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Seanad Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 30 Mar 1966

Vol. 60 No. 20

Housing Bill, 1965: Second Stage (Resumed).

Question again proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time".

Ar an gcéad dul síos, ba mhaith liom fáilte a chur roimh an nBille. Tá áthas mór orm gur thug an tAire isteach é. Cabhróidh sé go mór chun aidhm an Rialtais a chur chun cinn, maidir le tithe nua breátha a chur ar fáil do mhuintir na tíre. Tréasláim leis an Aire an saothar a chuir sé isteach san Bhille chun gléas fuinte daingean a dhéanamh de.

With other Senators, I welcome the Bill which simplifies and modifies the housing laws of a number of years. We in Fianna Fáil have at all times laid great stress on the need for proper homes for our people. It is a well-known fact that because we were oppressed for centuries we inherited a great number of insanitary, unfit houses so that when we achieved independence the housing situation was deplorable. However, it was not until 1932 that a real start was made. The Government then decided to introduce measures whereby they would assist less wealthy small farmers and others in the country to provide their own homes out of their own meagre resources with assistance provided by the State.

That was a formidable task. In the beginning it was difficult to get people to avail of the grants because many of them did not clearly understand how they worked. They felt they would have to pay back the grants over a number of years. We all know that tremendous progress has been made and that despite what has been said, people who have been away from the country for 40 years and returned have testified to the tremendous advances made in the provision of decent homes for our people. The evidence is on every hilltop and along every road. There is quite a lot to be done yet but we shall move along to the best of our ability with the financial resources at our disposal. It is our aim to continue steadfastly and systematically along the guide-lines laid down in the two Programmes for Economic Expansion.

It is not in either programme.

I may ruffle some Members of the Opposition and I would be the first to concede that their record as far as housing is concerned is not so good. It may be annoying to them by virtue of the rather loathsome memories we have of the disastrous Coalition years, 1955, 1956 and 1957. I might even go further and refer to the circular of the Minister for Local Government in 1956 telling housing authorities throughout the country to stop housing and close down on new applications for grants. The result in Cavan was that we had a resolution before the county council asking that no more housing grants be issued even though we had budgeted for them towards the end of the year. Many people had houses in the course of construction and were, unfortunately, unable to get grants. Later on, many of the people who had built houses were unable to get supplementary grants. Perhaps that was not a function of the Minister for Local Government but it was part of the unfortunate conditions then prevailing when there was a general clamp-down on house building.

It is small wonder then that Senator O'Quigley objects when he hears something mentioned regarding our aims, which are well known all over the country for the provision of adequate housing for our people. Even this year we shall be providing £20 million in capital and £9 million in current expenditure, making a total of approximately £29 million for housing. Indeed, in the year 1965-66 we built approximately 11,000 houses and that was an increase of 17 per cent over the year 1964-65. The evidence is there to show this. Despite the fact that people may point to the years 1958 and 1959 as being low years in housing in this country, they conveniently forget the despondency which existed amongst our people then and they try to smother the salient well-known fact that there were 1,800 houses vacant in Dublin, the keys hanging in the Mansion House and the occupants gone to England. Many families had been fleeing from the country because they were convinced there was no future in it then. So it was not easy to get together building units and give people sufficient encouragement to remain in their own country, to show there was a future in it, or to get them round to the way of thinking that we, at least on this side of the House, firmly believe all along the line that the place for the majority of Irish men and women is in their own country, and that we would do our best to provide for them not alone houses but decent roads and services. We have been consistently trying to do that, in and out of office, and we have never, at any time, shirked our duty.

In that disastrous year to which I am rather reluctant to refer again but which I must mention by virtue of the fact that despite the then Government having 14 of an overall majority, they dashed out to the country after two years, eight months in office rather than face up to the situation created by their own incompetence. The debts were mounting round them and they would have had to impose heavy taxation to remedy the situation and put the finances in order so that they could hand over to whatever Government would succeed them a clear balance sheet. This, of course, they did not do but deserted the sinking ship instead.

They did not go with their hats in their hands all over the world and were refused.

The attitude of the Minister for Local Government regarding housing is to be commended, as, indeed, is that of his Department in general. He has been criticised extensively by virtue of the fact that he has been trying to push and show over the last couple of years this idea of providing piped water in all our houses, not alone in the towns but in the rural areas as well. It is a formidable task and there are many sane men in the Opposition benches on the local councils who have, by their encouragement, helped in this regard. It has been an uphill fight all along the line but we are determined, in that respect, to push forward until we are in a position to ensure that running water will be provided in all homes; indeed, not alone in the homes but in the farmyards of the rural community as well.

I welcome in particular that part of the Bill whereby grants are increased for those who derive their living from farming and, in particular, the small farmers. It is a practical way of giving them some extra assistance to provide them with a decent home because in many parts down through the years a great number of small farmers during the harvesting operations etc cetera have not been able to devote much of their time towards renovating their homes, thatching them, whereas now they will be able to put on slated roofs, renovate their homes and build new houses under these grants. Consequently, in years to come, they will be able to devote more time towards increasing production on their farms. Certainly, that is welcome and is a great advancement.

There are many other advancements in this Bill which I shall not deal with in detail. However, I think it would be well to have some further research carried out regarding the design of houses, especially houses built by local authorities. The stigma attached to a local authority house or a county council cottage should be removed from the point of view of design, so that if the occupants later on decide to vest their houses or become the owners they will fit into the community without any stigma being attached. The kitchen should be more or less considered the principal room of the dwellinghouse and, if at all possible, it should be located on the sunny side of the house. Some attention might also be paid to the heating system with a view to using turf in the turf burning localities. Indeed, I think Bord na Móna should have already done some research in regard to that and provided suitable turf ranges which would heat not alone the kitchen but also the other rooms of the house.

I am sure the Minister will keep a watchful eye on the price of houses and contracts so as to ensure that any increased grant paid by the Department or by local authorities will not be swallowed up by the one or two people who might see fit to take the extra money which was intended for the farmers and put it to their own advantage as housebuilders or contractors.

On the whole, I think this is a good Bill. The National Building Agency is very welcome. The increased grants to farmers are welcome and the other improvements incorporated in the Bill are further testimony of the importance which our Minister attaches to the idea of having our people well housed and living in decent conditions. I welcome the Bill and hope we will continue the good work, year after year, of providing extra homes for our people and that we will not stop until we have provided homes for all those in need of them.

When the Minister was introducing this measure he made a statement confessing that he was "only too well aware that the enactment of legislation alone cannot solve our housing difficulties. It is a step, but only a step in that direction". I wonder now, in view of the events that have occurred since this House met last week, what direction are we progressing in. The Minister went on to state:

A great deal of effort and very substantial public and private investment will be required in addition. The Government's awareness of this need is illustrated by the size of their contribution towards housing expenditure.

Senator Dolan referred in glowing terms to the guide-lines in both Programes for Economic Expansion and their recommendations in regard to housing. In the other House there was a reference to the general position of the country, and an assertion that the Government and the. individual Ministers are having little recourse to the inclusions in both Programmes for Economic Expansion. Since these guide-lines were mentioned today by Senator Dolan, I want to take this occasion to refer to the section of the Programme for Economic Expansion which refers to social development. It states:

The social capital investment of past years has given us an "infrastructure" of housing, hospitals, communications, etc., which is equal (in some respects perhaps superior) to that of comparable countries...

We have here the complacent line. It goes on:

The expected decline in social capital expenditure in the coming years will afford an opportunity— and underlines the necessity—of switching resources to productive purposes.

We are only too well aware of the difficulties in the production field. Far from effecting a switch to an easement of conditions in regard to productivity, the fact is that the Minister seems to be very definitely guided by the principles in the Programme for Economic Expansion which play down the necessity for social investment. We must assume that Senator Dolan has read and studied the contents of both programmes since they have become the frequently quoted bible of his Party. There is no doubt that he and others must concede, in view of the evidence of the past few days, that the Minister is indeed playing his part in fulfilling that part of the Programme which asserts:

The expected decline in social capital expenditure in the coming years will afford an opportunity— and underlines the necessity—of switching resources to production purposes.

"The coming years" are, unfortunately, with us. All the difficulties and all the elements of crisis and of a breakdown in the position in relation to our economy are, unfortunately, only too well known to Members of the House. In his opening statement the Minister said he was only too well aware that the enactment of legislation alone cannot solve our housing difficulties. There is here an admission that housing difficulties exist. That is fully appreciated, but one is entitled to ask what the Minister and his Department have done in recent years to overcome those difficulties, what contribution they have made, and what contribution they intend to make this year and next year to overcome those difficulties. We have plenty of information at hand to prove positively that far from there being progress in housing we are in for an unprecedented recession in housing.

In the past few days the local authorities throughout the country—in some instances weeks after they had decided on their local budgets for the coming year and on the amounts of rates to be struck, without the necessary information relative to the amount of housing grants and road grants that will be obtainable—have been forced to strike the rates in ignorance of what allocations will be available either for housing or for roads. We await the increased road grants that no doubt will follow on the exaction of the increased motor taxation.

We have at least some information about the allocations for housing. On the last occasion Senator FitzGerald pressed the Minister repeatedly for an early announcement regarding the amount of grants that may be expected. Senator FitzGerald said:

Unless there is a complete breakdown of administration, never mind planning, the Department of Local Government and the Minister must be able, now when the capital Budget has been cleared, to tell local authorities how much money they will get for the different purposes for which they require it during the year.

Later on in the course of his contribution Senator FitzGerald said:

Local authorities are entitled to a clear statement of what they will get, and when. It is time the Department of Local Government and the Minister came clean.

I would hesitate to describe "coming clean" in relation to the developments of the past few days.

No doubt when Senator Dolan returns to County Cavan and when the council meet he will have an entirely different viewpoint regarding this year's allocation for housing for his county. I have not got the figures for his county. I have the figures for as many counties as I could glean them for this morning, and they made devastating reading. We are only too well aware of the dire need for housing to meet the demands on the local authorities.

I will say this about the Minister. It can at least be said in his favour that he spends more time in this country than most of his colleagues in the Government, but on the odd occasion when he does venture outside the country to view housing conditions in other parts of the world, he seems to be affected by the same disease which affects other Ministers when they are going abroad, and he delivers strictures and lectures, usually at the airport either when he is going out or coming back. The Minister has availed of such an occasion to offer considerable criticism of the local authorities in relation to the co-operation which was forthcoming from that quarter. In fact, he has had the audacity in the other House to allege that members of the Fine Gael Party in local authorities were responsible for the fact that housing had not progressed in certain local authority areas.

It is on record that in the debate last week Senator Lenehan informed the House of the devastating fact that in his county four houses were built in the course of a 12-month period. Can the Minister or Senator Lenehan allege that in that county the Fine Gael members of the authority were responsible for that? The substantial majority which the Fianna Fáil Party have in the county councils is clearly evidenced by the number of Senators elected to this House in consequence of having such influence with the local authorities, and if the counties have been remiss at local authority level it has not been because of the outrageous allegation made by the Minister that there was political bias in certain counties. If we had the figures before us from the various councils of what they have achieved and what they propose to do, they would indicate very clearly that there was no reflection whatever of political thinking in those counties.

Some half hour ago Senator Dolan made some extraordinary statements that have not been proved by reference to any source. I intend to quote from the White Paper of the Minister for Local Government, Housing Progress and Prospects, where he sets out in full detail the number of houses built in various years. In 1947-48, which was the year in which the present Government party were in power, the number of houses built by local authorities was 729 and 873 houses were built by private enterprise, making a total of 1,602 houses. 1948-49, which was a year in which a different Government was elected, the first inter-Party Government, the number increased to 1,871 local authority houses and 1,547 built by private enterprise, making a total of 3,418. In the following year, 1949-50 5,299 houses were built by local authorities and 2,814 houses were built by private enterprise, making a grand total of 8,113 houses. It was in the third year of the inter-Party Government's term of office, 1950-51, that the situation was reached where 7,787 houses were built by local authorities and 4,518 houses were built by private enterprise, bringing the total to 12,305. This is ten times the number of houses built in the last year in which the Fianna Fáil Party, were in office, 1947-48.

Senator Dolan had the audacity to make the allegation he made here, entirely unsupported by figures of any kind. The figures I am quoting are the Minister's own figures. Consequently, it cannot be alleged they are incorrect or that they are biased. Let us proceed from that. In 1951-52, Fianna Fáil were back in office and we had 7,185 houses built by local authorities, which is a small decrease. There were 5,487 houses built by private enterprise making a total of 12,672 houses. In 1952-53 the figures were 7,476 houses built by local authorities, 6,517 built by private enterprise, making a total of 13,993 houses. In 1953-54 there was a fall back to 5,643 houses built by local authorities and a fall back to 5,532 houses built by private enterprise. There was a drop of 1,000 alone in the private enterprise sector and this reduced the total from the previous year. For the first time in five years there was a reversal of the trend in house building. This brought back the total to 11,175 houses. In the following year there were 5,267 houses built by local authorities, 5,223 houses built by private enterprise, making a total of 10,490 houses. In 1955-56, the year of crisis of which we are all well aware, there were 4,011 houses built by local authorities. This is still five times in excess, despite all the talk of the particular crisis of that particular year, of the amount built in 1957-58. In that year 5,826 houses were built by private enterprise, making a grand total of 9,837 houses.

The following year the figures were 4,784 houses built by local authorities and 6,185 houses built by private enterprise, making a total of 10,969 houses. In 1957-58 3,467 houses were built by local authorities, 4,013 houses by private enterprise, making a total of 7,480 houses. In 1958-59 we had an abysmal drop to 1,814 houses built by local authorities and 3,082 built by private enterprise, bringing the total to 4,896 houses. Those were the lowest figures since 1948-49. In 1959-60 some little improvement was effected. There were 2,414 houses built by local authorities and 3,578 houses built by private enterprise, making a total of 5,992 houses. In 1960-61 there was a still further drop. In that year 1,463 houses were built by local authorities and 4,335 by private enterprise. This reduced the total by 200 houses to the figure of 5,798 houses. In 1961-62 we had a still further drop to 1,238 houses built by local authorities. There was a somewhat similar figure to that of the previous year in the number of houses built by private enterprise, 4,388, making a total of 5,626 houses. In 1962-63 only 1,828 local authority houses were built. This was several years after the Fianna Fáil Government had been re-elected. We had 5,039 houses built by private enterprise, bringing the total to 6,876 houses. The latest figures available are for the years 1963-64 and for that year 1,856 houses were built by local authorities and 5,578 built by private enterprise, making a total of 7,431 houses. The estimate for 1965 was 3,200, a figure which had not been reached since 1957-58.

I know I have bored the House with those figures but it is necessary to put them on record to bring to an end the ridiculous allegations made by Senator Dolan and his colleagues in reference to the history of the housing situation over a number of years that only one Government and one Party and they alone have made any contribution to the housing situation in this country. Let us now examine the portents for the immediate future and discover how the Government propose to face up to the admitted difficulties at the moment in relation to housing.

On the 22nd March, 1966, on the eve of the Easter recess of the Dáil, and after the local authorities made their financial provisions for the coming year, the Minister, at long last, informed the local authorities what they may expect to get by way of finance in order to assist them to carry out their housing programme for the coming year. The Cork County Council received a letter dated the 22nd March, in which they were notified that there should be an immediate review of policy in regard to the giving of loans for the purchase of previously occupied houses and that available funds should be conserved as far as possible for the building of new houses. I regard this as an extremely retrograde step because over the past few months I am aware, particularly in the town in which I reside, that a number of young couples were about to marry. Some had just married and some houses came on the market which had been occupied.

They were large houses and were in reasonably good repair. They came on the market by way of public auction. They were being disposed of by aged people who were going to join their families elsewhere. Here was a great opportunity for young couples starting out in life to become owners of their own homes. Those young couples would, in the normal way, have to wait seven and eight years until they could obtain a local authority house. By purchasing existing houses, young couples could start out in life in the knowledge that they would own their own homes without being subjected to the conditions to which thousands of their counterparts are subjected in our cities and large towns where high rents have to be paid for appalling living conditions in flats.

Nobody, who is a member of a local authority, is not fully aware that such conditions exist. Here was an easement of that situation by the provision of loans to enable those people to purchase those houses. Conditional approval was given to them by the local authority on the instructions of the Minister for Local Government, pending the availability of money. We were at this time in the financial crisis but the auctioneers, who disposed of the houses, had sufficient confidence, at this stage, to accept the bids made by those young couples and they sold them the property.

