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Seanad Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 15 Nov 1967

Vol. 64 No. 1

Redundancy Payments Bill, 1967: Second Stage.

Question proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

The main aims of this Bill are—

(i) to provide financial assistance to workers who lose their jobs through redundancy;

(ii) to recognise the right of a worker to compensation for the loss of a job in which he has given service for a number of years;

(iii) to give financial help to unemployed workers who may have to leave their home areas to secure employment.

The schemes provided for in this Bill should give workers a greater sense of security and should help to reduce resistance to technological and other changes which are essential in the interests of national economic development.

There are two points that I would like to stress from the start. In the first place, this Bill has been promoted by the Government because we recognise that some redundancies will occur in a developing and changing economy. We accept the need to protect the interests of workers in this situation. But we do not expect large-scale redundancies. In the second place, this Bill must be viewed in the context of the Government's overall manpower policy. The objective of that policy is to ensure that national economic progress will not be retarded by a neglect to develop and deploy our manpower resources to the best advantage. Manpower policy is not, in itself, a policy for full employment. This was clearly recognised by the National Industrial and Economic Council in their Report on Full Employment. Manpower policy is one, but only one, of many policies which must be energetically implemented if we are to attain full employment. This was also recognised by the NIEC. These provisions for redundancy payments are only one facet of our manpower policy. That policy has much more positive facets. These can be seen in the arrangements we are making for the development of the placement and guidance functions of the Employment Service. They can be seen in the schemes for training and retraining we are providing under the Industrial Training Act, 1967. They can be seen in the provisions of this Bill for resettlement allowances to promote geographic mobility of labour.

I want to make it clear, too, that this Bill does not relieve employers of their responsibilities to minimise the incidence of redundancy. In their plans for rationalisation and adaptation, employers should put a high priority on the interests and needs of their workers. They should strive to ameliorate the impact of redundancy by schemes of early retirements, transfers and normal wastage.

One of the main aims of Government policy is the expansion of employment opportunities. This aim will have to be achieved in conditions of free trade. This means that our industries must be as efficient as those of our competitors. Measures to improve efficiency and to increase productivity are essential if our goods are not to be priced out of the home market, not to mention foreign markets. Such measures involve change. It is natural that workers should often view change affecting their employment primarily from the aspect of job maintenance. It is understandable that broader economic considerations should frequently take second place in the minds of workers to the question of job preservation. But this approach in the long run can have serious results for the workers themselves and their dependants. If any industry fails, or is not permitted, to adopt improved methods of production or to avail itself fully of the benefits of technological advances that industry is unlikely to survive. If such failures were numerous, the effect on the economy as a whole could be calamitous. It is my earnest hope, therefore, that the existence of the Redundancy Payments Scheme provided for in this Bill will assist materially in reducing resistance to change. If this measure succeeds in doing this, thereby encouraging workers to adopt a realistic approach to the problem of modernising our industries, a great deal will have been achieved.

Before dealing with the actual provisions of the Bill, I should emphasise that this Bill is largely experimental. We are breaking new ground in this legislation. The operation of the redundancy payments scheme will be closely watched during the first few years. Its inadequacies will be closely examined and its impact on the problems I have just mentioned will be carefully measured. The Bill does not represent my final thinking on the question of redundancy and its related problems and I will have no hesitation in introducing amending legislation should any change appear to me to be necessary or desirable in the light of practical experience of the scheme.

The basic proposals in the Bill are:—

(i) A qualified worker who is discharged because of redundancy will, if certain conditions are fulfilled, be entitled to redundancy payment, which will consist of

(a) a lump-sum payment, and

(b) a weekly payment.

(ii) The lump-sum will be payable by the employer direct to the worker and the amount of the payment will be related to the worker's length of service with that employer and to his normal earnings prior to redundancy.

(iii) The maximum lump-sum payment will be the equivalent of twenty weeks pay.

(iv) The weekly payment will be broadly on the basis of one payment for each year of service and will amount to 50 per cent of the worker's normal pre-redundancy pay, payable in addition to Social Welfare benefit, subject to an overall limit of 90 per cent of previous pay.

(v) The weekly payment will be contingent on unemployment and will be paid out of a special fund which will be financed by contributions payable by employers and workers.

(vi) An employer who makes a lump-sum payment to a worker will be entitled to a rebate of 50 per cent, which in certain circumstances may be increased to 65 per cent of the lump-sum. These rebates will be paid out of the Fund.

(vii) The qualifying period of service for a redundancy payment will be four years continuous service with the same employer.

During the passage of the Bill through Dáil Éireann many changes-some of a substantial nature-were made in my proposals as originally framed. In the first place, the scope of the Bill has been broadened. As a result of changes made by the Dáil, the Bill will now apply to all persons between the ages of 16 years and 70 years who are insured for all benefits under the Social Welfare Acts, including part-time workers who work for 21 or more hours a week for the same employer. I must say that, while I accepted the proposals to widen the scope of the Bill in these respects, I have some reservations about the possible effects on the financing of the scheme. There is the possibility that the additional outgoings in benefits will exceed the expected increase in income. I had some misgivings, too, about persons of 20 years of age being entitled to redundancy payments. However, on reflection, I decided that the arguments put forward in favour of the extension of the scheme to cover the categories I have mentioned were sufficiently strong to encourage me to accept them at the risk of upsetting the calculations on which the financing was based.

I should mention here that I recognise that there are some categories of workers for whom the general scheme may be unsuitable. I have, therefore, included in the Bill a provision to enable the Minister for Labour to introduce, after consultation with the employer and worker interests concerned, a special scheme to cater for the needs of such workers. From the date of the introduction of any such special scheme, the workers concerned would, by Order, be excluded from the scope of the main scheme. One of the classes of workers I have in mind in relation to special schemes are agricultural workers. I have taken preliminary steps to form a committee representative of the various interests involved to consider the feasibility of having a special scheme for these workers. Committees have been considering the question of preparing special schemes for building workers and for dock workers. All these classes of employees will, of course, be covered by the provisions of the main scheme, unless and until a special scheme is in operation for them.

