, and in order to facilitate those concerned in the election we give their other abode which at this time is an institution.

That covers the situation of the wandering minstrel, the itinerant, who would have no fixed abode?

No. This deals only with mental patients.

If he finds himself in a mental home?

Yes, it would, of course, where there is no known home address his last address would be his registration address for the purpose of the new proposal here, and in this way one would know where he was or which mental hospital he was in.

During the revision of a register, would it be possible for somebody to claim for a change of residence in order to make it more convenient for a person? Is it possible for the address which would be entered by the registering authority under this section to be adjusted, on appeal, during revision?

If it were a true correction.

Yes, and if the registrar were satisfied this comes under the normal revision procedure?

Yes, that would be the requirement in regard to any correction that would be made at the appropriate time.

This relieves my mind somewhat on the point I made in regard to home adresses, but I take it each one will have in the register his previous address and the present abode. I am thinking of this from the point of view of distinguishing people if there is a repetition of names.

Yes. The whole intention is that this will be a guide to facilitate not only the voter but also the agents of political Parties who want to know where these people are and to see if they are available.

The Minister says it would be left to the RMS to decide whether or not a patient was capable of voting. What is the position where the patient was originally a voluntary patient and has now become seriously ill and is a serious danger to his fellow citizens? Could that patient demand the right to go and vote? Could the RMS physically restrain him if he were originally a voluntary patient or even an inmate in a mental hospital? I am not sure what the constitutional position would be?

Although a patient may have gone voluntarily into a mental hospital, he is still a patient in the charge of the RMS. I do not think he would have the right to demand to vote if he were insane and was so certified by the RMS and the staff.

Does the law not provide penalties for anyone who restrains a person who has the right to vote? There does not seem to be anything in this Bill that refers to that.

We are dealing with the question on the basis that the RMS may facilitate their voting not with the question of his restraining patients. It is the other way round. The question of the fitness of the person to go out is within the competence of the RMS to decide.

My sympathy would be entirely with the RMS in this business. I agree that this would be exercised properly by the RMS but it would not be the first time he did things properly that other people would be prepared to say he was not doing them properly. On the question of a person's ability to make a wise decision in voting, there are types of mental illness which would not leave a person's judgment impaired in regard to the election of candidates, but such people could not be allowed to go on public transport without someone in charge. It is not a question of their having to receive medical care while they are out but of somebody accompanying them to make sure that no injury occurs to them.

The Senator seems to indicate that the job of the RMS is to determine whether a patient, on election day, is in a state in which one would expect him to be capable of making a reasonable and sane decision. That is not what the RMS has to decide. He will be operating in the interest of his patients. What he has to decide is whether a patient may go out on a certain day, bearing in mind the distance to the polling station and so forth. His regard will be for the patient's welfare, not for the patient's ability to make a sane decision. That is really the basis on which the RMS will be operating. The question of whether the patient is capable of making a sane decision on the day does not arise. What does arise is whether it is in the interest of the patient that he should be allowed out to the polling station.

I agree, but is it clear from the Bill that this is the position? Is it clear no one will be allowed out who should not be out on his own? One hospital may do it one way and another the other way. One RMS may say he has so much staff that he can let so many patients out while another may say he has not got enough staff. I can foresee administrative rows. It should apply where the patient can go out under his own steam without a nurse.

Without an escort. These matters will be raised. There will be those who can say: "The RMS did us down", and others who will say he did not. There will be those who will say he did it because he was Fianna Fáil and others because he was Fine Gael. We will have those stories but we are mature enough now and so are the RMSs.

I wanted to be sure the Minister is pouring oil on troubled waters, not on fire.

Will the name of the institution be opposite the patient's name in the register?

His place of abode— his last place of abode.

Will the name of the hospital be on it as well?

If he is in a hospital.

Thousands of mental patients can come out to vote in the various booths in Dublin, some of them having spent ten or 15 years in institutions. There will be personating agents who have never seen these people before. When they see the name of the institution, they will know he has been in a mental hospital. Will a question of identity not arise?

They will have their voting cards. In the ordinary way in Dublin, nobody knows who is voting anyway, whether sane or insane.

This may add another couple of thousand.

Does the Senator think it will let him down?

Question put and agreed to.
Section 2 agreed to.
Title agreed to.
Bill reported without amendment, received for final consideration and passed.
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