Months have elapsed and the local authorities have been unable to give to them the moneys that had been given in years previous for that purpose. I want the Minister in replying to this debate to inform us and the local authorities what the position is in relation to those applicants who have current conditional approval for loans to purchase existing houses. If we are to interpret this advice that in future local authorities are not to make loans available for existing houses, but are to confine whatever funds are available to the erection and purchase of new houses, then the consequences will be that very many of these unfortunates will in the first place possibly have to defer their marriage arrangements or if they are married will be compelled to reside with their in-laws in overcrowded conditions or alternatively will have to go in, if they are lucky, to that section that can get highly priced and unsuitable accommodation in miserable flats. From that moment they will become a charge on every local authority to have houses erected for them in the sweet by and by. If they are still here and have not emigrated they will get houses if they have patience. We know how long and under what conditions thousands of such families are waiting for rehousing, and, indeed, the indications presented by this circular present such a picture that it is quite apparent that there will be a catastrophic decline in the provision of suitable accommodation for these people in the next 12 months.

The allocations for Cork County Council, the largest county in Ireland, have now been announced by the Minister. We are committed to an expenditure of £132,000 in the coming 12 months in relation to housing. What do we get? £36,000 for the county of Cork. £30,000 of that was blown in one night in a hooley in Powerscourt House.

Give us the other figures.

The Senator no doubt will provide the figures for County Wexford. They will be very interesting when we hear them.

I shall. There are good figures there.

I am giving the Senator some figures. I have given the Cork figure and, in fact, I shall break it down for the Senator. There are three housing areas in the county and in Cork North £53,000 was committed, including the cottages held up awaiting sanction of loans, and the allocation for the coming year is £17,000. The Minister for Transport and Power has gone to town on the recurrent inflation of the last five or six years, and the former Tánaiste, now retired to the back benches, answers the question posed by the Minister for Finance as to what went wrong with his Budget. I will give the Senator all the figures I have available.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

The Senator will give the figures to the House.

Yes, I shall give them to the House. If the Senator wants the figures the Minister for Local Government is in the House, and we want the Minister for Local Government to give us within a matter of a week the entire picture for the whole country. We want to know what the global commitments were of every local authority in Ireland and what the provisional allocations have been in respect of every country.

Those figures were already there.

Where were they given or how may we have recourse to them?

They were given in the Dáil today in reply to a question.

For every county.

It is very difficult for a Senator to know what is going on in the Dáil today.

That is being helpful. We are, indeed, indebted to Senator Ryan for having informed us now that every Senator can have recourse to a Parliamentary question in the Dáil today which gives precise figures for each county. At least we know that the information is available, but Members of this House have not had available to them this information we now hear about.

The figures in relation to Cork city were announced last night and discussed by Cork Corporation, and let me say that the housing situation in Cork is appalling. This is a corporation in which the Government Party are well and truly represented by a majority of the Deputies representing them in Dáil Éireann, and, consequently, it cannot be alleged by the Minister that this is one of the local authorities which he states show political bias and will not co-operate in the housing drive with the Government.

In County Westmeath their commitment is £131,000 and their allocation is £92,000. Donegal, which is well known to the Minister for Local Government, has a commitment of £81,000 and is receiving £61,000.

That is a better proportion than anyone else so far.

This is reminiscent of the special road grants on the closing of railway lines when Donegal was favoured very much in comparison to what we got in West Cork when our railways were closed. Here we have the most favoured county relative to this receiving £61,000 out of £81,000, but in Cork city, as reported in today's Cork Examiner, the Cork City Manager, having presented a complete picture of the commitments, estimates an expenditure of £634,000 to meet existing commitments relative to housing in the city this year and they get an allocation of £310,000.

How much did they spend last year?

I have not got the figures for last year but I know this, that the new provision confining the allocation to the amount of work which is deemed in the opinion of the Department officials to be capable of completion within the existing years is a completely new departure. In the housing authority that I am a member of in South Cork last June when we made our application to the Department with all the schemes prepared that we wanted to put through of the houses we wanted to have erected we got a reply from the Department cutting back considerably on the amount we would spend on sanitary services and so forth on the basis that they would not be completed within the year. But from 1st June to the 1st February there was no action taken by the Minister and his officials to decide on the sanction of these schemes, but if sanction had been forthcoming within a reasonable period after the application by the local authority these schemes could have been completed within the financial year. We can say that the Minister has been most adept in the course of recent years in delaying every proposal for sanction which entails anything in the way of expenditure of moneys in relation to housing and sanitation.

One town in the county where I reside has made considerable progress, principally by local effort by way of catering for tourism. There is need there for a particular amenity and a submission came up for sanction months ago. Last May I contacted a senior officer of the Department of Local Government and I was informed that the Department were satisfied with the architectural proposals of the building, that the urban council could go ahead so long as they did not require one penny piece by way of subsidy. The Department, far from being a body who come to the assistance of the local authorities in providing these amenities, turn out to be merely architectural advisers who approve plans for houses, for public conveniences and so forth so long as they are not asked to provide a penny towards the cost.

When will the Senator give us the remaining figures in the letter?

I am working my way down. The Senator will have got the remaining figures from Dáil Éireann. He should take his time. The day is long.

And the figure is big when the Senator gets to it—much bigger than he is representing it to be.

Is the Senator alleging that I am deliberately giving an incorrect figure?

I am suggesting that the Senator is tardy about coming to the final figure.

Can I be expected to go to every council in Ireland?

For Cork.

Certainly. I have given the figure for North Cork and I neglected to give the other two areas. I gave the figure of £53,000 for North Cork's existing commitments and £17,000 allocated. In Cork South the figure for existing commitments is slightly larger, £59,000, and the amount allocated is £19,000.

The two are separate.

I have already explained that to the Senator. I shall give him the three figures and if he gets some pencil and paper it should not be beyond him to tot them up. The amount in respect of existing commitments in Cork West is £20,000 and the provisional allocation is nil. Not a brown copper. Not even a tanner out of Paddy Burke's collection box. I already gave the total of the three, the commitments at £132,000 and the actual allocation at £36,000. The story is not yet finished.

It will never be finished.

There is a new condition. It will be necessary, the circular says, to finance approximately 10 per cent of the gross capital allocation for housing, sanitary services and miscellaneous expenses from sources other than the Local Loans Fund or some internal resources.

Deputy Burke's?

I cannot think of any other. The Minister suggests receipts from the sale of land or other property. I do not know what other counties may have to flog to provide the 10 per cent in order to qualify for the 90 per cent but I do not know of any property that can be disposed of in my county. The circular goes on to say "...and such repayments of advances for housing purchase loans". I always assumed that the document which was agreed between the applicant for a loan and the lending body— the local authority—set out the terms of repayment of loans. These are the people who have now been subjected to 11/- or 12/- a week extra in this budget. It would be helpful if the Minister, in the course of his reply, would inform us what he means by sources other than the Local Loans Fund or other internal resources, whether this condition referring to a contribution of 10 per cent has ever been invoked previously.

Having conceived this new departure and intending to process it, we should like to know how he can expect any local authority to obtain this 10 per cent which is now a requirement so that people may get loans from the Department. Internal resources are out. The Local Loans Fund is out. That leaves the suggestion the Minister makes, in a helpful mood, for the sale of land or other property. These are points I feel it would be desirable for Senators and members of local authorities to have cleared within the next week or two when local authorities are examining the situation arising from the circular. They should be fully informed as to what is intended, as to how the local authorities can meet this new demand, entirely unforeseen when they were striking their rates during the last few weeks.

This has come as a shock to local authorities. What means does the Minister think local authorities can employ to dig up this 10 per cent as a prerequisite to obtaining the balance of 90 per cent from the Department? It has been pointed out that the Housing Bill is welcome and certain pious hopes have been expressed relative to an improvement in the matter of the provision of houses. We do not seem to have realised in the course of the debate the inflationary consequences on the cost of housebuilding. This has made it much more difficult for people to erect homes for themselves. We know that in the terms of contract subsidiary authorities have signed with people to build vocational schools and so on, they must abide by the terms of the contract and the people who built them have come back on the matter of increased building costs.

It is regrettable that there is no provision for a general increase in the grants to overcome the increases now involved in the erection of new houses. It is gratifying to see that some improvement has been effected in the raising of the income limits relative to the payment of supplementary housing grants but let it be remarked that the City Manager of Cork last night at the Corporation meeting presented as a possible solution to the bombshell dropped in their lap—by the indication of the amount of moneys they would receive relative to their requirements —that he favoured a complete abolition of supplementary housing grants for the coming 12 months. He could see no way of getting the funds to continue with the schemes which had been prepared and in process of implementation other than a complete wiping out of supplementary housing grants for a 12-month period. That is the opinion of the manager of one corporation as reported in today's Cork Examiner. It remains to be seen what attitudes will be adopted or what methods will be employed by the managers of the various councils throughout the country to combat the dire effects of the complete reduction in the amounts available for housebuilding in the coming year and, particularly, by the new inhibitions introduced regarding the abolition of loans for the purchase of existing houses, which I regard as the most retrograde step of all—this new departure of requiring a levy of ten per cent on local authorities before the Department will remit the remaining 90 per cent of grants to the local authorities even within the restricted allocation allowed to them for the coming year.

I am afraid I shall not be able to pursue this debate on the lines of the previous speakers. I trust that the political halo has now been dispensed with and that we may really discuss the Bill in the hope that it will be an improvement and will meet the housing needs of the people in the future. I am hopeful, too, and, indeed, quite confident that some of the people who have spoken entirely from the political point of view will come back later on to volunteer the same very helpful criticism and suggest helpful amendments, such as they have done in regard to other legislation passing through this House. I hope also that the Minister will forget about the political halo and will be prepared to open his mind and ears to such useful suggestions and amendments as may be put forward from one side of the House or the other because this is a Bill which affects the poorest and most necessitous people in our country.

The Bill has been described as not being spectacular but I think it has a much better recommendation than that. I would describe it as being progressive, combining the best concepts of previous Housing Acts, progressing with the advancement and with the conditions obtaining in modern times. adapting itself to the changing conditions and closing up, as far as possible, some of the loopholes of delay and frustration in previous Acts. I would suggest also that it dovetails into recent legislation, particularly the Land Act, so that if we take into account the terms of the Land Act—if and when it can be implemented—the housing position will be greatly changed. It is a pity that the Bill cannot be taken on its merits and I hope that later on, as the debate proceeds, and particularly in Committee, we will have a very different approach.

One of the points made early in this debate was that the Minister should relax some of his control in connection with the administration of the Housing Act. I speak in this matter, having experience different from any other person in this House, because it was my duty and my life's work to prepare and carry out housing schemes—small as they were in number as I shall tell the House later on— when it was absolutely necessary that I should know all the ins and outs of the Housing Acts. I can tell the House some of the difficulties in regard to implementing them. One of the things I regret, and which I am satisfied the Minister will not entertain, is that overall control should pass from the central authority—from the Department or the Minister—to the operating bodies, as I would call them, the county councils, the county boroughs and urban councils. We have 27 county council authorities operating in this country. I am not quite certain about the number of borough and urban councils but I would imagine they would be somewhere in the neighbourhood of 60. All those authorities are made up of ordinary people like ourselves, differing in views and political outlook and some of them, possibly, having different motives behind their approach to discussion and operation of the Housing Acts in a local authority. Some of them, like ourselves, are reasonable. Some of them, like ourselves, are unreasonable but it was suggested that blanket authority should be issued, somewhat in the nature of the authority issuing to CIE, Bord na Móna, Aer Lingus and such other bodies. But the same thing does not apply at all. I hold that the authority exercised by the Minister and by the Department of Local Government is exactly on a par with the authority exercised by the executive authority of CIE, Bord na Móna, Aer Lingus or any other body and any diffusion of that authority would be entirely wrong.

Another matter I should like the Minister to bear in mind is supervision. Schemes are held up through excessive supervision. I would make one suggestion to the Minister—and I think it should be incorporated in legislation —that, in accepting tenders for houses, the lowest tender need not necessarily be accepted because our country, during recent years, has had to turn to a number of people who became builders with very little experience and no real strict code of training in repairing war damage in England. They made quite considerable sums of money and came back to this country, becoming builders and contractors overnight. My experience has been that no amount of supervision or effort will make a good contractor out of a bad one. Consequently, I think the advice of the local engineers should, in all cases, be adopted if the local engineer raises objection to the acceptance of a tender or a contractor he does not consider entirely satisfactory from his previous experience.

The objective in the construction of any house or cottage should be a lifetime of at least 100 years. We should build them up to that standard, and some of the houses that are being built are not up to that standard, in my opinion. Indeed, a standard of 100 years is too low. Many of the old mud-walled cabins that still remain throughout the country have had a lifetime of more than 200 years. Anything at all in the nature of emergency building with inferior workmanship, turning out inferior houses, should be avoided.

It was suggested that in some cases contractors could be got to build houses for local authorities for considerably lower sums than for private house building. The suggestion was made that the contractor, knowing the amount of the grant and the supplementary grant, took that in as part of his profit in his tendering and did not give the benefit of strict tendering to the person building privately. I do not think that is so at all. Contracts for local authorities are large and the contractor knows that the supervision that will be exercised by a private individual who is having a house built for himself will be extremely strict. The owner will be glad to see the house growing and he will be on the building every day if possible, so the supervision is much more strict.

Furthermore there are higher standards of finishing and fitting in private houses than in local authority houses. The final reason why prices may be higher, and justifiably so, is that the private individual tries to enforce a strict time limit for the completion of the house. Taking all those factors into consideration, I can see a perfectly good reason why contractors cannot build houses for private individuals at the competitive price at which they can build groups of houses for local authorities.

In the debate last week, blame was laid at the door of the Minister and the Department for the conditions that obtain in the city of Dublin. People are not inclined to realise and study the problem as it exists. Most of the houses in the centre of the city are 200 or 300 years old, and would normally begin to show a certain amount of deterioration because of weather conditions and atmospheric influences. The biggest cause of the collapse of quite a number of old houses in the centre of the city of Dublin is the change in traffic conditions, the weight, the intensity and the speed of traffic. Traffic is being diverted off the main, central wide streets of the city, and is being concentrated in one-way streets, and the weaknesses of the foundations of those old houses are immediately found out by the vibration of the fast heavy traffic. That is really the reason, and nobody can be held to blame, neither this Minister, nor this or any other Government. This has arisen out of changes in traffic conditions in the city.

I think we can count our blessings because we have had so much peripheral building in and around the city of Dublin to allow people to be housed out of the crumbling houses in the centre of the city, and to enable the Government to have proper up-to-date planning schemes. Another point is that one house in a row of houses may become dangerous and it is immediately taken down. This hastens the decay or deterioration of the adjoining houses, and in a very short time the whole street has to be stripped down. When those houses have to be taken down, there should be very realistic thinking about their replacement.

I read or heard last night that Dublin Corporation have suggested that a number of vacant areas in the city should be reserved for car parks. I do not agree with that and I think the Minister should give very serious consideration to it. It is estimated that the population of the city of Dublin will increase to one million within the next 20 years. It would be quite wrong to spread the population out into satellite towns around the periphery of Dublin. We should aim at rebuilding flats and houses in the centre of the city so that people can be rehoused in the centre of the city where they will be convenient to their jobs and where transport will cost them less. I feel that we should very definitely rule out the taking over of large areas for car parks. If we are to have car parks, we should have multi-storied buildings to accommodate them.

The question of roads in developed areas was also raised on the last occasion. I suggest to the Minister that he should include in this legislation, or in some future legislation, a provision that the final grant will not be paid until the full development is satisfactory to the Department and to the local authority. In my own town an area was developed by a private speculator and the roads were not completed. The people who occupy those houses were put to great inconvenience because they were not completed. The local authority could not take over the roads because they were not suitable for taking over. In future, it should be a definite condition that the entire development must be entirely satisfactory before the final grant is paid. It must be remembered that the developers and the occupiers have the advantage that they get a partial remission of rates for seven years. The local authorities are put to great expense if they have to take over roads and construct them for the benefit of speculators.

I welcome the section in the Bill with regard to flexibility of allocation. This was a matter that caused considerable difficulty. Of course, the final say in the allocation of houses in the country, in any case, rests with the county medical officer. He was tied up by certain regulations which rendered it impossible for him now and again to give houses to deserving cases with large families, if there were an applicant who had a pulmonary disease or some such condition.