Important changes were also made in Dáil Éireann in relation to the proposed benefits under the Scheme. The Bill provides for two forms of redundancy payments. Firstly, lump-sum payments which will be made direct to the worker by the employer at the time of dismissal and, secondly, weekly payments, which will be paid to the worker out of the Redundancy Fund, but will be contingent on unemployment. Both these payments will be calculated by reference to the worker's pre-redundancy rate of pay and to his length of service with the employer who is declaring him redundant. The amount of the lump-sum payment will be half a week's pay for each year of service between the ages of 16 and 41 years and one week's pay for each year of employment after the age of 41 years. There is a maximum limit on the amount of the lump-sum payable. Following consideration of the question in the Dáil, the limit now proposed in the Bill is 20 weeks pay. This is a substantial improvement on the original proposals.

In the Dáil strong pleas were made in favour of further increasing the amount of lump sums payable. An amendment on the subject sought to have these payments raised to the level of those paid under the schemes operating in Britain and Northern Ireland. I rejected and I reject now the suggestion that a valid comparison can be made between the lump sums provided for in this Bill and those payable under the British and Northern schemes. The schemes are basically different. Our scheme provides for a weekly payment as well as a lump sum, whereas the British and Northern ones make provision for a lump sum only. I believe that, in our conditions, we are right to put the emphasis on weekly, rather than on lump sum, payments.

I feel that in any appraisal of the level of the proposed benefits in our scheme regard must be had to certain basic considerations. Firstly, the benefits must be sufficient to enable redundant workers to maintain standards relatively close to their pre-redundancy levels while they are being placed in, or retrained for, alternative employment; secondly, they must be big enough to effect the necessary changes in attitudes towards the conditions which bring about redundancy; and thirdly, they must not be so high as to add significantly to production costs.

I am satisfied that the benefits as now proposed, when viewed in the light of these considerations, will be seen to be both reasonable and adequate. I want to make it clear that I will have to resist any pressure to increase the lump sum payments. This is one matter which can, and should, be reviewed in the light of experience with the operation of the scheme.

As regard the weekly payment, this will be the equivalent of 50 per cent of the worker's pre-redundancy pay and will be payable in addition to any Social Welfare benefits to which the worker might be entitled. The weekly payments will continue for a period of one week for each year of employment, but, for this purpose, each completed two years of service over the age of 41 years will count as three years. This will weight the benefit in favour of the older workers, which I think is reasonable and desirable. In the Bill as first introduced in Dáil Éireann, there was provision for a waiting period of four weeks before weekly payments would commence. This has now been amended to a waiting period of two weeks.

Before passing from the weekly payments, I would like to mention that, although these will be payable in addition to unemployment benefit or unemployment assistance, I have deemed it advisable to provide that the total amount payable shall not exceed 90 per cent of the worker's pre-redundancy pay. This is intended to guard against creating disincentives in regard to the seeking or accepting of alternative employment.

In this Bill a worker's entitlement to a redundancy payment has been made subject to certain basic conditions being met. These conditions are prescribed in section 7 of the Bill. The first condition is that the worker must be dismissed for reasons of redundancy. Redundancy is defined in the section. In brief, if a worker is being dismissed because his employer, for one reason or another, no longer requires his services, he will be taken to have been dismissed for redundancy. Dismissal because of misconduct, inefficiency, or some other fault of the employee, would not constitute redundancy.

The next condition relates to a minimum period of service. This period is prescribed as four years (208 weeks) of continuous employment with the employer who is dismissing him. In the Dáil there was pressure to have this minimum period of service reduced. I resisted this pressure because I believe four years is a reasonable period of service to fix as a qualification for entitlement to a redundancy payment. The concept of entitlement to payment on being dismissed because of redundancy is based on a principle which I mentioned earlier. That is, that over a period a worker builds up certain rights in his job and, if he is deprived of those rights through no fault of his own, he ought to be compensated for this loss. The question at issue is what constitutes a reasonable period after which it could be claimed that a worker has established rights in his job. My view is that four years is the minimum period that could generally be regarded as reasonable in this connection. For this reason I have resisted proposals for a reduction in the qualifying period for redundancy payments.

Apart from dismissal, the entitlement to a redundancy payment may also, under the provisions of section 7, arise because of prolonged lay-off or short-time working. Section 12 of the Bill deals with the procedure to be followed in relation to claims in this regard. The provisions as regards lay-off and short-time are somewhat complex and will, no doubt, be fully discussed in Committee. At this stage, therefore, I feel it is sufficient for me to say that a balance between the interests of the worker and those of his employer is, I think, achieved by the procedure prescribed.

Seasonal workers are covered by the Bill. If a seasonal worker is employed regularly each year by the same employer and eventually becomes redundant he will be entitled to payments under the Bill. The payments will be related to his total aggregated service with that employer. It would of course, be manifestly unfair to employers of this type of labour to leave them open to redundancy claims from all their employees on the first occasion of seasonal lay-off after the commencement of the Act. To meet the situation, special provisions are contained in section 8, the effect of which is to declare that in the case of such workers there will normally be no question of a redundancy payment until the usual commencement time of the seasonal work. If the worker is not then re-employed the question of redundancy arises, but not until then.

I have mentioned that it is proposed to establish a special fund which will be known as the Redundancy Fund and out of which the weekly payments and the rebates to employers will be made. This Fund will be financed by contributions from employers and workers. The employers' contribution will be 8d a week in respect of men and 6d a week in respect of women. The workers' contribution will be 4d a week for men and 3d a week for women. Broadly speaking, these contributions will be payable in respect of any week that an employment contribution is payable under the Social Welfare Acts. The existence and operation of this Fund will enable the major part of the cost of redundancy payments to be spread over the widest possible field of employment.

The rebates to employers, which I have mentioned, will be met out of the Redundancy Fund and will amount to the equivalent of 50 per cent of any lump sum paid under the provisions of the Scheme. An additional bonus of 2½ per cent of the lump sum will be paid in respect of each extra week of notice given in excess of the minimum notice of two weeks required under the Bill, subject to a maximum of 65 per cent of the actual lump sum payment. The purpose of this bonus is to encourage employers to give as much notice as possible of impending redundancies. This would ensure the smooth operation of the scheme administratively and would afford the Employment Service an opportunity of placing the workers in alternative employment within the minimum time lag after the dismissal takes effect.

A further important consideration in relation to the Redundancy Fund is that it will bear lump-sum payments to workers who are unable to obtain them directly from their employers. Such a situation could arise where the employer is insolvent and unable to make the payments. Where such payments are made out of the Fund, appropriate steps will be taken to recover the amounts which should have been paid by the employer from his own resources.

Having regard to the payments to be made out of the Redundancy Fund, the question that poses itself is whether the contribution rates fixed will provide sufficient funds to meet all outgoings. This is a question that can only be answered in the light of experience and which must be kept under review when the scheme comes into operation. The Minister for Labour will have power under the Bill to make any necessary changes in contribution rates subject to affirmative resolution of both Houses of the Oireachtas. Similar resolutions will be required for changes in the benefits payable, for changes in scope, and for the introduction of the special schemes which I mentioned earlier.

In regard to the contributions, it has to be borne in mind that the rates in the Bill were decided by reference to likely outgoings under the provisions as originally drafted. Since the original calculations were made, important changes have been made, changes that will undoubtedly increase outgoings. I have already given details of the more important of these changes but it might be helpful if I were to summarise the more important ones here. They are:-

(i) The scope of the scheme has been broadened; it now embraces workers between the ages of 16 and 70 years as against 18 to 65 years originally proposed. Part-time workers who work for 21 hours or more per week now included. The figure originally proposed was 25 hours.

(ii) The maximum lump-sum payable has been increased from the equivalent of 16 weeks pay to the equivalent of 20 weeks pay.

These improvements will certainly result in increased outgoings and whether the present proposed rates of contributions will be sufficient to meet this is questionable. I felt, however, that I should not increase the proposed contributions without experience of the operation of the scheme. I decided instead to amend section 57 of the Bill as introduced so as to provide that the administrative costs of operating the scheme will be borne by the Exchequer. This is a further major concession. I have, however, excluded from this arrangement the cost of operating the appeals machinery being established under the scheme.

I think I should stress here that the decision to relieve the Fund of having to bear the administrative costs of the scheme does not represent a departure from the firm decision taken by the Government that there can be no direct contribution from State funds towards the cost of this scheme. That decision must stand. The taxpayer will be bearing the cost of a whole range of manpower services such as comprehensive training and retraining schemes, an improved and expanded Employment Service, a scheme of resettlement allowances and a manpower forecasting service. It would, in my view, be unreasonable to expect the community generally to contribute as well to the cost of the Redundancy Payments Scheme.

A further major change made in the Bill as a result of the deliberations on its provisions in Dáil Éireann relates to the arrangements for dealing with disputes under the scheme. Because of the tie-in between the proposed weekly payments and social welfare benefits, I originally felt that the existing appeals machinery of the Department of Social Welfare should be used for the purpose of settling disputes. However, as a result of criticisms of this proposal, I examined the matter further and decided to introduce an amendment to provide for the establishment of a separate Appeals Tribunal for the purposes of the Redundancy Payments Scheme.

In deciding in favour of an Appeals Tribunal I was mainly influenced by an examination of the type of dispute that may be expected to arise under the scheme and by the fact that the vast majority of the appeals will almost certainly relate to questions in dispute between employers and workers. The operation of somewhat similar schemes in Britain and Northern Ireland has shown that this is most likely to be the position here.

It is proposed in section 39 that the Appeals Tribunal will consist of an independent chairman and a number of other members representative of employers' and workers' interests. The Chairman of the Tribunal will be a practising barrister or solicitor of at least seven years standing. It was strongly represented by Deputies of the Labour Party in the Dáil that it is not essential that the Chairman should have legal qualifications but, having regard to the type of matters that will be at issue between the parties, I was unable to accept this view. The section in question provides for the appointment of three vice-chairmen and eight ordinary members. This will enable the Tribunal to act by division, and this should ensure the expeditious clearance of cases sent forward to the Tribunal.

I have mentioned that it is proposed that redundancy contributions will be collected by means of a special redundancy stamp. The possibility of having the contributions collected by means of a surcharge on the existing social insurance stamp received close examination. Serious administrative difficulties arose in this connection and, having regard to an undertaking I gave in Dáil Éireann to have the scheme brought in operation, if at all possible, on 1st January next, it was decided to proceed on the basis of separate cards and stamps. The position has changed somewhat because the amendments made in the Dáil bring the scope of the social insurance and redundancy payments schemes close together. To get the redundancy scheme going by 1st January next we now have to proceed on the basis of separate cards and stamps for the first year. I am, however, considering whether it would be possible to have a unified stamp for the payment of both social welfare and redundancy contributions for future years after the first year.

I do not feel it necessary to comment, at this stage, on various other sections of the Bill relating to the redundancy payments scheme although some of these contain interesting provisions. However, in the main they deal with operational details of the Bill and can to better advantage be dealt with on the Committee Stage. Among these sections are those concerned with change of ownership of a business (section 20), re-engagement of employees by associated companies (section 16), employment wholly or partly abroad (section 25) and provisions relating to winding up and bankruptcy (section 42).

There are three important schedules to the Bill. The first schedule deals with the method of calculating weekly payments; the second with the situation created by the death of an employer or an employee, and the third schedule provides rules for calculating lump sums, continuous service and reckonable service.