I also welcome the condition with regard to resale of land for private cottages. This is welcome. Sections 62, 102 and 106, where power is given to take over particular houses which are no longer used, is necessary and is welcomed. Senator Cole urged that the grants for reconstruction of houses should be increased and thought it unreasonable that a person with a valuation of £25 or under would be entitled to a grant and a supplementary grant, amounting in all to £900. I agree that it would be advisable, and it would possibly help in the solution of the housing problem, if the amounts for reconstruction were increased, but I cannot agree at all that the provision of £900 by way of grant and supplementary grant to persons with a valuation of £25 is ridiculous.

I think it should be retained and farmers, like everyone else, should be encouraged to build their own houses with grants and loans. They will then be much more house-proud and much more inclined to maintain those houses in good condition. I agree with the increase in area to 1,500 feet. Indeed, Senator McAuliffe and my colleague, Senator Lenehan, showed how those regulations can be got around. When there is a garage, or such building, adjoining a house, all you have to do is break a wall from the house into the garage and then you have an extra room in the house. That should not be necessary and if a person with a big family wants an extra bedroom, it would be much better if it were provided in the beginning instead of resorting to any of those techniques, even though we had resort to them ourselves and used our own ingenuity.

I am all in favour of the differential rent system. It should be universally adopted. I know cases in which cottages were built 20 years ago. They were let at something like 5/- or 6/- a week. There is £40 or £50 in wages coming into some of those houses every week. In the same row of cottages, you may have a man with a large family of seven or eight children who is maybe a roadworker or a labourer and is earning £9 or £10 a week. This man who has a big responsibility with young children has to pay the same rent as his neighbour in whose house there may be five or six people earning, the total income amounting to £50 or £60. The differential rent system is quite reasonable. I think that the flat rate was operating unfairly to the relief of the well-off at the expense of the not so well-off.

Another point I should like to make has been mentioned here already, that is the necessity for controlling the rent of flats. When houses are converted into flats, there should be some control of the rents at which they are let, bearing in mind the initial cost of building, the reconstruction costs and allowing the speculator ten per cent or 12 per cent on his total outlay. In my opinion, once you go beyond that, it is entirely unreasonable to exploit those poor people, as they are being exploited. I cannot understand why some people are happy with that kind of money. As I say, if you take into account the original value of the house, reasonable costs for converting it into flats and any capital outlay on it and give a total profit of ten per cent or 12 per cent, it should be quite reasonable. This would cover the cost of maintenance of the flats and any charges which have to be met.

Senator Fitzgerald mentioned that he would like more control for the local authorities. There is more control being provided for them under this Bill. This control, as I suggested, will be exercised by the Minister and his Department. Local authorities are blamed for delay in implementing housing schemes and acquiring sites. None of the Senators here have had the experience I have had of trying to get sites. It is a most difficult thing to get people to agree to give sites for what we call labourers' cottages. In the first place, they felt it would reduce the value of their land because you brought in a colony of people into one corner of their holding. In the next place, in very many cases, when you acquired a small site for individual cottages, you found the people from whom you acquired the site did not have title. You had possible three generations before you got established title for that particular plot. Local authorities cannot build on any plot until they have clear title. That is possibly not understood by most people or, if it is, people forget about it and are critical of the local authorities on this account.

Much of the delay in connection with housing schemes by local authorities is caused by the planning department. I would be inclined, in this connection, to agree with Senator Cole that we have planned ourselves out of reason and commonsense. The local authorities should be allowed to acquire and develop sites and exercise reasonable control over the distribution of houses on those sites. They should leave the sites available for private individuals who would be enabled to build their own houses by way of loans and grants. A certain amount of criticism was levelled at my own county. It was inspired by my colleague, Senator Lenehan, and it followed on the disclosure by Senator Fitzgerald that 5,278 cottages were built in Meath. That discloses, of course, the fact there was a good amount of employment, that you had people who could take over those cottages and find a means of living in that particular neighbourhood.

I am glad of the fact that one-acre plots can now be sub-divided. At least, they cannot be sub-divided until they are in the hands of local authorities. If the property is vested in the tenants then you have to buy out on the tenant's terms if you are going to use the plot for additional purposes. This is desirable because all through the country those one-acre or half-acre plots are now derelict. They will not even sow vegetables in those plots. It is extraordinary but true that nine tenths of the vegetables consumed in the towns in the County Mayo are brought down from Dublin, and I understand that there is a shortage of vegetables in Dublin and we are getting them from Holland or Belgium. The allocation of large plots for cottages is at the moment just a waste of good ground.

I agree about dower houses, but I think it would be more desirable that an additional room or two rooms should be built so that the old people who would go into the dower house would still have the care and attention of their families living in the main house.

I can give some figures now illustrating the position in County Mayo because a survey was carried out there in 1962. Up to that time cottages or houses could not be provided for small landholders. The survey reveals an extraordinary position. In the whole county, where we have about 45,000 dwellings, there were 4,894 substandard. Of these 3,439 or 70.2 per cent were houses where there were no children under 12 years. Of course, there were many degrees of substandard houses, from the comfortable thatched house which was not serviced to miserable hovels. The hovels in the entire county would be in the low hundreds. Sections 5 and 6 of the Housing Act, 1962, provide a legislative basis for dealing with the worst cases of hovels in a complete manner by harnessing the goodwill of voluntary organisations, and that has been done. The St. Vincent de Paul Society and other voluntary organisations have helped in providing one-room houses to replace those old hovels where the people agreed to that being done. Many of them will not agree to leaving the old houses. Some of those one-roomed or two-roomed houses may not be very aesthetically perfect but they are effective.

Regarding the 1,455 substandard houses with children under 12 the valuation in most cases was less than £5. There must be some effort made to rehouse those people. You have to take into account the Land Act under which it is proposed that in the future viable holdings of 40 acres of arable land will be the order of the day. If you are going to try to house those 1,455 people who are in substandard houses with children, you will find that as the operations of the Land Act develop you will have built more houses than you require. In this matter you must have the closest liaison between the Land Commission and the local authority, and it would be very difficult, of course, for the Land Commission to disclose that they intended to migrate A, B, C or D because this is going to create a regular furore within their Department. There must be a certain amount of delay, and I think that that delay in advisable.

Having this in mind, you have a provision in section 44 of the Bill that the county council can be subsidised to the extent of 66? per cent in connection with the provision of sites for housing any person whose valuation is under £5. Mayo County Council feel that that figure is entirely too low. I will be glad if the Parliamentary Secretary will take a note of that particular point. They feel that the valuation should be more in the neighbourhood of £15. If you have in future a tenant getting anything like 40 acres of arable land the valuation is going to go up. It would be much better that he should have an opportunity of building his own house with a loan and a grant than that the Land Commission should do it and put it on to his rent, which would make the rent entirely out of his reach, or that the local authority would do it and he would be only a tenant rather than the owner in the house.

There is another suggestion made by the county council of Mayo to meet those cases where people are living in miserable hovels. It is very difficult to get them to move, but if they can be moved they should be housed in the neighbourhood of towns where you would have some charitable organisations that will help them, look after them and visit them in their old age. The only alternative is to move them into the county home, and that we do not want. There should be colonies built of small one or two roomed houses for old couples. We should be careful that they will be built in areas where there are active voluntary organisations who might be able to help those people in the closing days of their lives.

Another provision in the Bill I think is very commendable. That is the power to take over houses that have been built and left uninhabited in good condition, where people have gone away. I know some cases where people came home from America and with their own money and with the aid of a grant and a supplementary grant built houses, then locked the door and went away to America. Within my own lifetime and in my service in the council, even within the last 25 years, I have known houses built with loans and grants which have been left derelict and are now in ruins. Even the roofs are off. The provision for taking over those houses in the future and putting tenants into them and keeping them occupied, particularly during the period while other houses are being built, is an excellent provision in this Bill.

Another question is that of itinerants. I was surprised to hear Senator McAuliffe suggest that substandard houses be used to house them. If houses are not fit for the tenants in them they should not be tenanted by itinerants. The question then arises as to whether we should provide good type houses for itinerants. In Mayo we provided cottages for itinerants and after one winter we found the floor boards pulled up and burned, the balustrades and staircases pulled down and burned. Even the doors were burned.

Itinerants as we see them in Mayo are mostly dealers and they all have horse-drawn or motor-drawn caravans. They need small, developed caravan sites. They object to large sites. An investigation has been carried out among 55 families. A majority said: "We are interested in a house; we are interested in work". As far as my experience of them goes, their interest would be to use the place for one winter and then go off again as is their wont. The question, therefore, is entirely one of providing small caravan sites. One of the things we found out was that they were antagonistic to large type camp sites. They do not want to inherit the earth.

I do not agree with my neighbour, Senator Lenehan—I am sorry he is not here. He said 98 per cent of the people in his area were adequately housed. It is a fact that during many years in that area people availed of Gaeltacht and other grants and built reasonably comfortable houses. But the houses were never serviced—they still are not. Admittedly, they were a big change from the old thatched houses where sometimes animals were bedded at the end of the house. The houses were good, with slate roofs and were built in the most favourable conditions: a handyman in the district did all the building and, to use a local expression, he turned the key in the door for £40. In other words, he built the house from the foundations, doors, windows and roofs being provided by the person for whom the house was built. Though many of those houses look nice in the countryside, they are not serviced. Many of them now qualify for improvement grants and many people have added a room or two, but they still do not come up to Senator Sheehy Skeffington's standard of a fully serviced house as we accept it now.

During the years, while 5,200 rural cottages were built in Meath, the total built in Mayo was 839. The people in Mayo were all small landowners and until 1962 we were prevented by law from building cottages for farmers or agricultural labourers. We could build them for tailors or jockeys all right. During my time I encouraged the county council to vest those cottages in every case in which a tenant was willing. We felt that if they did not own their cottages the tenants were not too anxious to maintain them. If a hinge fell off from a door they would allow the door to pull off the other hinge before they thought of repairing it.

Of those 839 cottages, 758 have been vested, leaving 81. Sixty of those have a purchase scheme prepared and a purchase scheme is being prepared in respect of the remaining 20. In a short time all rural cottages in the county will be vested in the people living in them. We have a world rates record in Mayo, 82/- in the £, but cottage repairs cost only £200 to the county council. I am sorry to hear that people feel the council have been negligent, that the officials have been negligent.

Recently, advertisements were issued inviting applications from people in the sizeable towns, with populations of between 1,200 and 1,500, if they required cottages. For the entire county the total number who applied was 23. Of those, ten were from Crossmolina where there is a power station with electricians and other mechanics, three were from Belmullet and nine from Claremorris. Therefore, I do not think it is fair to say we have been negligent.

There are one or two other points on which I should like to speak. It was mentioned that the stamp duty was one of the deterrents to vesting cottages. In regard to rural cottages, vesting can take place on the payment of a sum of a half crown. In the three urban areas stamp duty and solicitor's fees are charged on the full value of the house. I think that is unreasonable and entirely unnecessary. I know it has operated against the vesting of urban cottages, that the cost of stamp duty and solicitor's fees runs to over £100.

I should like to pay tribute to the facilities made available—and which have been largely availed of in my county—for helping people to build their own houses. The House will understand that we can feel a certain amount of pride when I tell them that Mayo County Council has already paid out of its own funds more than £1 million in supplementary grants. I have that figure from the Manager's report to the county council at the estimate meeting this year. That figure means also that the State has paid in grants alone more than £1 million. That should be borne in mind when people are criticising the Government, or any Government, operating under difficult circumstances. They might look back with pride on the fact that, when the facilities were there, they were very generously donated and handed out to the people to help themselves—£1 million from the State and £1 million from Mayo County Council to help those people to build their own houses.

There is one final point I should like to make. In section 26 of this Bill supplementary grants can be paid to farmers with a valuation of up to £60. Supplementary grants can be paid to officials or workers with a salary of £1,045 only; an increase from £832 in the previous Act to £1,045 in the present Bill. I suggest—and it has been recommended to me that I should make this case in the Seanad—that that figure of £1,045 for a worker, an employee, an engineer or any other person who is not working on the land is entirely too low and bears no relation whatsoever to the farmer with a £60 valuation. I would recommend— and I should like a note taken of it— that that amount for officials and employees should be increased to £1,400. Let me take the case of a man in my own profession. A man in my profession, an engineer, is very lucky if he qualifies at 22 years of age, having spent at least four or five years in a secondary school and at least four years doing his university course. It is the universal experience of young engineers that they never get a permanent job until they have been at least five years in temporary employment, which brings them up to getting their first permanent job at 27 years of age.

Those young people in the country would at least like to have some place of their own. They would like to settle down, marry for love and work for riches, but they cannot provide themselves with a house because their commencing salary would be something in the region of £1,300 or £1,350 and they are way above the limit fixed at £1,045. I mention engineers because I know the salaries at which most of them start and they would be working a couple of years before reaching £1,400. But if you want to help young professional people at home you must give them reasonable facilities for marrying and settling down at a reasonable age, and that is under 30 years of age. One of the ways in which that can be done and in which young people can be encouraged to stay at home is to give them the means of providing themselves with their own home with the aid of supplementary grants and loans which they would be able to repay from their salaries over the years.

I, like most of the other Senators who have spoken, welcome this Bill. I believe everybody agrees that housing is one of the most important factors in advancing the welfare of the people in any country. It has effects on their health, on their well being, on their vigour and on their interest in promoting the affairs of the country generally. These things are so self-evident that I do not think it is necessary to dwell on them in any great detail.

In this country our problems in relation to housing are formidable now, and have been for many years. We have a shortage of dwellings, particularly in Dublin. We have dwellings of a very poor standard because they were built a long time ago and for another purpose—built to house one family, whereas they house now, perhaps, five or six. They were built for conditions of traffic, as Senator Flanagan has pointed out, different from those obtaining today. Incidentally, I do not think traffic is the principal reason for most of these houses being in such a poor state—some of them falling down. Many of these houses which are crumbling are situated in culs-de-sac and in Mercer Street and York Street, where the traffic is relatively light. I think it is the usage they are getting and their age.

Then we have the disadvantage of being close to a neighbouring country where the money available for spending on housing is very much greater and where, therefore, standards of new housing are probably better than what we can afford here so that by comparison even our new houses are not as attractive as one might see in other countries. We have our rural conditions and it is always more difficult to design and carry into effect a programme for rural circumstances than it is for urban conditions. In rural areas we know conditions have been improving but the improvement is very gradual. We have houses that are sound replacing houses that are not sound, but some of the new sound houses may be lacking in services. They very often are. We are only now beginning to tackle the problem of having water supplies laid down for the bulk of our rural housing.

Therefore, this Bill is to be thoroughly welcomed because it encourages the local authorities and other bodies and private people to go on with the business of providing new houses. In some respects I doubt if the Bill goes far enough. The extensions I should like to see cannot be incorporated in this Bill, but perhaps in future legislation like this they could be considered. For instance, what is the interest of the central authority in the general development of housing in local authority areas? At the moment it is left almost entirely to the local authorities, and many of them carry out their functions excellently, but there are certain broad matters on which I think a certain amount of direction should be given from the central authority.

For example, on the design of the housing estates which we see going up, the point has been made that some are rather unimaginative and perhaps monotonous. The point has also been made that sometimes they are left without many of the amenities that should be provided, although local authorities are expected to put in playgrounds. That is even mentioned in the Bill. There is no definite direction that this should be done. That is a point that might be adverted to in some future measure.

There is also the question of general building policy. A matter which has been raised before on this Bill in the other House is whether we should prefer to have detached or semidetached houses in suburban areas perhaps some distance from the centre of the town, or a much more dense type of building near the centre. There are arguments in favour of both. In general, the buildings near the centre are cheaper than those on the outside when travelling and rent are taken into account.

The buildings near the centre must be tall buildings and due regard must be had to the amount of space between them. I do not agree with Senator Flanagan that they must be placed close together. I think everyone realises that you can put more people on a given area of ground by using tall buildings than by having two or three storey buildings, but you must leave adequate space for playgrounds and car parks.

Senator Flanagan thought the houses should be capable of lasting for at least 100 years or possibly more. In the city of Leeds they had a housing problem which until a few years ago was probably at least as bad as ours. Two or three years ago, 30 per cent of the houses in that city, which all of us would probably regard as a prosperous city, an industrial city, were old early Victorian, back-to-back houses with no possibility of through ventilation. There were rows of houses with perhaps three or four back to back with three or four others, with no garden, no yard, and with a sanitary convenience for four or five houses in a separate place down the street. In that city they embarked not on a slum clearance programme but on a city replacement programme. They replaced those houses with 15 or 16 storey buildings, and they reckon the life of each at 70 years. At the end of that period they will have to be replaced, so that once every 70 years there will be a new city of Leeds.