There are, however, two other points to which I should like to refer briefly. I resisted pressure in the Dáil to give retrospective effect to this Bill. If there is similar pressure in this House, I shall have to maintain my stand. It should be clear to everyone that whenever a scheme is introduced giving benefits to a section of the community, there always will be cases in which people would have benefited if the scheme had been introduced earlier. It will happen in this case also. There must be an operative date for a scheme and whatever date is decided on there will be people who just missed benefiting by it. Senators will, I am sure, agree that retrospection is a bad principle in a scheme of this sort and I must continue to resist firmly any pressure for it in this case.

The second point I want to deal with relates to strikes and lockouts. Strikes and lockouts, whether they occur before or after the operative date of the Bill, will not break continuity of service. I state this here because doubts have been expressed whether this intention is reflected adequately in the Bill. If necessary, I shall table an amendment on Committee Stage in the Seanad to remove these doubts. Time lost owing to lockouts, whether before or after the operative date, will count as reckonable service. Time lost owing to strikes before the operative date will count as reckonable service, but time lost owing to strikes after the operative date will not so count. I consider that these provisions are fair and reasonable and represent a just balance between the interests of workers and the interests of employers and for that reason I found it necessary to resist pressure in the Dáil to change them.

Under section 46 of the Bill, I will have power to make regulations providing for the introduction of a scheme of resettlement allowances. This, I think, is a necessary adjunct to any scheme for redundancy payments. The availability of resettlement allowances will be of considerable assistance to the Employment Service in placing unemployed workers in suitable employment. Let me stress, however, that there will be no element of compulsion associated with the administration of the proposed scheme of resettlement allowances. This scheme will be operated on a strictly voluntary basis and a worker who does not elect to move to a new area to secure employment will not in any way prejudice his entitlement to a weekly payment under the Redundancy Payments Bill or to any Social Welfare benefit. The basic principle of the scheme is that, if an unemployed worker is willing and anxious to move to a new area to secure employment, he should not be deterred from doing so because of the expense involved.

The full cost of the resettlement allowances scheme will be borne by the Exchequer and will not involve any charge on the Redundancy Fund. It is proposed that the scheme will meet in part such expenses as household removal, travel allowances, lodging allowances and the legal costs involved in selling a house in the home area and buying one in the area where new employment is taken up. Final details of the scheme of resettlement allowances have not yet been worked out. Draft proposals are at present being considered by the Manpower Advisory Committee, which, as Senators will be aware, comprises representatives of employers and trade unions, as well as my Department. My intention is, however, that the scheme should be brought into operation concurrently with the Redundancy Payments Scheme.

Finally, may I advert to a statement I made on the concluding stage of the Bill in Dáil Éireann. I have already informed the Seanad that I gave an undertaking in the Dáil to have the Scheme of Redundancy Payments brought into operation on 1st January, 1968, if this is at all possible. In order to meet my commitment in this regard, it was necessary for me to direct that the necessary administrative arrangements for the operation of the Redundancy Payments Scheme should be put in hands in anticipation of the passing of the legislation and I explained in some detail to Dáil Éireann what was involved in that connection. Among the measures found necessary to meet the deadline I have mentioned was the making of public announcements inviting the co-operation of employers and others in regard to some administrative aspects of the scheme, including arrangements for the issue of redundancy cards.

I feel that Senators will appreciate that the measures which I have found necessary to take in anticipation of the passing of the Bill through the Oireachtas are not intended to derogate from the authority of the Oireachtas. The Deputies in Dáil Éireann were gracious enough to accept my statement in this regard and I am sure that the Members of Seanad Éireann will be no less understanding. I can assure the Seanad that the measures which I have taken were essential if the scheme is to be brought into operation early in 1968, and I think this is the desire of everybody.

This Bill is clearly welcome to all Parties in this House, and I know that Senator Murphy will be saying the same thing as I am saying. It is, however, very much overdue, because this is something that we should have had long before we even thought of the problems of free trade, since redundancy is something that is with us all the time, and it is overdue because of the fact that we should have been aware for ten years past that in addition to the normal problem of redundancy we would have to face this problem of additional redundancy involved in the approach of free trade conditions. Proposals for redundancy schemes were put forward by the Committee for Industrial Organisation over three years ago. While it is a fact that the Committee found itself unable to agree on the financing of such a scheme and that difference of views existed between representatives of employers, trade unions and Departmental representatives, nevertheless the need for such a scheme was accepted by all, as was the need for a lump sum arrangement.

I am, of course, aware that the delay in introducing the Bill is not entirely the Minister's fault because he wished as far as possible to get an agreed measure and many consultations had to take place, and that he started from the position where there was disagreement between the employers' and the workers' representatives on this issue as to the financing of the scheme. I still think, however, that three years is a long time to take to get the matter to this stage. Even if no work had been done on it prior to the CIO report, work should have been done immediately afterwards, and we should have been ready to deal with this problem earlier.

The Bill has been greatly improved during its passage through the Dáil, and it its present form it owes a lot to the hard work put into it by Deputies and to the willingness of the Minister to consider points put to him. We have sometimes had occasion to criticise in this House the attitude of particular Ministers, but that does not apply in the present instance, for the present Minister is always willing to listen to suggestions for improvement and even though he may start off with a fairly firm attitude he can be convinced by good argument and will accept suggestions.

The Bill, in fact, has been improved to an extent which makes it quite difficult to follow as compared with the original draft introduced in the Dáil. It is only as I have been working through it as the Minister was speaking that I have found further changes that occurred in the Dáil and that I had not realised were there in running through the Dáil debates earlier.

The Bill is all the more essential because of the quite deplorable inadequacy of our scale of unemployment benefit. The present rate for a married man without children is barely one-third of the average adult male wage, which at the moment is £14 5s, or perhaps £14 10s, as it is some time since I made that calculation. Such a man would get £5 2s 6d unemployment benefit. That we have such a deplorably low level of unemployment benefit and have so far done nothing to relate it to the level of wages is something to our discredit. I welcome the belated conversion of the Government to a wage-related scheme, now also accepted by the Labour Party, who previously seemed to take their cue on this point by following the policy of the British Labour Party. I welcome that this point has now been accepted by the Government, and the announcement by a Minister, I forget which, that a wage-related scheme is being considered. This is a very important, because under our system we tie ourselves to a flat rate system, as does the British system, which is the most antiquated social welfare system in the world. This has few parallels elsewhere, and it means that the level of benefits has to be limited to the contribution which can reasonably be expected from the lowest paid worker, giving a low level of benefit to all concerned. Fortunately we appear to be moving away from this and moving away from the British Labour Party policy, and from the mistaken impression that Britain has a high standard in social welfare matters, which is very far from being true.

Our level of unemployment benefit is deplorable, and for an average worker enjoying a reasonable wage the fall in the level of living standards when he becomes redundant is appalling. This redundancy scheme, therefore, fills a very serious gap as compared with conditions in other countries where the unemployment benefit arrangements are adequate.

I mentioned a few minutes ago that redundancy is something that is there all the time and that we have dealt with insufficiently, though we should have tackled it without waiting for problems of redundancy arising out of free trade conditions, and should not have ignored the redundancy that occurs as a natural feature of a changing society.

Redundancy, indeed, can be associated as much with growth and development as with decline and stagnation. It is a fact that the period of greatest redundancy in this country, during which more jobs disappeared than at any other time—if one examines the census results—was from 1946 to 1951. I can trace there in that census a difference of 20,000 in jobs in certain industrial categories in five years. Yet that period was the period of fastest economic growth probably that this country has seen within living memory. The two—change and growth —are closely associated together. With economic growth, changes occur, and where people are willing to accept change, you get a situation in which new jobs are being created and old ones disappear. That can be relatively painless if there are jobs there for the people whose jobs disappear. But even under these conditions, even if there is extra employment and new jobs are created, there can be time lags and people can be square pegs not fitting into round holes. They can be left for a period because they are lacking in the skills required. Indeed in the case of old workers they can be left indefinitely without employment under conditions in which the country as a whole is prospering. The need for redundancy compensation is there all the time even in the most favourable conditions. In the less favourable conditions of transition to free trade it is of course absolutely essential.

There has been some dispute about the likely scale of redundancy. This was carefully considered by the Committee on Industrial Organisation and, while none of the members of that Committee would claim that the last word on the subject was said, or that their conclusions are not open to question or debate, the CIO did give some idea of the order of magnitude which might be involved. There has been some confusion in the Dáil. Deputy O'Leary got the figures slightly confused because he said the CIO had found there would be redundancy of 11,000 even under favourable conditions out of 105,000 jobs in industries surveyed. In fact that was not quite correct. It was lower. It was 8,000 out of 105,000 jobs surveyed. The figure of 11,000 related to the whole of the manufacturing industry. That is the estimate the CIO made of redundancy under the most favourable conditions assuming every firm took the necessary measures of adaptation. We have had some evidence this afternoon that not every firm has taken the measures of adaptation in time. We cannot be sure what the total scale of redundancy will be at the minimum level. We can hope that with the steps taken by Irish industry redundancy will not attain the level of 25,000, or so, which the CIO said might happen if nothing were done to take steps to deal with it. But we cannot be sure it will be as low as 10,000 or 11,000 which the CIO saw as the figure under optimum conditions.

Redundancy at this level does not necessarily mean unemployment at this level. Redundancy here means that people's jobs become redundant and they themselves are no longer needed in that employment. With intelligent planning redundancy can be and will be met by ordinary wastage in the turnover of people in jobs. For male workers there are percentage labour turnover rates of three to ten per cent, and for female workers the rate ranges from ten to 33 per cent each year. This is normal wastage because of resignations or in some cases people dying while still at work. This can provide for a good deal of redundancy without actually involving the disemployment of people. Amongst the remainder who are disemployed there are many people who should be able to get other employment quite quickly if they are lucky enough to be in an area where workers are required and if they have the right skills.

We are left with a residue which can be a substantial residue. It could well be something like 5,000, 7,000 or 8,000 under the most favourable conditions. There are people who will find themselves disemployed and who cannot readily get other employment with the skills at their disposal. This is where the Minister's Department have a role to play not only in providing this redundancy scheme but in the work of training which they are now tackling. I can tell the Minister that a sense of urgency is felt about this not only among the trade unions but in industry also on the management side. The need for training is very great indeed. There is a feeling of real concern that it has taken so long to get to the point where something is being done. The whole business of getting a training authority established took a long time from when it was first proposed. It has now been established. I know that An Comhairle Oiliúna is working as hard as it can to get to the stage of providing training facilities. Its efforts are being watched with impatience by employers and unions.

Employers who in many cases were not up to recently sufficiently conscious of the need for training are now becoming training-conscious. The trade unions have always stressed this problem and the need for action and are working with the employers in this connection. I know from experience of several adaptation councils that this is an area where they can work together most fruitfully and where both sides find a common interest in working together to provide training schemes. There are training schemes ready to be put into force in certain industries requiring no more than interest, attention and financial assistance from the Minister's Department to get moving. An Comhairle Oiliúna will find its efforts will be very welcome wherever it can work, and indeed on An Comhairle depends a lot of the success we may have in preventing hardship as a result of redundancy in industry.

Today we are concerned with the pre-training stage and with making provision for people during the period when they are being retrained and when they are out of work. We want to make sure that they will not suffer financially. The question before us is whether these provisions are adequate for the purpose. By and large I think they are. A lot of work went into the drafting of this Bill. The amendments made in the Dáil have improved it considerably but there are still a couple of things to which we could properly give our attention. In some respects the Bill still needs a bit of polishing up and in some respects it is slightly defective.