One hundred years might be quite a reasonable life for a house in a country district, but having regard to the availability of new material and the development of new designs, I do not think that any house in the city should in the future be expected to last that length of time. I mean dwelling houses. Of course, there will be public buildings that must be of a much more durable character. Those are questions on which the central authority might easily give some guidance to the local authority.

The point has also been made that it is worthwhile encouraging the occupier to take a personal interest in his house. That is a point which every one of us appreciates. He is a much more effective occupier if he is the owner as well. From the debate in the other House there appears to be a difference between the policy in the rural areas and in the city of Dublin. Senator Flanagan told us that of the large number of cottages built in County Mayo only a handful remain the property of the authority. At column 992 of the Official Report of the Dáil debate of 8th July last, we are told that Dublin Corporation own about 44,000 dwellings. This was regarded by the speaker, who is a member of the Corporation, as being an unhealthy situation. Apparently, they cannot get rid of these, according to the speaker, because there seems to be some reason why they cannot be taken over by the owners. That is another matter that should be looked into.

I have referred to the housing estates built by the local authorities. Sometimes they tend to be all built to the same design, and that does not help the appearance of those estates. In this respect I wonder if we could possibly manage to copy the situation in Northern Ireland where the Northern Ireland Unit Trust has a function which is somewhat in between the local authorities and the private builders in relation to houses. This trust is a voluntary body. There are several branches throughout Northern Ireland. It is a voluntary body which is subsidised and encouraged by the Government, and it is able to build in a rather less restricted way than most local authorities, because they are tied so closely to a limited budget. Of course, the houses are somewhat more expensive, but a little competition between the local authorities and a voluntary body of a type like that, might do a great deal of good in our circumstances.

There are a few matters in the Bill to which I should like to refer rather briefly. I am not very satisfied with the definition of "housing" in the Second Schedule. The Second Schedule deals with matters to which a housing authority are to have regard in considering whether a house is unfit for human habitation. That refers to subsection (2) of section 66 which says:

The housing authority in considering whether a house is unfit for human habitation shall have regard to the extent (if any) to which the house is deficient as respects each of the matters set out in the Second Schedule to this Act.

Those matters are set out in a pretty exhaustive list, but there is nothing definite about any item on the list. The housing authority are to have regard to "resistance to spread of fire". What degree of resistance? Is the house to be made of asbestos, or concrete, or some completely fire-proof material? I do not know how I would operate that if I were an inspector. The housing authority are to have regard to "resistance to transmission of heat". I do not really know what that means. Does it mean heat coming in too easily, or going out too easily?

This is a very vague Schedule. In the past a number of definitions of housing standards have been promulgated from time to time. We all know you have to start off by being vague, because if you are too definite you may find yourself having to condemn a very large number of houses right at the beginning. This is a very difficult situation. It just is not clear what is to be made of any of those items in the Schedule. Overcrowding is defined. I think it is defined fairly satisfactorily although I would agree with the previous speaker that there is nothing to say whether people sleep in every room in the house or only in the bedroom leaving some rooms to be used as living rooms. There should be some reference to the amount of living room accommodation in a house when overcrowding is being defined. Overcrowding is a tremendously important aspect of housing. The overcrowded conditions in some of the buildings and dwellings in this city are responsible for a great deal of unhappiness, psychological difficulties and juvenile delinquency as well as for some of the physical illness which we find among people living in such conditions.

Finally, I want to say a word about the dower houses mentioned in section 17 of the Bill. I agree with Senator Flanagan that the overall floor area of 500 square feet is small. It might be considered enough certainly for two elderly people provided they have some help from their son who lives presumably on the farm. They may then be happy enough but from time to time their grandchildren may spend a while with them. The area involved is really only three rooms, when allowance is made for a hall or something like that. It is not enough to provide only the bare minimum for two elderly people. We want to try to make it an attractive proposition. We must try to encourage such elderly couples to give up the homestead to their son or married daughter and let the young people be in control of the farm from the earliest possible moment. Therefore, you will want to encourage them by making the conditions to which they will retire as pleasant as possible. It would be better in the long run if the Minister could extend the area or allow some further additions, as the last speaker has said, to this type of small house.

I am a bit hesitant about intervening in this debate at all because unlike, possibly, the majority of Senators, I am not a member of a local authority and am not intimately associated with the problem of housing. Incidentally, I have always had the greatest sympathy with members of local authorities who deal with the heartrending problem of individual families looking for accommodation and without being able to do very much about it.

I notice, for example, in the papers today a report of a meeting of the Cork Corporation. It appears from the report, at any rate, that the money made available to the Cork Corporation will allow them to build at the rate of 90 houses this year. It is further indicated by the Minister, apparently, that the corporation can expect the same amount of money the following year, 1967-68, again which will permit them to build about 90 houses.

The same report seems to indicate that the corporation have apparently been building at the rate of 180 to 190 houses per annum. Even at that rate of building, which is about twice what they will be doing for the next two years, there are about 1,250 necessitous cases, namely, families awaiting and needing accommodation from the local authority. Building at the rate of 90 houses per year those people could expect to be housed in about 14 or 15 years' time, providing no other necessitous cases come along in the meantime and providing also that houses will not age, which we all know they do. This is the sort of problem——

I thought the Senator was going to say "progress".

I have the greatest sympathy with members of local authorities dealing with families awaiting accommodation and whom, in their hearts, they know they cannot accommodate for very many years, if at all. The point I am trying to make is that we seem to have here a permanent problem. In the next few months I suppose there will be a great deal of swopping of figures about what the inter-Party Government did and what the Fianna Fáil Government did. Somebody remarked, I think, that whilst we will not have very many houses we will have a lot of talk in Leinster House in this connection. We will be engaged in politics without building very many houses.

As I said, I have not immediate experience of and I am not intimately concerned with this problem but I had some little experience of it in connection with another aspect. Dealing with trade union problems, I noticed that the members of my organisation in the Republic are forced, when purchasing houses, to go out into the open market, borrow at an exorbitant rate of interest, mortgage their whole future and be in the greatest financial difficulty in the first ten or so years of their married life, whatever about afterwards. I found that members of my organisation in Northern Ireland, doing the same job, when they wanted houses had not to go out into the open market. They can get suitable houses with which apparently they are quite happy from the local authority or the housing trust.

This point was brought out in the annual review in the Irish Times at the beginning of this year where it seemed from the figures, side by side, that public housing here, namely, housing provided by public authorities is about one-third of the total housing provided in the Republic and two-thirds are provided by private enterprise. The figures for Northern Ireland are the opposite, namely about two-thirds are publicly provided houses and one-third is privately provided. We have the sort of situation in which apparently, by Government policy, we are only attempting, and this very inadequately, to provide houses for a very limited number of the community. We are providing about one-third of the houses built every year and the remaining two-thirds are left to private enterprise.

In Northern Ireland the position is completely different. This would appear to be quite O.K. if you had the situation that the public authorities need only come into this picture to supplement private enterprise, to fill out the picture, but that is not the situation. Apart from the charges and countercharges we will have for the next six or twelve months, is it not accepted by everybody that we have a permanent housing problem in this country? There is a permanent shortage of housing, and the Minister was saying some years ago that we are going to solve the problem by 1970. We all know now that that is ridiculous, and probably the problem will be even worse then than it has been in previous years.

We are having this permanent problem, and in those circumstances where there is a shortage of capital, where there has been in some years certainly, though not now, a shortage of skilled people to build houses, and a shortage of lands on which to build in many cases, the public sector should be far stronger. We should, as a community, try to build and provide houses according to the social needs rather than as at present leaving most of the task by deliberate policy to private enterprise where—let us be frank about it—if you have enough money, there is not much about at the moment, you can get housed immediately, and you can tie up as much capital, as much building material, and as much of the time of skilled craftsmen in providing building as you want. On the other hand, we have a permanent situation that we have a shortage of housing, that people this year, next year and the year after are not going to be able to get decent accommodation for themselves and their families. If this was a passing phase, something about which you could say "next year we will be over the hump and able to provide houses for all the people who need them" I would be reasonably happy about it. But I am asking the House to face up to the fact that neither next year nor the year after or the year after that are we going to solve the housing problem.

We are socially unjust in the way we are approaching the matter up to now. We are allowing most of the market for private enterprise, which of itself has created problems for the economy and will never, anyway, solve the housing problem, because we know what happens with this private enterprise at certain periods. The profits taken in this private enterprise housing are huge. Fortunes have been made, though equally fortunes have been lost. People have gone bankrupt. It is up and down. They are competing one year, maybe, against one another for the skilled people and charging anything they like to the people olamouring for houses, making huge profits; then something goes wrong with the economy, they knock off their workers, who emigrate to England, there are no houses available, and another year or two after, we try to get those workers back from England to build more private houses here. I think this is a daft situation, and the sooner we face up to our moral responsibility as a community in this the better. I am admitting and accepting that I do not know what the answer to it is. I am standing deliberately a bit far back from the problem, because many of us involved in the day to day problems of trying to get houses for families and individuals in hardship probably do not see the wood for the trees. It is someone's responsibility. It is the responsibility of the community, of the Government and of the Minister to face up with courage to this situation.

This, I think, means that we should as a community possibly have a lot less of the high class luxury type of housing which has been coming along in recent years. We all know what has been happening. We are building beyond our requirements as it were, beyond our capacity to pay and support, in recent years. We have lovely detached houses, beautiful if we as a community could afford them, but I am suggesting that we cannot. We are taking up capital, taking up labour, when there is a growing need to deal with the permanent shortage of houses for the people in the community whether they are rich or poor. It really comes down to this. As I said, I do not know the solution to the problem but I do know that the way we have been behaving in this matter is not solving the housing problem. It still is here and it apparently will be a permanent feature of our economy and of our community. We have now wiped out the claim that 1970 will see an end to our housing problem. I think it is now accepted that, in fact, it will not, and that we will be as badly off in 1970 as we are at this time.

I was referring to the disturbance created to the economy by this up and down stop-go policy in regard to housing, its effect on the economic health of the nation, and that it is not a very effective way, apparently, of producing housing. There is another side effect I have noted, and the economists will be interested in this. I refer to the present situation where so many of our people are forced into the private enterprise market for housing against their wishes, in order to get housing. They have to borrow at a very high rate of interest, and mortgage their future. Let us face up to the problem that that creates. These are usually salaried white-collar workers. It is a severe burden on them at the time when they borrow from the corporation or the housing society or wherever they can get the money. It seems to me that if they look at their situation they have a vested interest in inflation. Looking back about 15 or 20 years, we find that a person borrowing for a house probably over a period of 35 years from the local authority finds his loan repayments are under £2 a week or less.

Less. About £6 a month.

Even then it was probably a fairly hefty burden on him at that time and something that he had to watch every week or month to be able to make the repayment. Now it is still that 30/- or £2 for the same individual, but inflation has helped him to ease the problem of housing. Similarly, the people undertaking this hefty burden at the moment are generally fairly shrewd and sensible people, and they equally see that inflation is their greatest servant in this matter. The greater the inflation, provided they can keep somewhat in touch by wage and salary increases, the easier the burden on them will be. There is no point in talking to them about an incomes policy when we force them into the open market and compel them to borrow in such circumstances. These people have a responsibility to themselves and their families. They are people who in many cases affect wage and salary movements.

I am told local authorities will be encouraged to move in the direction of providing houses for this type of people, the salaried workers. That is, of course, when the credit squeeze is off and when the signal is go instead of stop. I hope that will be the case because I am not happy about the present situation. We have failed and are failing to solve the housing problem. In so far as we are building houses —I was about to say "making progress"—we are behaving in a rather socially unjust manner. It is also a very inefficient way and damaging to our economy.

The Bill gives us an opportunity of having a look at the housing situation and in my contribution I hope to follow along the lines adopted by Senator Murphy as one who is not in contact with local authorities and, therefore, has got no firsthand knowledge of their problems but has had the usual experience of having had to build his own house. I wish again to stand back, like Senator Murphy, and have a look at the progress or lack of progress and at the problem as we see it. We can take our point of departure from a recent publication, the OECD Observer, a serious and informative document, giving statistics of the performance of the various countries in Europe, in America, in Japan and other countries. In it there is a very relevant table that all Senators and others interested in housing should ponder on.

It tells of the number of house units completed per thousand of the population for 1964. We cut a very sorry picture, being almost at the bottom of the table with 3.2 per thousand of the population and an estimated output in the year of 8,000 houses. At the other end, we find Germany with 10.7 per thousand, more than three times ours. Britain has 7.2, the Netherlands 8.4 and below us is Turkey only. The statistics have been arrived at by an OECD team. Therefore, it is an effort to give a balanced representation of what is happening in the various countries.

Our position is serious and we should try to analyse it and explain the big discrepancy between our performance and that of other countries. Straight away, we can mitigate our performance on a number of grounds. First of all, the other countries have the pressure of an expanding population while, unfortunately, ours is either static or declining. Of course, part of the demand for housing is due to an expanding population. On that heading, we can reduce the figure for Germany by about a quarter to bring it down from 10.7 per thousand to 7.2. They had an expansion in population of 1.2 per cent, whereas in the same period we had a slight reduction of .3 per cent. In England the expansion of population was 0.6 per cent. Therefore, the English figure could be reduced by a quarter, bringing it down to 5.4 per thousand.

There is another significant point that we can add. A country feels the pressure of an expanding population when the demand for housing goes on at the marriage level. At present we have quite a negative aspect due to heavy emigration since the last war. Due to that heavy emigration there is less demand for housing than the relative population figures would show. There is still another factor that must be taken into account. It is the percentage of the population engaged in agriculture. By and large, we have, as represented here, one third of our people engaged in agriculture. Rightly or wrongly, at the moment they are not exercising pressure on the national housing programme commensurate with their numbers. Here we can see a problem in the future because half of our farmhouses in the country require replacement in the near future. So far, that is not pressing on us. Therefore, the English figure in that respect can be adapted because their figure is 3.8 of the population engaged in agriculture as compared with our one third, a difference of 30 per cent in terms of housing demands. That would enable us to reduce the English figure by one third to bring it down to 3.6 per thousand. The German figure is about 22 per cent engaged in agriculture. It is not quite as big a reduction as that in respect of Britain but it would bring down the German figure to 5.4 per thousand.

Speaking for the situation in which we find ourselves and taking the year 1964 as a base, the OECD table here presents an all too alarming report of our situation. As far as I can make out, we are about 3.2 per thousand as compared with Britain's 3.6 and Germany's 5.4. However, these figures are not quite as dangerous as they appear. Yet we must be aware of the problem on the agricultural side. It is one which will have to be solved over the next 20 to 25 years.

We hope that emigration may tape off and that we may be subject again to the pressure of an expanding population, calling for increased housing under that heading in the future. If that is the case, of course, it will mean a stepping up of the housing programme and then it would be a very welcome force which caused us to move forward. The article gives an exceedingly fine presentation of what is being achieved in post-war Germany. The balance there has swung from public housing to private housing. In 1950 it was about 57 per cent public housing as against 43 per cent private and today that has swung to about 40 per cent public and 60 per cent private. Our figures would seem to suggest that around comparable times, say in 1950, we were about 60 per cent public and 40 per cent private. But today the pendulum seems to have swung a bit too heavily towards private housing because we are down on the figures quoted for 1963-64—1,856 in the public sector to 5,578 in the private. That is about 25 per cent, so there has been an even bigger shift here to private housing than has taken place in Germany in the same period.

Anyway we have got to look at the situation. The position is that we are spending a considerable amount on housing and yet we have a very great problem. In all fairness, we cannot load very much more on to the taxpayers in this regard. Yet we have got to make a much more representative provision than we have been able to make for our people in need of housing. I suggest that could be provided on two levels. On the first level the Government will have to seek a greater contribution by the individual to the capital for the house and that could be brought about by the savings of the individual in pre-marriage days. I suggest that the Government should deliberately, as a policy, in all classes encourage such savings, especially the classes today which are on our public housing lists and having great difficulty in getting houses. I suggest the Government should help them to help themselves, and help the taxpayer at the same time. I suggest the Government should consider a remission of income tax for workers, for all people, in the pre-marriage days for savings invested with a housing society. That could be done quite easily and it would be quite natural at least up to the difference between the single scale and the marriage scale—that is a difference of about £150 per annum so that the young man or woman going out to work at 16 or 17 would, immediately they came within the scope of PAYE, be informed by their employers that if they invested that with such a housing company or in some other way the State might specify, they would get exemption from taxation.