Apart from redundancy compensation and retraining there is the other side which is also covered in the Bill, that is, the resettlement of workers. I am glad the Minister has taken power to finance the resettlement of workers but I notice that in his speech today he talked about financing the cost involved "in part". I am not sure that this will necessarily be sufficient. People who have lost their jobs and have to live for a period at a lower standard of living than they are used to can get only 90 per cent of their previous earnings plus a lump sum, in many cases a small lump sum. People may be in that position for weeks and have to live at a lower level than they are used to, and to expect them to provide the cost of resettlement and moving is to expect a lot. The Minister should err on the side of generosity particularly as the upset of moving is something that people feel very much. These are Irish people who have proved sufficiently immobile to remain in the country. They represent about half of the original population—the half that has not emigrated. Even in the city of Dublin you can see this attitude in different areas. The attachment of people to their homes and their unwillingness to move to a different suburb is really very marked.

It is essential if we are to have economic growth that certain people should move. This involves hardship and the only way we can compensate them for that hardship is to ensure that at least they do not have financial hardship imposed also in connection with the actual process of moving. I urge the Minister in applying this section of the Bill to be generous in dealing with the problem of resettlement.

He has one particular problem in this area and I am not satisfied that he or anyone else has sufficient power to deal with it, that is the problem of housing. The housing situation in Ireland at the moment is serious not only from the social point of view but also from the economic point of view. There is a desperate social hardship, as all of us know from moving around in the course of our duties as Members of this or the other House. Everywhere there are waiting lists of people living in appalling conditions who need housing and this has proven a serious deterrent to industrial development for the following reason. There may be a particular town in which an industry wants to expand or where a new industry is brought in from outside and more workers are needed than are readily available, unemployed in the town. That extra employment can be provided only if these new workers can get housing. Naturally and quite understandably the local authorities have their priority lists of people living in appalling conditions to whom they wish to allocate any available houses. They find it hard to reconcile with their consciences the allocation of houses other than to those living in these conditions of hardship. So, we have the absurd position, the appalling position, that throughout the country industrial development is held up again and again by the fact that housing is not available and that industrialists who seek assurances that housing will be available if they expand cannot be given such assurances. I know this is the work of the National Building Agency, but for whatever reason its work has been too confined and too limited so far, and we now are in a position where the housing problem is one of the most serious, perhaps the most serious, impediment to industrial development in Ireland at the present time. I do not know how the Minister is going to get around this. The mere provision of resettlement allowances does not solve the problem.

There must be somewhere to resettle the workers and I would like to know how he proposes to deal with this problem; what kind of relationship he proposes to establish between the Department of Local Government and the National Building Agency to ensure that where workers are needed, where they have been trained by the training authority, where he is prepared to provide the money to resettle them and where the workers are prepared to move, that there will be houses for them to move into. Until that final stage is dealt with all the other measures will be without avail and neither the hardship of the worker nor the loss to the economy through the loss of the economic growth can be overcome unless housing is provided. There is a problem here which the Minister will not find it easy to tackle. It will require close co-operation with the other agencies involved and I think a fresh start in dealing with the whole question of housing. We may well be working towards the stage where housing is becoming a national responsibility rather than primarily a local one as it is at the moment.

There are some questions I would like to put to the Minister: first of all what is the present scheme of redundancy? We are living at the moment under conditions which are pre-free trade conditions. Except for the case of Dunlop I cannot think of any firm where redundancy has occurred because of the freeing of trade. There has been redundancy through the fire in Rawsons causing great hardship in Dundalk, and there has been redundancy through the closing down of factories like the Electro factory, but except in the case of Dunlop significant redundancy because of the freeing of trade has not occured. I believe it is the case that there is significant redundancy and always has been even under the most normal and favourable conditions because of the changing character of demand, the varying efficiency of firms and the factor of competition which is all the time changing the balance between different industries and different firms.

I wonder if the Minister could say what the present level of redundancy is and how much redundancy he expects. He has been coy on this subject. He has refused to commit himself to any figure on the scale of redundancy he expects, that is redundancy as defined by the Act, redundancy requiring compensation. This could be very much more than free trade redundancy suggested by the CIO because you have this natural continuing level of redundancy all the time and the extra redundancy brought about by free trade will be superimposed on this. What is the basis of the Minister's calculation? He tells us somewhere that the total revenue he expects from the fund is £1 million a year. He tells us today that he is not too sure that £1 million will cover the Bill bearing in mind the changes the Dáil has made in the scheme. How many workers does that represent? I do not think the Minister can say he does not know, because it is arithmetically impossible to arrive at that order of magnitude and at those figures without some assessment of the number of people redundant. We will not accuse the Minister of being careless if it turns out to be wrong. The simple fact is that in arriving at the figure of £1 million some figure was taken for redundancy and I think we should be told what it was.

I was going to ask the Minister what were the administrative problems that made a single stamp impossible, but as he has told us that he hopes after the first year to do something about this there is not much point in pressing this.

There are a number of points about the Bill. Some of them were raised in the Dáil; most of them were, but there are still some that have not been answered satisfactorily.