I think all could profitably save during that period and both sides could be saving; both the future husband and wife, so that after the normal six or seven years of employment, they would have saved up a considerable amount which would act as a very positive contribution towards the cost of commencing to build a house. I think that contribution could be made whether or not the building is done by a public authority. Again, I think a probable condition to such savings should be that if the income tax remission is to be granted on the savings, the savings should be held within the company until required by the person for the provision of a house, or for some definite minimum length of time. That would lighten the burden on housing finance. It would also be a very positive inducement to saving by a group whom I feel today are not making the contribution to saving they should, and that is the younger people in our community.

On the second level of contribution we need only look at the United States with all its great prosperity and with a national income of over four times as much per head as we have. We need only look at them and see how they provide their housing. Largely, it is self effort and, by self effort, I mean that a great deal of the owner's labour goes into the house after hours, on weekends or on the sixth day of the week. By that means, of course, the cost of the house is reduced considerably. The owner makes this very positive contribution and, at the same time, he acquires a great deal of skill and experience in ordinary house-building or repairs and he puts it to very good use afterwards in maintaining the house. I suggest, with the reduction in the working week—the 40 hour week and the five-day week—that all those who at present claim help from the public housing sector should be facilitated, encouraged and expected to contribute their labour as a significant part of the labour going into the building of that house. Ideally, we could encourage co-operative housebuilding—again something which happened very much in the United States when two or three men clubbed together and helped one another to build their houses. They may build them together or may build one first but it is an enterprise which goes on over, perhaps, two or three years. It makes this very significant contribution to a reduction in the capital demand because I feel, as a nation, that while we have a problem and must solve it, we cannot ask the taxpayer alone to solve it. We must have both positive contribution from savings and the equally positive contribution of the owner's labour during the period of building, and probably before and after for a considerable time.

We should place considerable emphasis in all our work on the question of maintenance. Seeing that we have a housing shortage, we should ensure that no house capable of being put into a habitable condition is let deteriorate to the point at which it is written off. When we come to the question of the housing of the agricultural community, which is a real problem, we are encouraged on the one hand by the fact that there has been such a drastic change in the existing houses in the countryside over the past 15 years with the advent of electricity and the installation of running water. Most of that has been done by the owners themselves, or with a very small amount of outside help. In other words, the capital required to do it was rather small, and the State gave some valuable assistance by way of grants to encourage people to get on with the job. That is the right approach for a country in our position.

Of course, when we look to the future something larger is called for. Many of our farm houses will have to be rebuilt. With an adequate system of grants and with the owner's own work this can be accomplished. We are in the position where the land annuities are running out. The period of repayment is almost over. Therefore, the question of putting the money necessary for new houses back on the annuities and repaying it again over a 20 or 25 year period is very feasible, and would probably get us over a good deal of our problems.

The question raised by Senator Flanagan of the level of the special grants is a very real one. He mentioned that an income of £1,045 is not comparable with produce from land with a valuation of £60. The land would have to be worked very well to leave the owner with a net income of £1,045 out of an area of land with a valuation of £60. After all, a valuation of £60 with a gross output of £40 per acre would be a very handsome return at £2,400, but the owner might expect very little over 50 per cent return for his labour, in other words, a figure of £1,200. So, to that extent an income of £1,045 does seem comparable with a valuation of £60.

I think the injustice lies with the question of the allowance for the family. You can get up to a maximum of £400 and you can increase the upper limit to qualify for a special grant based on the number in the family. Unless this is intended to be retrospective it will work against the young man who is newly married and has no family, whereas in four or five years he may have sufficient in family to claim the £400. I do not think there is any provision in the Bill whereby he can make retrospective claim for such a grant. Consequently, on that score the Minister might increase the amount for newly marrieds. That would bring it up to the figure suggested by Senator Flanagan of £1,400 or £1,450.

The question of loans arises, too. We are burdening ourselves too much by all these long-term loans of 35 and even 60 years. Most of the money goes in servicing the interest debt. The Government should as a matter of policy try to cut this back and it would be better for the people themselves if they could be forced by a little extra effort, by savings before marriage, or by contributing their own manual skill to the building of the house, to reduce the amount they require and to be able to pay it off in a shorter period. About 20 years should be the maximum for most normal houses. We should try to fit this into the period when the family demands are not at their highest. The demands on a married man will reach their peak after 15 or 20 years probably, and he is in a better position in the early years to pay off a loan.

The section in the Bill which encourages the development of research into building, building units, and so on, is very timely and worthwhile, and it is in keeping with what is happening in other European countries. The building advisory centre and the physical planning and other developments we have, are all very positive steps and will yield good results in the future. For that matter, the whole business of large scale building is becoming highly complex, and it is shown that by adequate planning considerable savings can be made, for instance, by computer analysis, called critical path analysis, which is worked out in advance for building schemes so that bottle-necks do not develop, material is at the site when required, and the whole thing flows smoothly. This whole business has been greatly aided by programming. I know quite a few Irish firms use such analysis and are highly pleased with it.

The Government at the moment are contemplating an extension of local credit unions and savings banks legislation. I suggest to the Minister that he might be able to tie in both of those with the financial requirements for housing, and as a means of encouraging individuals to make their contribution.

The other points I wish to raise can remain over to Committee Stage. It is worthwhile at this stage to stand back and see where we are going and try to see what radical changes of policy are necessary to ensure that our housing programme progresses more than it is progressing at the moment.

Business suspended at 6 o'clock and resumed at 7.30 p.m.

The housing problem is one that will be always with us just as it will be always with every country in the world. That is due to a variety of reasons. The standards of houses which are considered adequate in one period are not considered adequate in the next. Formerly, even as short a time ago as 30 years, it was considered sufficient to build houses without running water, without flush-lavatories and without bathrooms. Today, those houses are, for all practical purposes, obsolete. What is accepted in one generation is not accepted in the next.

One of the reasons, therefore, for the consequent occurrence of the housing problem is this matter of obsolescence. Another reason is that old houses deteriorate and go beyond economic repair. A third reason, and a very important one, is the duty of saving, as Senator Quinlan pointed out, is practically gone. Very few people today, even before marriage, will think of putting aside a certain reasonable amount of their capital every year for the purpose of providing houses for themselves.

Senator Quinlan suggested that might be corrected by having no income tax charged on the savings, if they were lodged with building societies. That, however, is the position at the moment. Money can at present be invested at 4½ per cent in building societies and no income tax has to be paid on the dividends. Money also can be put into saving certificates. Quite a reasonable amount can be put into the Post Office Savings Bank, the National Bank or any other branch of the National Bank throughout the country and there is no income tax charged on the interest for quite a considerable amount.

One reason—it is probably the primary reason—why there is a housing problem in this country is that people expect the Government to do everything for them. They are not prepared to help themselves. In this country out of every £1,000 spent in any one year on housing, whether public or private, £750 is contributed by the Exchequer. Out of public capital comes 75 per cent of the total amount spent on housing of all kinds in this country. In that regard, we rate the highest in Western Europe.

In Ireland 75 per cent comes from public funds for the total amount spent in housing in any one year. The next highest is the Netherlands with 69 per cent, the United Kingdom 56 per cent, Western Germany, to which Senator Quinlan referred, 27 per cent, Finland 20 per cent, Italy 13 per cent, Greece 5 per cent, Portugal 3 per cent and Switzerland 1 per cent. In Ireland, out of personal funds, we contribute less towards housing ourselves, even those of us who can afford to, than do any other country in Western Europe.

Ireland also ranks as the fourth highest in Western Europe in relation to subsidisation of rents at the expense of the public purse. Towards 98 per cent of the houses built in this country there is a contribution of one kind or another from the public purse. We rank the highest also in that regard. We are the lowest and the meanest from the point of view of putting up money out of our own pockets. We are the highest in our demand for money from the Exchequer for actual housing capital. We are the fourth highest in so far as rents are subsidised and we are the highest, at 98 per cent, in so far as contributions are made to all housing in the country.

Housing, of course, is a very basic problem, particularly here, because when we attained our own freedom we had a vast number of slums, both rural and urban. Many of the farmhouses and many of the houses in which our labourers lived in the heart of the country, as well as the houses in which the people lived in our urban areas, were unfit for human habitation. The first really big step taken towards the formation of a housing policy for this country was the Housing (Financial and Miscellaneous Provisions) Act, 1932. The Government, by that Act, agreed to refund to local authorities two-thirds of the local charges for all houses which they built for the lower income groups. I know, at that time, that circulars were sent by the Department to practically every housing authority in the country begging them and craving them to get rid of the slums in their towns and localities.

Relatively little was done and there was a gradual momentum. However, it is a basic problem, and a very human problem. Everybody is entitled to a certain degree of minimum shelter. This was a problem that had to be tackled and a problem that had to be a first charge, so to speak, on our social conscience so year after year new legislation was brought in. That legislation, however, was more or less on an ad hoc basis to meet a pressing necessity, something that went to the roots of human nature and so, of necessity, unfortunately, that legislation was not co-ordinated until an attempt was made to do so in the Bill now before the House.

I congratulate the Minister for that reason and I congratulate his Department on this Bill. It has removed many of the anomalies but it has not removed all of them. We had a revolution in this country, and then we got our own Government. Our revolution followed rather the pattern of the American Revolution and that of the French Revolution. We were satisfied to get rid of foreign domination here and have a new Government that would be elected by ourselves, much the same as happened in America. We did not get rid of the institutions which existed under that Government which perhaps were not suitable to the circumstances of this country. So our housing Bills were administered through various housing authorities, through large corporations like those of Dublin, Limerick, Waterford, Galway, through the county councils, and also through small bodies or urban councils, places in which in many instances the population was not more than 1,500 or 2,000 people.

That, unfortunately, created many anomalies. The views of a few local urban councillors were neither broad nor long-sighted. They knew that they were charged with all the various problems of running their little towns in which housing, perhaps, in their view took a very small part. They had not the benefit of skilled specialist services that are open to large corporations and county councils. They were subjective rather than objective in their outlook. In very few instances did they in advance make provision for sites which they might need in two, three, five or eight years' time. They perhaps lacked the capital to do that as well as lacking interest in the subject itself. Then the initiative had to come from them. All the department could do was to advise them, recommend to them, beg them to do something. I have seen many of those letters myself. But the initiative lay with them. The net result was that, as Senator Murphy pointed out, you had housing programmes only in your urban areas and in periods of boom. You had your local authorities in urban areas competing for the services of building contractors against insurance companies, the builders of office blocks, and private builders. The consequence was, of course, that frequently the contract prices were far too high. When that happened to excuse their own lack of foresight and of interest and very frequently of intelligence it was always very simple for them to lay the blame on the Department of Local Government and say that they had refused to sanction the contract because it was too high. That let them out.

I am glad to see that the present Bill gives authority to compel those people to programme their houses. Indeed not only can they be guided by exhortation, they can be guided by direction, and if they are not prepared to discharge their duties the Department can have those duties discharged by other bodies —the National Building Agency, for example—and debit the council with the cost of so doing. Likewise, at present those small urban areas can have in the future the specialist advice from the National Building Agency which heretofore was not available to them.

While it is not completely germane or relevant to the present Bill, I personally think that it would be a most satisfactory and progressive step if all small urban councils were completely abolished and their functions handed over to larger bodies such as the county councils, because thereby there would be much better services for everybody. When it comes to housing the county council is not confined to the small narrow area of the urban council. As towns expand they can build on the perimeter outside. The people can share services, and there would be a more objective approach to problems. In our present system you will find very few urban areas where you have a differential in rent, the reason being that they are small compact communities in which pressure can be brought to bear on them too easily. In some regards this present Bill does rectify that by preventing those people with a personal interest from voting in a matter of that nature, but I do not think that it cures the whole problem. I think it was a great pity that at a very early stage those small urban bodies were not abolished. In the interest of our people and of the future and of proper progress it would be a very progressive step if the Minister for Local Government would seriously consider their abolition.

One further difficulty which the pragmatic nature of our approach to housing caused was that our housing system does not always fit in completely with the general economic system of the country. The purpose of the Budget is twofold. In the first place it decides what moneys must be raised and how they are going to be spent. But it also serves as a directive in the manner in which it can be spent. It can develop the expenditure of money in one direction and slow it up in another. It can balance things out, but as matters have been heretofore it has been practically impossible to make the general housing policy fit in with the general economic policy of the country. In periods of boom, as I have said, you have a rush to build houses all over the country, with the local authorities joining in that rush. In periods of slack the opposite occurs.

There are certain ways in which this could be ameliorated. For example, I am glad to learn from Senator O'Sullivan that in certain periods the Minister has adopted the line that loans should not be granted for the purchase of existing houses. If a loan is granted for the purchase of existing houses it does not increase our general stock of houses. They remain static. No new family is being housed. It merely means that you house family A who get a loan and buy a house instead of family B who would rent a house otherwise. It is not necessarily, as my friend points out, a house in such a condition that it is going to deteriorate and collapse, which is not a house in which any sensible community should invest money. I feel that the giving of loans for the purchase of existing as distinct from newly built houses is of doubtful benefit. The same policy was adopted only recently by the Agricultural Credit Corporation. Instead of giving loans to farmers to restock their farms, they gave loans for the purchase of farms. The net result was that at any farm auction a number of people competed, all of whom got loans from the Agricultural Credit Corporation, all of whom were bidding against each other and the price of land went to a figure when it was no longer economical to buy it. The same situation would be caused if housing loans were diverted from what should be the real purpose of building new houses—increasing our stock of houses, not holding old houses many of which are dilapidated.

Another way in which I suggest the Minister could possibly make policies fit would be if subsidies were not, as they are at the moment, given to everybody irrespective of his means. After all, the giving of subsidies or the subsidising of any social service is meant to be a redistribution of wealth. It is not that, if the wealthy sections can get the same subsidy as the poorer sections or very often a higher subsidy, because they may be building larger houses which would warrant larger subsidies. I suggest that the giving of subsidies irrespective of means is of very doubtful benefit because if a well-to-do person can otherwise, by loan or out of his own pocket, finance his house and if he is still entitled to a subsidy, it means he gets £300 which otherwise he would have to save. It is taking from the total savings of the community in the year. It means the well-to-do person gets £300 which he can spend on a better type or bigger car, on amusement, on a holiday abroad. However he spends it, on an average, of every pound spent in this country in the ordinary way by well-to-do people, approximately 8/- is exported.

Therefore, the giving of subsidies, irrespective of necessity, is a matter, I would respectfully submit, of doubtful benefit. By the grading of subsidies, by intimating that the subsidies will be given only for two years ahead or as the case may be, it should be possible at certain stages to give an impetus to housing that otherwise would be very difficult to do. Likewise, an impetus could be given to the levelling off of house building so that we do not have a peak period and a slump period. Consideration should be given to short term loans at a lower rate of interest instead of the present long term loans. Many young men about to get married, in pretty good jobs, whose jobs are progressive, could and probably would be delighted to get short term loans for six years or eight years at a small rate of interest. It would mean that payments each year would be in reduction of capital, while now a very big proportion of the annual payment is not in reduction of capital but in payment of interest. I should like, however, to say that while the Bill does not, in my humble view, correct all the anomalies, it would be impossible to draft the measure that would correct all of them. Perhaps the suggestions I have made are impracticable for one reason or another. The Bill goes as far as one could with certainty go at the moment and I should like very sincerely to congratulate the Minister and his Department.

This Bill is a very comprehensive measure and I am disappointed the Minister did not avail of this opportunity to clear away the many obstacles that hinder local authorities in their efforts to provide houses for our people. In the Bill the Minister had a golden opportunity of slashing red tape and giving local authority the green light to get on with the work in every county of building badly needed houses. If the Minister and the Government are sincere in their efforts to provide adequate housing for our people they should declare our local authorities to be housing authorities in practice as well as in theory. Why should the Minister allow such red tape to hinder the entire housing programme of the country? There is absolutely no justification for this situation especially when we realise that what is happening throughout the country today is that county engineers are submitting plans and proposals to the Custom House in Dublin to be examined by inspectors whose ultimate aim is to be county engineers themselves.

The costly slowing down of our housing progress is something the country cannot afford. As a member of a local authority, I see every year the cost of building ordinary cottages increasing somewhat. The quicker local authorities can get their housing needs satisfied the cheaper it will be in the long run. I should like to see council members having a bigger part to play in this great national work. Unlike Senator Nash, I feel counties should have greater authority. Housing programmes very often are unduly slowed down and curtailed because of the managerial system and I think it is necessary to bring to bear the experience of council members drawn from the entire administrative area in which people are being rehoused. There should also be some definite order of priority. Housing lists should be drawn up in every county. Such lists exist in some counties but houses are not always allocated according to those lists.

I welcome section 63 of the Bill which, if adhered to, will assist in the allocation of houses. In my experience in Laois, there is great difficulty in accepting the procedure under which houses are given out. The system of giving subsidies is certainly in dire need of amendment. Some months ago I certainly was taken aback very much when I was asked and invited to inspect the housing conditions of applicants for tenancy of a new housing scheme in Portlaoise. I was horrified to find 19 and 20 people living in three-roomed town-commissioned houses in Portlaoise. The reason these families were not rehoused was that under the present legislation, subtenants in town-commissioned houses are not eligible for the 66? per cent subsidy. I feel this is a scandalous situation in a Christian country and I sincerely hope it will be amended in this Bill.

I find that the most heartbreaking part of councillors' work in Ireland today is the thorny question of the housing of our people when people ask when are the houses in such a scheme going to be built or when will work commence. When the council decide at a certain date to build so many houses in a town, you have people in dire need of housing asking their councillors when work on those houses is expected to begin.

In Laois some four years ago the council decided to build 20 rural cottages a year. To date, of the first scheme of 20 houses we find there are only 18 built and there are two of them still in the various stages of progress. Under the second labourers agreement 12 have been completed and, to date under the third scheme, which should have been completed last year, only three are in progress. The great amount of blame for this slowing down of progress is certainly due to the length of time it takes to have the various stages of schemes sanctioned in the Department of Local Government. In our current housing scheme in Laois, some 42 houses are awaiting sanction of one kind or another. I see no justification whatever, and I cannot find any reasonable excuse the Minister could give me for holding up our housing programme in Laois, or for holding up the erection of 42 badly needed houses in Laois for the past five months because the Department did not get round to sanctioning the work so that we could get on with the job. I often wonder, waiting from one month to another for sanction to come down from the Custom House, whether or not there is a perpetual go-slow strike on in the Custom House. Senator Nash amazed me when he advocated the abolition of our local authorities.

Urban councils.

Were we to agree or accept that our town commissions and town councils should be abolished, it would be the thin edge of the wedge and certainly there would be great haste to follow that up with the abolition of the councils themselves. Over the past two years we have found a great reluctance even to hold the ordinary elections for the local councils. A proposal of this kind is a very serious one and one which I feel should be shot down immediately by people who believe in our democratic system in this country. The amount of work done at all levels, whether it be a town commission, urban council or county council, completely voluntarily by those public spirited ladies and gentlemen is a very thankless job.

If the Oireachtas decided to give back more power to our local authorities then, perhaps, we would get more value for the money the public contribute in rates. The only people who cut their cloth according to their measure in this country are the Government and the local authorities, whereas the family man must live within his income. But, when it comes to a county manager or a Government they certainly have to get what they estimate they need to live on. As long as we have the present managerial system in operation in this country, the rates will continue to soar. I would appeal, therefore, to the Minister for Local Government to expedite immediately the sanction of our scheme of 20 houses in Portarlington, where we have many more than that number of families in dire need of rehousing. Similarly, in an area where there are some 20 new labourers' cottages families are living in deplorable housing conditions. At the same time, we have two contractors in County Laois waiting for sanction for this work so that they can carry out the project.

I was horrified last year to visit a house in John's Square in Portlaoise, a three-roomed town-commissioned house in which a woman and her two teenage sons were living in one room. In addition her two married daughters and their two families were living in two other rooms as well. That is 19 people in all in a three-roomed house. Although the two married daughters' husbands had applied for rehousing, they were turned down in favour of a man, his wife and one child, on the grounds that they were subtenants in a town-commissioned house and the manager could not justify the additional expenditure on the council to rehouse them. I feel there is little social justice in a law which tolerates that kind of administration. I look forward to having these points ironed out perhaps a little more satisfactorily in this Bill.

It is a shame that so many of our newlyweds should have the first years of married life marred by being forced to live in overcrowded and, perhaps, unhappy housing conditions. In a country where divorce is not acceptable, and where our people marry for better or worse, there are too many unhappy homes. I attribute 90 per cent of these cases to inadequate housing and gross overcrowding. This is our greatest social problem, and the greatest cause of our low marriage rate, especially in rural Ireland. The Government must shoulder a great portion of the blame for this sorry situation. Until the powers-that-be tackle the entire housing problem courageously, and really get down to it, all the talk and lip service about the flight from the land and emigration will be of very little use.

On the question of vested tenants, it is a shame that with grossly overcrowded conditions and with so many people on the waiting lists, we should find perfectly good cottages and houses idle and vacant. I should like to see an amendment to this Bill which would allow a vested tenant, if for some reason or another he was unable to occupy the cottage or house, to set it or sublet it to a qualified tenant. At the same time, the local authority should not consider the tenant in such a house as being housed. That is a very important point. If a person accepted a subtenancy, which would be a very temporary affair, and more than likely the rent would be higher than the rent payable to the county council, and if the council looked on that person as being housed, many people might not accept such a tenancy. I should like to see the law amended to allow people to sublet these cottages in an effort to ensure that we will have no vacant cottages in rural Ireland.

I should also like to mention the fact that so many of our large housing schemes appear to lack the feminine touch. It is, indeed, a regrettable feature of one particular scheme I know of, that the tenants find great difficulty in placing an ordinary modern suite of furniture in the rooms. In one particular scheme I have in mind the tenants found difficulty in putting a four foot bed in the bedroom. It was either in the way of the door or the fire, or it was too near a window. Some effort should be made to encourage more feminine architects to deal with housing. These are the type of small details that the ladies would bear in mind. After all, surely the tenants who are paying up to £3 per week for these houses deserve some consideration.

I also find in cases where within a short period after the houses are allocated defects occur, such as cracks in the walls, that the tenants in many cases get very poor satisfaction when they complain. The Department and their inspectors should go a little more deeply into the cause of the defects in our new houses especially when they occur within the guaranteed period.

I should like, in conclusion, to stress to the Minister the urgency attached to the housing programme, and the great need there is to cut out the very unreasonable delays that are occurring in the Custom House in the sanctioning of the various schemes. If the Department of Local Government were to give a lead in decentralisation and appoint, shall we say, one civil servant to each county, this work could be done much quicker and more economically. I cannot see any justification for a department employing some thousands of civil servants taking five months to sanction 20 houses in Portarlington and 22 other cottages in Laois.

For the past seven or eight years members of the local council have been advocating a scheme for Stradbally. To my personal knowledge, there is there a dire need for at least 20 houses, yet the Department saw fit to allow the council to proceed with eight houses only. As long as we have the Custom House holding a brake on the county councils and interfering, as it were, with the judgment of councillors in their work, we will never get anywhere.

I sincerely hope this Bill will at least go some way along the road to help that situation which is certainly not a happy one. Some of my colleagues in the Seanad may not understand the red tape attached to the Department of Local Government. Some months ago the Department of Posts and Telegraphs sought permission from a vested tenant to erect a telephone kiosk measuring four feet by four feet on his cottage plot where the pathway was too narrow. The amount of red tape and the number of inspectors sent down from the Department of Local Government in order to execute the division of land that was necessary to get permission from one Department for another really amazed me. The Minister would be doing a great national service if he took the initiative and gave members of the local authorities more power and let them be housing authorities in practice as well as in theory.

Members of housing authorities in this House have an opportunity on this Bill to discuss housing conditions in the light of the experience gained in their respective areas. As a member of two housing authorities I welcome those provisions which will accelerate the erection of houses, both public and private. While the Bill cannot possibly solve the housing problem, nevertheless anything that will help in that direction must be appreciated. There is, however, one aspect of this Bill which I dislike and that is the emphasis on the rural areas to the exclusion of the urban areas. While I welcome the increased grant of £450 for farmers and certain other persons, I think it a pity that this facility is not extended to the small urban areas, particularly to that category of people who will qualify under "certain other persons".

I am also glad to see that the income limit for supplementary grants has been increased from £832 to £1,040 with an additional £100 for each dependant. Again, I feel that the small urban areas throughout Ireland are being victimised. It is true to say that urban councils have the power to pay supplementary grants but when one considers that the majority of councils throughout the country have small valuations, that a penny in the pound yields an average of £30 to £40, it is clear to see it is not a proposition for the urban councils to pay supplementary grants.

I asked the Donegal County Council on three occasions to pay two-thirds of the supplementary grant to the urban councils in Donegal. I specified this fraction because that is approximately what the urban council pay to the county council by way of county demands. I felt it would be good business on the part of the county council to encourage the erection of houses in urban areas where the valuations are higher than in rural areas and furthermore, in the short period of 15 years the money they would pay would be recouped by way of rates. The county manager, of course, opposed this and the members of the county council agreed with him. The result is that in my urban area we have a situation where, on the fringe, many people are building their houses to qualify for supplementary grants and also because they can buy their sites a little cheaper.

I know people who built those houses six or seven years ago and they must now pay approximately £1 a week to have their children taken to school. The housewives also find that it is a great hardship to do their shopping and to go to church and other places. This is happening because the people are being encouraged to build their houses on the fringe of the urban areas. I think it is a pity. If the county councils persist in refusing to pay anything towards the supplementary grants in the urban areas, I hope that at some stage the Minister will feel justified in increasing the departmental grant paid in the small urban areas. If a man is entitled to a grant of £550 to build a house two miles from the town, some day the department ought to see its way to pay possibly a grant of £450 to people who will build in the urban areas. Sites in the urban areas cost at least three times as much as sites in the rural areas and it will take some encouragement to get people to confine themselves to the urban areas and so have the advantage, in the years to come, that they might be prepared to do without, when they are building a house, in order to qualify for this grant.

I was pleased to note that the floor area has been increased from 1,400 square feet to 1,500 square feet. Again, I feel it is a pity that it was not wiped out altogether. The Minister will concede that some of us are more prolific than others and accordingly we need larger houses. Some people build their homes when they have five or six children and they are faced with the situation that they should curtail the size of their houses in order to qualify for the grant and build on later. It is generally found, of course, that when they come to put on the addition it would have been cheaper for them the first day to have built the house of the size they needed and do without the grant. However, the floor area has been increased by 100 feet and I feel it is a step in the right direction.

I was particularly pleased to note that local authorities are being encouraged to develop sites. This is something that the Minister has been advocating for many years and now we are getting practical encouragement to do something about it with the 33? per cent subsidy. I hope, however, when the valuation limits are being considered, that the officials of the department will take into consideration that the value of land varies considerably from one area to another and, indeed, from one urban area to another. If the limit is too low, then in certain areas the entire object might be defeated.

I was also glad to note in the Bill that local authorities are being encouraged to provide where the need arises, extra rooms and bathrooms in houses built a long time ago. This is a tremendous problem in many urban schemes and local authority schemes where families moved into two-bed-roomed houses without bathrooms and they are overcrowded. Now, under this Bill, the Minister is encouraging the local authorities, in a practical way, to do something about it.

There is another very welcome provision in the Bill and that is the facility whereby people can borrow £200 without security to repair their homes. I know of many people who simply could do nothing to their homes because they had not the money to make up the balance of the grant. The National Building Agency should be congratulated on the tremendous work they have done in providing houses for the gardaí. I hope other branches of the civil service will avail of this Agency and encourage them to provide homes for their people and, in this way, relieve the local authority of providing the houses for them.

Housing could be described as the greatest social need in this country. It is particularly frustrating for members of local authorities to have to meet applicants for houses, who are living in a deplorable state, and they are unable to do anything about it. Listening to, and reading, some of the contributions from the Fine Gael Party, one would get the impression that the only people who built houses in this country, during the past ten years, were the Coalition Government. Last week Senator Rooney came to the conclusion that between 1954 and 1957 the Coalition Government built one-fourth of the houses built during the past ten years.

Later Senator FitzGerald told us that it takes from four to five years to complete a housing scheme. Does Senator Rooney seriously suggest that all the houses completed in this country in 1955 were the responsibility of the Coalition Government, or indeed all the houses built in 1956? The Coalition went into office some time in 1954 and suddenly the houses were opened within a period of 12 months. Would Senator Rooney not in fairness suggest that this work must have begun at least a year or two before that Government went into office? One cannot judge the housing record of a Government when it is only in office for three years. This is something which has been used extensively by the Fine Gael Party, and they are using statistics to justify their claim that their record for housing is by far an improvement on that of Fianna Fáil. The Coalition Government went out of office in 1951. At that time there was a little disharmony in the Party and it took Fianna Fáil a number of years to straighten out the situation. Plans were laid, sites bought, houses designed, and everything put into operation when in 1954 there was a change of Government. Suddenly we have 31,000 houses built in three years. I think it is wrong to suggest that the credit for this should go to the Coalition. The only period that one could judge the record of Senator Rooney's Party would be the ten years period that they were in office. Going back 40 years will not improve the present housing position, nevertheless it is worth noting that during the ten year period from 1922 to 1932 there were very few houses built.

We were too busy building barracks and bridges during that time.

They did not build houses anyway. No matter what Government have been in office we have to admit that the record has not been as good as we should like. The record of Donegal County Council as far as housing is concerned in recent years has been particularly bad. I know of no housing scheme that was held up by departmental interference or a lack of money. I have no hesitation in saying that Donegal County Council's failure has been due entirely to the county manager and his officials not coming alive to the position, so much so that last year the members of Donegal County Council found it necessary to warn the county manager that unless he took some concrete steps to improve the position as far as housing was concerned the county council would table a motion and have him suspended. It was only then that we got action.

If we examine the housing position throughout Ireland we would agree that the fault does not lie with Fianna Fáil or, indeed, with the Coalition but with the engineers and county managers of the country. The sooner the City and County Managers Association realise that the public representatives of Ireland are determined to solve this great social problem the better it will be for all concerned.

Our approach to this Bill must, of course, be governed by present conditions. We have to look at it on the basis of what has happened during the last 12 months. In regard to housing last year the Minister issued a directive setting out what was to be a new approach to housing. All delays and all unnecessary correspondence were to be eliminated and everything in the garden was to be rosy. As the year progressed, however, we found that instead of delays being eliminated, unnecessary correspondence cut out, there was nothing but delay. Plans for housing had to be shuttled up and down from local bodies to the Department on the flimsiest excuse. Every "i" had to be dotted, every "t" crossed. Instead of, as the Minister had said, things being supposed to be settled on the spot by inspectors—there was to be no more correspondence, everything was to be carried out expeditiously—those of us who served in local authorities know how heartbreaking it has been not alone for individual councillors but for applicants for housing loans and grants over the past year trying to get any money. People have been put on the long finger. Money has not been sanctioned. This is not right, that is not right. When you intervene on behalf of an applicant in the Department you are told that the inspector had the file. When you try to find the inspector you find that the file has gone back. The whole thing boils down to the fact that the Government and the Department were constantly stalling, never admitting that there was no money. The unfortunate people who were depending on loans and grants to build houses, and the builders who had committed themselves in many ways to hundreds of pounds, found themselves in Queer Street. This was the position we have had over the past 12 months rather than the position that the Minister's directive of last year set out.

I am not going to go into the reasons why there was not money, but it would have been far better for the Minister and the Government if they had stated clearly seven or eight months ago that there would be no sanctions because there was no money, and allowed people to wait rather than commit themselves and now find that in many cases they are in extreme financial difficulties, having had to borrow money wherever they could get it, from the banks or from friends. The position was not at all what the Minister set out in his circular.

We had a lot of talk here from various people about the position in their own counties and areas. I presume that my county is not unusual or different from any other county, so I will bore the Senators for a few moments with the position as I see it there. For the last five months at least we have had housing proposals awaiting sanction amounting to almost £250,000. They cover tenders for 25 rural cottages, approximately £100,000 for supplementary grants and another £100,000 for loans and schemes in places such as Newmarket-on-Fergus.

We had schemes awaiting sanction for 43 houses in Newmarket and 14 in Sixmilebridge, all convenient to Shannon Airport and where houses are a dire necessity. Eight houses are awaiting sanction in Parteen. Since I was a boy, long before I became a member of Clare County Council 12 years ago, we have been awaiting sanction for these houses. The same applies to Kildysart. There are 69 houses all told. We are informed by the Department that £60,000 will be available in loans, £75,000 in grants and £19,000 for new cottages. How the county councils are expected to build 25 cottages, for which they have accepted tenders, out of £19,000 is beyond me. Who now will take the blame for deciding which of those cottages will be put off? Who will accept the blame when the people of Newmarket and Sixmilebridge, who have been awaiting houses for 18 months and have been told that the council were awaiting sanction, ask for the cause of the new delay?