I still think there is a case for a Government contribution here. I do not think the Minister's reply to this is satisfactory. He simply said that the Government is spending money on a lot of other things and therefore this should not be the responsibility of the Government. He must face the fact that the reason why redundancy is going to occur on a large scale is because of Government policies. It is not just chance, it is not somebody else's fault, it is not an act of God. It is an act of the Government because the Government Party, with which the Minister is associated, introduced over a period of 30 years protection in a particular manner. The Government were completely right in introducing protection, and I think without the protection policy we would not have an Irish industrial sector. However, the system of protection employed was inefficient and incompetent and damaging in many ways. It was better than having no protection at all. However, it could have been much more efficient. The choice of industries, the selection of tariff levels, the whole system of arranging that tariffs should be maintained indefinitely instead of, as Senator Sheehy Skeffington suggested, tapering off over a period—all this has led to our having an industrial sector which is less efficient than it could have been. It was quite within the competence of the Government of the day, with the assistance of the economic advice they could have had, to devise a much more intelligent system of protection, to give it in the first instance in a more discriminating way and then encouraging firms towards efficient production by a tapering process—not necessarily tapering off altogether, as is now proposed in free trade, but to a particular figure. This was not done. The system of protection introduced was thoroughly inefficient and the Government of the day is responsible for that fact, nobody else. There is no question about that. We should have had a much more intelligent system. I am not challenging the principle of protection. I believe that at the end of this whole free trade exercise something like 90 per cent or 85 per cent of the employment created by protection will stand as a memorial to that policy, but the other 10 or 15 per cent will consist of people who will be redundant and who will have been put in that position because it was administered in an inefficient manner, and that is the responsibility of the Government.

Moreover the Government signed the Anglo-Irish Free Trade Agreement of its own volition not because it was something required of us by economic exigencies. I think myself it was a bad agreement, badly negotiated, on bad terms and that it was a mistake. I think it has brought demonstrably few benefits and that there are enormous disadvantages yet to come. But the Government chose to negotiate it, and it is their responsibility, and they are responsible for any redundancy that follows from that Agreement. In these circumstances I can see no justification for the Government exempting itself from its share of the cost of this scheme.

The Minister gave an excuse for this which I think was a double-edged one. He said it is not a social welfare proposal but simply a question of the workers' rights being recognised. If that is the case and if in fact it is not a social welfare scheme and simply a question of workers' rights being recognised, I wonder why the workers have to contribute to it? I think the Minister was a little careless in saying that. If these are the workers' rights they should not have to pay for them. I do not think myself the concept is as simple as that. Certainly the employers should carry their share, but I do not see that this is a good argument at all for exempting the Government from its share. This is a social welfare scheme in part but the Minister has chosen to ignore this. The fact that those workers are redundant is caused by defects of past Government policy in this connection and there is no case for the Government exempting itself from contributing to the scheme.

The Minister has defended the somewhat lower level lump sum in the scheme compared with Great Britain on the grounds that in Britain there is no weekly payment. I am not prepared to accept that this is a sound argument. The reason why in Britain there is no weekly redundancy payment is because the unemployment benefit is at a reasonable level. When you bring the unemployment benefit into account in both Ireland and Great Britain I wonder whether our scheme is so attractive. I have not got figures available to make comparisons between the British and Irish schemes, taking the lump sum and the weekly payment of the Irish redundancy scheme, and the lump sum of the British scheme into account, and also taking into account the unemployment benefits in both countries. I would like to compare both schemes, taking into account the unemployment benefit in both countries to see whether our scheme is more attractive and if so the Minister's case is made.

He would have heard it at the by-elections if it was.

The Senator should not be satisfied with the by-elections.

As I have succeeded in keeping the by-elections out of the debate others should follow my example.

We do not mind.

I know but I would prefer to keep it for another occasion. I do not think it is relevant to this debate.

I would like the Minister, when he is replying, to tell us, when you bring in the unemployment benefit into the scheme in both Ireland and Britain whether ours is more attractive than that of Britain.

What about taxes on the population if you are going into that?

I am only dealing with the reply of the Minister with regard to the question of the higher lump sum in Great Britain and whether a fair comparison can be made.

We know that this scheme is not effective in regard to non-manual workers earning over £1,200 a year. This, to my mind, is something that we should reconsider at this stage. It is not normal practice in other countries to exclude workers of this kind from social welfare schemes. I have never been convinced of the justification for excluding those people. It may be that self-employed workers and workers earning higher salaries should be excluded from some form of social welfare benefits including unemployment benefits—in the case of self-employed people these would not be necessary—but I do not see any reason for excluding them from the scheme altogether. There are certain aspects they should be able to benefit from.

This is relevant to this scheme on account of the fact that because they are excluded from the social welfare scheme they are excluded from the redundancy payments scheme. The reply has been given that very many workers earning over £1,200 a year are benefiting from pension schemes but this is true of only some of them. Under present conditions there could well be hardship if such people are declared redundant and we should not exclude them from this scheme.

There are problems in regard to the self-employed people in this regard. They do not come within this Bill but we should not ignore the fact that great hardship can be caused to self-employed people, for example small shopkeepers, who are put out of business. The hardship for them is just as intense as in the case of ordinary employees. I do not suggest that the self-employed people can be brought into this scheme but I suggest that the Government, who have given great assistance to industry adapting itself to new conditions in regard to competition ought to do something more to assist these sectors, not only the agricultural sector but also the distribution sector, which is excluded from so many Government schemes of incentives and grants, where hardship because of increased competition can be very heavy.

I can quite see why the Minister has to exclude self-employed people from this Bill, but the Government should look into the position of those people, particularly the small shopkeepers. More could be done to help such people to meet competition, to teach them new methods and to retrain them to take up some other job if nevertheless they are put out of business. Some compensation should be given to help them to train for something else. The mere fact that they are self-employed does not mean that they are in a better position than the people who are employees. We should take a particular look at this sector and do something for them.

I can understand why the Minister is excluding part-time workers but a survey was carried out in Drogheda recently under the auspices of the Minister's Department and this survey has shown that a significant minority of male employees who are on the live register are in fact employed and are not available for work by reason of the fact that they are engaged in casual work of such a character that they are still entitled to receive unemployment benefit. They are engaged in part-time work and that part-time work gives them a reasonable livelihood with which they are satisfied. It is a fact that they are excluded from the category of full-time employees by reason of the fact that they do not work every day of the week. This survey shows that some of these people have been carrying on the same employment for over 20 years. Dockers are a case in point here, by reason of the fact that they often only work on certain days, but the amount of money such people get gives them enough to live on, in conjunction with unemployment assistance. Nevertheless under this scheme such a man is not entitled to compensation if he loses this employment.