These people have come in deputations to meetings of the council. Now we find that money will not be sanctioned for them, will not be available this year and no indication has been given as to when it will be available. That responsibility must rest squarely with the Government. There is no point in saying the local authorities are reponsible for these postponements. This means the virtual abandonment of housing schemes which are essential if people are to be housed in those areas. Who will accept responsibility? I presume the Minister and his advisers will hand it to the county council and they, depending on their political makeup, will do their best to hand it on to some other people. The people themselves must see that the responsibility rests squarely with the Government.

Senator Lenehan spoke last week and I do not know whether he was apologetic or boasting. He said Mayo County Council built only four houses in ten years. I am glad to hear him being disowned for the second time in a week by a member of his Party, Senator Flanagan. While it is very refreshing to hear a young man like Senator McGlinchey going back 40 years to bolster his Party's case—he went back to the period 1922 to 1932 —he must have been very naïve to expect that a body like Seanad Éireann would pay any attention to what he said. In case he does not know or has forgotten, during five years of that ten-year period the Party to which he belongs did not recognise the Government, did not recognise the State. The other five years they spent sabotaging not only the local authorities but the central Government. Obviously, they must accept the fact that there could not have been very much done about housing in that period. It was, therefore, a little naïve, to say the least of it, for that gentleman to expect an intelligent body such as Seanad Éireann to believe the Government at that time could have made any worthwhile progress in such a short period. In regard to the Bill before us——

The Bill has got more detailed examination than any measure that has come before the Seanad in a long time. There are only two or three comments I should like to make on it. Section 23 deals with grants for essential repairs. Many houses apparently eligible for these grants are not capable of being repaired and are so found on examination. In section 19 there is a provision to give £300 in grant to people other than housing authorities to assist in the housing of elderly persons. I suggest the Minister might consider extending that provision so as to enable local authorities to avail of this grant scheme.

Section 26 deals with supplementary grants and here there is the question of the income limits. The Minister is to be congratulated in bringing in this provision. He might consider increasing the dependants' allowances to the same level as applies under the income tax code. There is a section dealing with the purchase of cottages under the 1936 Labourers Act. This has been a headache for many years for local authorities and though there was some easement provided in the 1965 Act, the problem still remains of cottages vacated for long periods. Some of these cottages have been vacated for years, the tenants returning from England to occupy them for two or three weeks each year. That is sufficient to continue the tenancies. If the period of 18 months in the Bill were reduced to six months it would meet that difficulty and the local authorities would be enabled to get possession of these houses which have been vacated in all but name.

I do not think sufficient provision has been made for sites for private buildings. Assistance may be given to local authorities but only in respect of the provision of fully developed sites. If housing authorities were encouraged to purchase suitable land as it became available without developing it until such time as such development became necessary as demand arose, it would be a most efficient way of getting over the problem of having sites available for people who want to build houses. Unless this is done the objectives of the new Planning Act will hardly be attained. There is only one other point I wish to make. I find there is a lack of communication between the Department of Local Government and applicants for housing loans and grants. Invariably, young people intending to build houses become confused about where they are to look for loans or grants, about where they will get sites and how to do it. The documentation necessary is very confused and such people invariably have to seek assistance. A housing agent in each county, a man whose business it would be to provide all the forms and all the advice necessary, would get over this difficulty and expedite housebuilding.

What I have in mind is that which was incorporated in the Bovine TB scheme when offices were set up. That, of course, was a much bigger scheme and the necessity for the offices was more obvious. But I think if some official were appointed, as distinct from the housing officer in the county council—who has a good deal of other work to do—to whom those people could go and have the whole matter explained to them, it would expedite claims, expedite housing and help everybody.

Finally, I should like to congratulate the Minister on bringing forward this Bill which consolidates a whole lot of enactments going right back into the last century. It was a job which was worthwhile but it was a pity he did not consolidate all enactments when he was on the job at all. However, I suppose that will come and it is to be hoped he will provide a similar consolidation Bill for all the other services under his charge, such as road and sanitary services.

I should like to join in the welcome which has been given to this Bill. Apart from the improved facilities for housing, as the last speaker has just said, the consolidation itself is very welcome and, like him, I trust the Department of Local Government will press on with the consolidation of Local Government law which I think is probably the most abstruse part of our legislation.

On the Bill itself I do not propose to say very much at the moment. This Bill has received a most minute examination and discussion both here and in the Dáil and I presume that, as there is still a Committee Stage before us, an even more precise examination will be carried out on each section. I am slightly embarrassed to find that Senator Cole anticipated me in some of his remarks of last week. I could not agree more with what Senator Cole had to say about this curious idea that a house must face the road irrespective of whether that means it faces to the north, south, east or west. It does not apply only to local authority housing; it seems to apply to anything. You cannot get permission to build a house unless, for some reason, it faces the road. Another point he made was this question of building new farmhouses, because so many farmhouses are in a shocking state. I doubt very much whether so many are really in a shocking state and beyond repair. A great many of these houses, although they are old, were very well and strongly built and are very comfortable to live in, except that they have not got a great many of the modern amenities. I think it would be much better that added facilities should be provided to make these houses more habitable and more modern. My own farmhouse was built about 1640—the walls are three feet thick—and it is a better structure, with modern facilities added, than any of the houses now being built for £15,000 or £20,000. A great many of these old farmhouses have not got modern facilities but to provide them would be much cheaper than knocking them down or letting them go to ruin because they are not in keeping with modern ideas and hanging around a man's neck the debt of building a modern house.

I doubt very much that those who carry out surveys as to whether or not houses are capable of reconstruction really know what they are talking about. How far their examination goes, I have no idea. I have never seen a house examined by an expert. If they merely look at them and decide that the roof does not look good and the windows are a bit small, what has that to do with it? Generations of people have lived in those houses, granted in different conditions but the difference in conditions has nothing to do with the roof and size of the windows. After all if you have good weather you do not need to stay indoors all the time! I think a new look should be given to this question. It would avoid people being burdened with enormous debts, because you do not build a house now which would be considered an improvement on the old one unless you expend a good deal of money.

I have not been on a local council for about 11 years but I remember when I was there were a good few derelict sites in villages which were turned down for rebuilding on the ground that they were too small, inconvenient, and for all sorts of reasons. Most of the reasons were balderdash. The general idea seems to be that everyone in a village must have a garden, front or back, or both, and there are all sorts of considerations like that. Nothing is more disastrous to a village or a small town than the sight of those derelict sites littered all round the place. We have these tidy towns competitions. How can you have a tidy town or village where there are derelict sites? If it is desirable—and I think it is a good idea that people should have a garden—I think the local authority should buy a field outside the village and make it available for allotments for those people living in the village who have not got gardens and who could take shares in it. I do not know how the Department of Health can pass some of these places. They are obviously greater sources of infection and disease than a great many of the things they fuss about.

In regard to the siting of housing schemes, I welcome the idea which is now in force whereby local authorities will not go outside villages about a half a mile or a one mile to build houses but will bring them into the village. With that I heartily agree. This is something I have always hoped to see and I am very glad to say that when I was on the council I managed to get two housing sites changed into the town from a distance outside. Last week I think Senator Rooney was arguing about the necessity of rural houses being near a man's work. I am quite sure there are areas where that would be necessary. There seem to have been tracts of land in County Meath where houses were built a few miles from a village. By and large, it is much easier for a man to get on his bicycle or motor cycle and go a mile or two to his work rather than have his children travelling a couple of miles to school, his wife a couple of miles to the shops and the whole family a couple of miles to church. I think it should be the other way round.

I hope more attention will be paid, in some places, to future development of road works. I am glad to see in the city of Dublin in Finglas, at Slane Road, the housing development is away from the road so that there are the minimum of exits on to the main road, which is very important from the point of view of safety and from the point of view of not obstructing main road traffic. In many places not enough imagination is shown as to future development of road works. Houses are being allowed to be built too near the main roads. I know it is difficult to forecast the future but, looking at England, it is quite obvious that main roads can develop to enormous widths if you are to have dual carriageways. Houses have been built here in the past ten years which will either completely prevent any proper road expansion from the point of view of dual carriageways, or make it more expensive. This is the type of thing that is resisted at local level. People do not want their houses to be pushed far back, but this is the sort of thing on which public pressure must be maintained to see that adequate room is left for road development.

The one point I really want to make on the Bill at this stage is in regard to the provisions in section 17 and section 22 in relation to dower houses. I should like to know if what I am about to suggest would come under one section or the other. It appears to me to lie between the two of them but it is possibly a better solution to the problem which makes dower houses necessary. Section 17 provides for the building of a small house for a retiring landowner to go to if he wants to make his land available to his son or his married daughter as the case may be. Under section 22 there is provision for increasing the number of rooms in a house for the same purpose.

In at least one district in Switzerland—I am afraid I have forgotten precisely where it is but it is near Lake Lucerne, roughly in the Engelberg district—they have found what I think is the ideal solution to the problem of old people moving out to make room for the new family. They have what is called the little house system. There is a separate little house. It is quite small. It has two or three rooms, and is built beside the original family house and is joined to it by a short corridor. The corridor has its own exit to the outside and, in fact, provides a porch to the little house.

As I say, I am not sure whether this type of building would fall under section 17 or section 22, or if it is covered at all. If it is not, it should be considered, because it would provide more flexibility of integration between the older people and the new family than any other way would. If you provide rooms inside or add them on as part of the existing house, the two families may possibly, in certain circumstances, be too close together and the old people have not as much privacy as they would like to have with the small family growing up and being rather noisy. If, on the other hand, they move to a house some distance away they are too much out of touch with the family. If there is illness or as age and infirmity come, someone has to keep going backwards and forwards between the two houses. The system of joining the two houses together provides an infinite variety of flexibility. The older people can have as much or as little privacy as they desire. They can have a kitchenette and get their own breakfast, and they can join the family for other meals.

I do not know whether this suggestion has been examined by the Department. I make it because I am frequently astonished to find out just how much Departments do know, however little they may put their knowledge into practice. I suggest that if no examination has been made of this type of construction it would be well worth inquiring about it from the Swiss authorities. It provides, so far as you can get it, the ideal solution to the type of problem the dower house is intended to meet, and the amount of flexibility it gives cannot be matched by any other system. At the moment I am wondering whether or not such a construction would fall outside or inside the Bill.

There are one or two other points I should like to raise, but they are really concerned with details of sections and I should prefer, considering the hour it is, to leave them over to Committee Stage.

Thar cheann na mban is mian liom fáilte a chur roimh an mBille. Bille maith is ea é. Is iad na mná is mó a bhíonn thíos leis má bhionn droch-thigh ann. Sin é an fá is mó go gcuirim fáilte roimh an mBille.

It is a pity I cannot go on in Irish. As a woman, I welcome this Bill especially, because it is the women and children who suffer most when housing is bad, and when there is not adequate housing. Many of the very good points in this Bill have been referred to by one Senator or another, but since today a big smokescreen was blown up it is no harm to enumerate again the excellent points in the Bill.

One of the points referred to by the last speaker was the provision of dower houses. I understand that these dower houses can be either a separate entity or an addition to the existing house. This will be welcomed by many young people who are thinking of marriage, and by their parents. I do not think we should always take it that the older people should immediately move out into the new house. As the young people have their family, there will be sufficient time for the older people to move out. People become very attached to houses and it should be left to the people concerned to decide when they should do this moving.

I welcome also the special grants towards helping the aged. I hope the local authorities will take their courage in their hands and give supplementary grants so that more people can undertake the housing of the aged which today is a very serious problem.

Reference has been made to the TB grants. I was surprised to learn that so few availed of these grants. Senator Sheehy Skeffington said we should not refer to TB patients because they are either hospitalised or cured, but that is not so. When a TB patient comes home after long hospitalisation he should have the comfort of a room to himself.

Parents of large families will welcome the grants towards the addition of extra rooms, and people in rural areas will very much welcome the grants towards the installation of water. A very welcome provision is that which enables the local authorities to give advances to small builders of some portion of the grant to set the operations going. In small villages and in rural areas, the building of more houses would be undertaken if the small builders had the wherewithal to start it. That is a very welcome provision.

Another very welcome provision is that helping those whose valuation is under £5, and those with a valuation of £25. Already those of us who live in rural areas have had several inquiries from such people. I hope the local authorities will hasten to take the Minister's advice to develop sites. One reason why newly married people are slow to build is that the first job to be tackled is the provision of a site and seeing it has water laid on, and so on. I hope the local authorities will hasten to develop sites in future.

Someone referred to design in houses. We have come a long way in the design of rural houses. I visited one last week and it was a house fit for a queen. We can easily see, in those plans, that we have come a long way from the time the sink was close to the ground near the skirting board and the kitchen was just a little bandbox. That is all changed and, as I say, the houses I visited are really very well planned. Somebody said it is a pity that there are not more women architects. We cannot blame the Minister for that. If women are not coming into that field it is not the Minister's fault.

There is one thing I should like to see and that is compulsory acquisition when new houses are built. Old houses, such as thatched houses, which are in a very dilapidated condition should be demolished. They are an eyesore all over the country and they ruin the appearance of the newly-built houses. I would like to see an exhortation made to the local authorities also to promote competitions for the external appearance of houses as well as the internal set up of houses. I think most of the other provisions in the Bill have been referred to by the different speakers and there is no point in my labouring any further those very welcome additions in the Bill. I would on behalf of the women of Ireland whom I am sure would join with me congratulate the Minister on the ver many new provisions in this Bill.

I should like to join with Senator Sheldon in complimenting the Minister, the parliamentary draftsman and his staff on the introduction of this Bill. It has taken quite a considerable amount of work to consolidate the various Acts. What has been produced will, indeed, be a bible for local authorities and housing authorities involved in the very meritorious work of house-building.

We had some severe criticism of previous Bills because of language obscurities which seemed to cloud their purpose. This Bill is quite legible and, as Bills go, is in a very suitable form and explains what the Minister requires and what local authorities can do. Everybody concerned with the Bill deserves to be congratulated. A great deal of time was spent today by one person or another talking about the rate at which house-building has been undertaken over the years. Claims have been made by one side or another bu it seems to me that the housing problem will continue for quite a number o years to come.

I think that housing is probably not in its appropriate position on the national priority list. It is suggested today that more and more houses should be built. In the other House and in various places around the country, the case is made that larger slices of the capital funds available should be devoted to other purposes. If the money available for capital works were to be apportioned, I am not so sure how agreement could be reached as to what particular part of our economy should get the most. The opinions expressed here today show that most Senators agree that housing should get a large amount because housing is a major social requirement. Whatever money is available for national development, housing should get a very high proportion of it.

If people are not properly housed, leads to all kinds of dissatisfaction. Health is affected and that means higher health charges. Everybody agrees that housing must be very near the top in our list of priorities. The Minister, in his various statements, and in the circulars to local authorities, has left no doubt in anybody's mind what he thinks on this matter. It is a good thing that so many people today have said that they consider housing should be a very high priority.

As the Bill will be dealt with in detail on Committee Stage, I do not want to dwell on any particular section but there is one section which appeals to me very much. Up to this, so far as the building of single units or possibly two or three houses were concerned, the local authorities were limited very much because contractors were not anxious to take on such building. Most contractors want multiples of at least ten. It was not always possible for local authorities to provide sites where you could build multiples of ten houses. If they operate their housing programmes according to the way they acquire derelict sites it is very difficult to get small builders because their credit is limited. This section provides that county councils can give certain guarantees to builders' providers to undertake the building of small units. This will have a most electrifying effect on the rate of house-building in urban and rural areas. It is a very important section and I am sure that eventually great benefits will come from it.

Another section which appeals to me is that which permits local authorities to acquire building sites for development. This also was one of the bottlenecks. I know, from my own experience, that had we had those powers some years ago we could have accelerated the type of building required which is normally referred to in the private sector as small dwellings. We did not have authority to provide such houses because we could only take little pockets as they came on the open market. This is a great step forward and it will be of great assistance to county councils.

Reference was made to the fact that it might be a good thing if regulations could be made so that owners of vested cottages could sublet. I am not in favour of subletting any houses built out of public funds. If we did that we would eventually imprint our seal on a very pernicious development. Therefore, I do not agree with it. The county councils have power, under this Bill, to acquire those cottages and they may make a new letting but I do not think anybody who has a vested cottage, and is not in a position to use it himself, should have the right to sublet it. It is built out of public funds and it would not be right to allow people to sublet it while there are other people in urgent need of houses. If there was a proper approach such cottages could be acquired amicably, without any recourse to compulsory powers. Every local authority should bend their energies towards acquiring those cottages and reletting them to tenants who badly need them.

Most of those points will be examined in greater detail on Committee Stage and I do not want to go any further into them at this stage. I was amazed when my colleagues from that august body, the Clare County Council, said, with regard to the financing and provision of houses, that certain statements were made and that the local authority were outstanding with regard to the grants. I have good reason to know that they are up to date with regard to the grants. All the grants for building have been paid up to date.

I am prepared to say here that I am satisfied that the loans and grants have been paid up to date. A housing scheme for 80 houses 18 months ago has been mentioned. I know that the site plan of those houses was produced no longer than five or six weeks ago. They could not possibly have been considered by the Department. There were some other statements made, but I want to repeat this, that Clare County Council have honoured their commitments and it is not fair for anybody to say that they did not.

The housing authorities and everybody who has had to do with this very important document ought to be complimented. I hope that the difficulties that are besetting us at the moment may not be left very long and that great advantages will accrue from this new Bill.

(Longford): I want to refer briefly to a couple of matters connected with this Bill on the Second Reading now that we all agree that this is a measure that will be more closely examined on the Committee Stage. At this stage we can refer to the general principles, and that is as far as we can go in giving expression to any fundamental views we may have on the Bill.

The first speaker in this debate last week was Senator O'Quigley, and I must say most sincerely that I was impressed with the rather objective way in which he approached the measure. He did, however, raise a matter and did not say on which side he could come down. I would also like to refer to it and I do not know on what side I would ultimately come down. That is the question as to whether one should spend capital on housing rather than wait until the economy had generated a product from industry or agriculture to finance a social undertaking like housing. The same question, of course, can be raised in regard to school building and hospitals and that sort of spending. While it would be very desirable that this question should be raised Senator O'Quigley raised it in connection with the programme for economic expansion. It is a question on which different people on the same side of any Parliament could disagree. Housing, like school and hospital building and education, is a social rather than a political matter in the best sense of politics. It is not a matter that should just be a plaything of Party politics. Neither should social welfare services, if we could have a good understanding of political thought on these matters, be a shuttlecock between Parties. I take the view that in the long run it is the duty of all Parties and of different Governments at different times to make an effort in the development of services of that nature.

Housing is really a social matter rather than political as we understand politics here. I am inclined to argue that if we were to wait until the product of an industrial or an agricultural economy had generated the necessary funds to provide a social amenity, that is capital for housing or schools or hospitals, we would have to wait too long. Since in the long run people and land are the two important elements in the economy of the country at any particular time, the two factors that amount to anything in a particular generation, I would be inclined to take the view that it is wise——

To do nothing.

(Longford):——to raise money by taxation and also by borrowing money as capital investment to provide housing. That, I would also argue, would apply to an educational system and to hospitals. If a country that is developing like this country has to wait until the development of industry and agriculture would provide the capital to provide the social services like housing and schools we would have to wait too long. I do not want to go any further into that except to say that different people in any one Party would have different views on that. That is quite understandable. In regard to my overall view on housing, it may be because I represent a rural community or rural thought that I am inclined to suggest to the Minister that when a Government or a Minister or a department is criticised only in relation to local authority housing there is another side to that picture. I am glad that Senator Quinlan made some comparison between the ratio of local authority housing to private building in other countries. Too many figures may be a bit confusing even to me——

We will not believe that.

(Longford):——so I shall not try to confuse other people. I am confused enough though I think we can draw conclusions from figures sometimes without confusing other people. I am not over anxious to use figures except to say that over-emphasis on local authority housing may be a mistake. This question of housing is such a shuttlecock in a particular election not so far away from this country at the moment that it seems to be one thing being shuttled about. Over-emphasis on local authority housing to the extent that it would prevent private people from making an effort would not be a good trend socially for this reason, that in the long run a house is a very personal thing. It is personal to the person who owns it and builds it. It is personal to the family. It is not a communal sort of thing such as a road, a drain or any utility of that nature.

Because of that and because there is no help like self-help, every effort should be made by the Department, by the housing authorities and by members of all Parties to create a climate of thought so that as many people as possible are enticed to build their own houses with the assistance of grants, loans or any other means available. Socially, it is better to do that. If people who could build their own houses do not do so because of over-emphasis on housing by housing authorities, it would be bad because the feeling of self-reliance would be destroyed. Self-reliance and self-help are in my view important virtues to cultivate in people. I am afraid there has not been a sufficient trend in that direction.

In the case of small farmers, people living on slum farms of five acres or so and people who could not build their own homes out of their resources, it is only recently that legislative provision was made to enable councils to accommodate them. Such legislation was overdue. Many small farmers in the congested districts by their own efforts built their own houses. In my view they made a greater effort than people with similar means in urban areas. I am not saying there is no need for more housing in congested districts, but because of the land tenure system and because the majority of the people are owners of small farms and not people entitled to be housed by the housing authority, many of them must provide their own houses by their own efforts, with the aid of grants and loans. The tendency should be to create a situation in which as many people as possible in all parts of the country will be encouraged to build their own houses.

Such a situation is made easier by the Bill. The Department and the local authorities should see to it that more and more people are encouraged to build their own houses. Because of its comprehensive nature, it seems everything is covered in the Bill. There could be a difficulty in the case of reconstruction undertaken on contract by a tradesman. There could be an assignment of the reconstruction grant and there might be a situation created by the owner saying such and such a thing was not necessary, that it would be too costly. The Department inspector might refuse to allocate the full grant and the poor tradesman might find himself in a delicate position. I am informed that is not a new type of situation. My hope is that no injustices will occur. I hope that during the Committee Stage we shall approach this with reason and judgment. The day has gone when we on this side of the House should claim that we were responsible for progress in housing and that the others were not. This will not be the last Housing Bill. As generations and ideas change, there will be need for further such Bills. This is a step forward and I welcome it.

The debate has ranged over quite a wide field even for a Bill as comprehensive as this. In my reply I shall attempt to cover the points raised by all Senators whether or not they have been properly related to the matter under discussion, with the permission of the Chair, of course. Two matters, or one matter which is really two, were mentioned by a number of Senators concerning control by the Department on the activities of local authorities as far as housing is concerned.

This control falls into two categories —financial on the one hand and technical on the other, or administrative, if you like to put it that way, but really it is financial and technical. In so far as the financial aspect is concerned, I take it there is little need to justify or, indeed, to show that the responsibility of the Minister and his Department must extend quite a way into the workings of local authorities, because of the amount of money contributed by the Exchequer towards house building by way of capital input and also by way of subsidisation over the years. When we realise that between the Exchequer and the local authorities approximately £20 million a year in capital is going into private and local authority housing and over £9 million in net current expenditure, we must really expect that control of some nature in this regard must be exercised by the central authority.

The technical control complained about so very bitterly here and to which is attributed the lack of building progress in recent years is, of course, to my mind merely excuses being made by those who, as members of local authorities, did not do the work when the money was available to them, and when, in fact, only four, five or six years ago I seemed to be the only person who was trying to do the job of building houses at local level in an urgent manner, in encouraging local authorities to come forward with schemes and helping them in every possible way by removing controls which heretofore had existed, under which and with which a great deal of building was done in the past. I have removed a number of those controls. Despite these encouragements and, up to this year, despite the availability of money without end—as it appeared then—the rate of building of local authority housing did not at all match the needs which had been established throughout the country. If we reckon that we have built well in the past for many years and that the controls today are much less onerous than they were then, how can any Senator attribute the delay or the lack of building in these recent years to controls if, in fact, these controls are fewer, as they are, than they were in the years when more houses were built?

The situation at present is that the Department is no longer required to be approached in regard to the sanctioning or acquisition of housing sites. This is something which in the past all local authorities have had to do, but it is no longer necessary. I would add further, to clarify the situation, that they need submit only one set of documents now for any housing scheme; so where does all this talk about delays and comings and goings arise? One set of documents in respect of each housing scheme is all that is now required.

Would the Minister circularise that information to county councillors who appear to be under the impression, from their local managers, that these regulations exist?

I have circularised these and they do not seem to be aware of it. If this is the case and if it is felt that further publicity of these facts is needed, I will look into it and see if I can even make it more clear to then.

May I ask the Minister at what stage is this set of documents to be submitted?

What I am trying to do, briefly, Senator, is to show the House generally that the assertions made widely here, whether made in the knowledge of the facts or in ignorance of them, as to the cause of delay and of the small increase in building in recent years—attributed by those who make these assertions to delays caused by controls—that these controls, in fact, have been minimised to the absolute minimum and housing site acquisitions no longer require my approval. As I was saying, only one set of documents for each scheme is now required.

I regret to have to intervene at this stage. I can cite two cases where departmental intervention held up schemes. The Minister now says only one set of documents. How many sets of documents were there prior to a year ago?

It is only a recent change.

It was made by way circular in May of 1965. If that is not long enough for members of local authorities to be aware of its contents, there is not much hope of my now instilling it into their minds.

Would the Minister say whether the suggestion that one official would handle basic supplementary grants instead of three separate officials will be carried through?

I shall get to Senator Garret FitzGerald in due course. Proposals for new rural cottages need be submitted to the Department only at the tender stage. If it is other than the lowest tender, then we have obviously got to have a look at it. I have emphasised that, wherever possible, any difficulties arising should be ironed out by direct contact and not have communications coming and going through the post. This I have said down through the years and have been putting it into practice in any case where the local authority comes along and takes us up on that.

The present Bill relaxes the controls still further. It will do away with the necessity of submitting proposals for schemes so long as the schemes come within the minimum controls laid down by me. With regard to subsidies, local authorities are being notified of proposals which cut down the number of schemes for subsidy purposes which now number about 1,400. I would make this offer—that if Senators, or, indeed, anybody else, are aware of any proposals which might bring about a further reduction of the procedural customs which exist, I will be very happy to receive them. If they are well founded and can be put into operation, I will be very happy to do so because the Department of Local Government are far too busy with what we have to do, to do work merely for its own sake. We have plenty of necessary work to do without duplicating our efforts and unnecessarily obstructing local authorities, or, indeed, anybody else who has anything to do with us.

Senator Garret FitzGerald made a number of assertions here. He opened his address by telling us he did not know much about housing but it took quite a while to enumerate the amount of information he apparently has about it. He did claim that I was trying to sweep certain facts under the carpet. I am glad to know, in these stringent times, there is a carpet under which anything may be swept. In so far as this allegation is concerned, I would like to say to Senator FitzGerald that I have made no attempt whatsoever to sweep any facts under the carpet, either now or in the past. Senator FitzGerald went on to say that the Government should indicate the amount of money being provided next year for housing. In fact, the money had been notified at the time Senator FitzGerald had made this demand so there was no need for it. But, if he was not aware of that, it is not his fault. I would like to say to others who came after him that his demanding of this did not bring it about, as I am sure Senators who know what a job it is must realise. I would like Senator FitzGerald to understand that, so far as the current capital allocation for housing is concerned and how it came about, it came about because we had facts and figures with which to justify to the Government the need for it and that is how we got our share of the capital moneys for the coming year. There is no question of producing statistics three months after the date to which they relate. The amount of money we have did not just arrive merely by some guesswork, nor was it a hand-out given by the Minister for Finance who said: "Here, you take that. You will probably need it."

We had to justify what we would do with the money. We had to know what we would do with it. We had to calculate, on the experience gained over the years, on the facts and figures available to us, and on the various guides we have found useful in the past, the number of houses and units we would help to build, whether for the private sector or the local authority sector. It was on those facts and figures, and on those estimates which in the past have proved very accurate, that we got our allocation of money.

Having said that, I should like to ask Senator FitzGerald whether, in fact, he can say the same in regard to some of the assertions he made here, and whether he has any facts and figures to back them up, whether he has had any experience in the past to guide him, or whether the assertions he made are based on figures which he may have picked up somewhere, and which may not have any relevance to our circumstances.

Will the Minister say what figures of mine he is impugning?

I will get to the figures as time goes on. It is not so much the Senator's figures I am impugning as his assertions.

I thought perhaps it was not the figures.

I may have some figures as well. I have a copy here of figures which I have no doubt the Senator had a hand in, though not as a Senator—a table which was issued in the recent past. I will not go into its veracity or otherwise, but I must say I totally disagree with practically every figure in it. However, this is not to be used as a discussion point by me. I am merely asking the Senator to say if he is satisfied about the assertions he made in regard to the lack of activity or lack of money, and on what has he based his facts and figures?

The Senator also referred to the absence of statistics on building work and he went on to blame me for this deficiency. I do not mind the Senator blaming me in any way he wishes, provided I warrant the blame. I am wondering whether or not the Senator himself is in a position to indicate— he certainly did not do so when he was speaking—the manner in which I failed to provide the statistics which he feels are lacking due to some inefficiency or lack of effort on my part. In regard to this matter he referred to notebooks used by local authorities who operate building bye-laws in the Dublin area. These bye-laws are made under the Public Health Act, 1878. That Act enables the local authorities to adopt this provision but they are not obliged to adopt it, and the bye-laws are, in fact, operated only by a few local authorities. If there are people going around with notebooks they are doing it under a law that is permissive but not compulsory and their coverage is by no means countrywide. That law is so far removed from my time that I think Senator FitzGerald will clear me of any blame for its composition. It was enacted in 1878.

I did not intend to blame the Minister for the law that permitted this to be done but for failing to take note of the information recorded by these local authorities and for going slow in carrying out this exercise.

What exercise?

The Minister is using figures that are six months out of date.

I do not work on facts and figures that are six months out of date.

These figures are published three months after the period to which they relate.

On a point of order, have we reached the Committee Stage of the Bill?

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

Not yet.

The Minister is inviting answers.

I felt it was courteous to reply to the Minister.

It is a long established principle that people may ask questions on the Bill, but not while the Minister is replying.

The figures in the White Paper are figures for completions of houses. These obviously come after the completions. If we have the figures for 52 weeks of the year, then the figures for 51 weeks may be said to be out of date, but that would hardly be fair. So far as private buildings are concerned, we know them in a couple of days, and in regard to local authority completions we know them within a matter of weeks. That is the normal experience in the Department. It is regarded as part of the operation of keeping tabs on what we are doing, on the progress we are making, on how much money we have disbursed, how much money we have left over.

Can the Minister state what are the latest figures he has at this moment?

I will give the Senator all the figures he wants.

We will be here all night at this rate.

We can be here all day tomorrow if the Seanad wishes. I do not mind. I will have to be here anyway so that is not a cause of worry to me. In so far as the notebooks are concerned, I may have misunderstood what the Senator said. These bye-laws result from permissive legislation and no local authority is compelled to adopt them. Some local authorities have adopted them. I should also like to point out in regard to the data that may be taken down that it is not at all as useful as the Senator would seem to think. In some areas the authorities do not inspect at the start of the building. These statistics are not at all as useful as one might think. Under the Local Authority (Planning and Development) Act, we have provided for building regulations to replace the existing bye-law provisions, and these regulations will probably apply to the whole country in a general manner. I should say that drawing up these regulations is a difficult, complicated and technical matter and is being done, at my request, by An Foras Forbartha. When those regulations are made—I hope they will soon emerge—they may provide, and I hope they will provide, with probably some little addition, the basis for the sort of statistics which Senator FitzGerald would like us to have and which I myself desire we should have in the future.

Now we are progressing.

The Building Advisory Council was mentioned.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

Before the Minister passes to that it is now the usual time to adjourn. What are the wishes of the House?

Does the Minister wish to go on to 10.30 p.m. and conclude?

If I said I did, what would Senator Rooney have to say?

If the Minister feels he can conclude in, say, half an hour, I feel we should go on.

If the Minister got no interruptions.

I do not think I could conclude in that time, with or without interruptions. I do not think there is a hope of concluding by then because I would need a lot more time than that.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

There are two alternatives open to the House. One is to adjourn until 10.30 a.m. tomorrow morning and the other is to sit until the conclusion of the debate.

I think it is better to leave the Minister to conclude his speech tonight, if the House agrees.

I propose that we adjourn now until 10.30 a.m. in the morning.

Debate adjourned.
The Seanad adjourned at 10 p.m. until 10.30 a.m. on Thursday, 31st March, 1966.
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