We are too rigid, administratively, in matters of this kind. The whole of the social welfare code is built up in a rigid and an inhuman way. I do not think we can simply write off people and say that they are part-time workers just because those people earn their livelihood by working on less days of the week than other people. We should not exclude such people from redundancy compensation if they lose their jobs. That seems to be unfair. This matter should be re-examined. It may be that this problem arises particularly in relation to people working on the docks and the Minister is going to look at this matter and introduce a special scheme for them, but it may not be confined to those people. Jobbing gardeners are another category of people who may not work full-time, and they should not be excluded. There may also be other categories whom one cannot think of at the moment. The Minister might find it useful to examine in some detail the returns from the Drogheda survey and discover who, in fact, were the people in this position (who represented, I think, 15 per cent of male unemployed) and what jobs they were doing and to consider looking at the problem of unemployment of the people on the live register who are in fact employed by the same employer for decades of their lives to see whether they should come under this scheme and how they should be brought within it as I believe they should be. This is something we should look at. We should not over-simplify workers into part-time and full-time as if they fell easily into these two categories when there is a difficult no man's land between the two.

It may well be that the answer will be to reconsider the 21 hour figure which the Minister has brought down from 25. He was pressed to bring it down to 17 but he resisted that. He may have had a good reason for this and I am not sure that the 17 hours would meet the case I am making, but I think he ought to examine the particular cases involved with the people in his Department and see what amendment of this scheme would bring these people within it.

The Minister has excluded overtime earnings, though not bonus earnings. This is an old familiar argument. We had it in relation to workmen's compensation on the Industrial Injuries Bill. I remain unhappy with the exclusion of overtime. We know that many people spend a normal and regular part of their lives on overtime earnings. This is true of busmen and of many transport workers about whom Senator Murphy could say more than I can, who work regular overtime partly because the nature of their work requires that they should do so and partly because the level of wages paid to them requires that they should do so. The exclusion of overtime—as I understand it is excluded from the provisions of the Bill—seems to me to be unfair. It is bad enough that a man has to work overtime as a part of his job and as an addition to his wage but it is adding insult to injury to tell him that this overtime is excluded for the purposes of compensation if he loses his job.

I am unhappy about the system of contribution, that is that the worker pays his contribution from the time he takes up with an employer as a worker. It is difficult for one to familiarise oneself with all the details of this scheme and I am open to correction if I am wrong, but as I understand it, the contribution is paid by every worker as soon as he is employed but he cannot by definition benefit until he is four years with an employer. This seems harsh. Many workers change employment frequently—an extreme case is the building industry but there are other cases apart from the building industry where people change employment frequently. I think this idea that the worker should pay a contribution even if he changes his job every three years, thus paying a contribution throughout his life and never benefiting, seems grossly unsatisfactory. If they are to be paid at all —I am doubtful as to whether there is a case for the workers' contribution if the Bill is designed to give workers their rights—it seems to me that they should be paid only by workers who have a reasonable prospect of benefiting or who may be in the position that they will benefit. I am inclined to think that the workmen's contribution should be paid after he is four years in the job, although I am not certain that it might not be fixed at two years, in contemplation of his being in the job for longer. To be asked to contribute from the beginning of the new job when he may not stay in it and when the nature of the work indicates that he will not be able to benefit is quite inequitable. I am puzzled as to why the workers' contribution takes this form and puzzled as to why there has not been resistance from the trade unions, as far as I know. Certainly in the Dáil it does not seem to have been raised.

I shall not press the point of retrospection. It has been debated fully in the Dáil and the Minister dug his heels in there. If it transpires that any firm tries to get out of their obligation by finding people redundant before the scheme comes into effect this year, I hope this Minister will do something, as we have his assurance he will do. We hope with that assurance that action will be taken in such a case. Then perhaps I need not press unduly the argument that it be retrospective to last January.

Another point which I think is important is the question of the level of the weekly payments in itself. I know there is the lump sum payment. It is there and has to be taken into account. But the lump sum payment is intended as a recognition of the obligation of the employer to a worker of long service and a contribution to his welfare from his employer who has had the benefit of his services for a long time. I do not think it is entirely relevant to take it into account in relation to the level at which the worker's income stands during redundancy. We should examine this weekly payment rather in isolation.

The Minister in his approach seems to accept this, because by putting a limit of 90 per cent on the total amount receivable through redundancy payments and unemployment benefits, a figure of 90 per cent of the full previous remuneration is arrived at. The Minister has thus accepted that a worker should get a weekly payment coming close to his previous income, but just below it because of the danger that if people get the full amount they would not go back to work. The Minister, therefore, accepts that the principle he is aiming at is that, excluding whatever lump sum a man is getting, the amount of the weekly payments will approximate as closely as possible to be just under his previous remuneration.

The Minister accepts that, but he has not in fact devised a scheme to cover it. Even a man who is married with two children will not reach the 90 per cent figure under this scheme at the moment. The typical wage, as I have mentioned already, is about £14 10s, and I think there are one quarter of the workers who are earning in excess of £16 a week. This is on the low side, there are probably one quarter earning, say, £16 10s—but let us be on the low side to be safe. What happens the £16 a week man, a married man with two children who loses his job? He gets his 50 per cent which is £8 and he gets his unemployment benefit £5 2s 6d for himself and his wife and for the two children £1 6s; that is £6 8s 6d. That makes in total £14 8s 6d as against his previous figure of £16. He reaches the level of 90 per cent for a man of £16 a week with a wife and two children but there are one quarter of the workers who earn more than £16 a week and there are a vast majority of them not having a wife and two children, who are unmarried, or who are married without children, or with children who have grown up or with one child.

I would say and this is an estimate as I have not carried out a full examination, that in probably only a small fraction, something like 10 or 15 per cent of the cases will workers get the 90 per cent. I shall not press the percentages because I have not done the calculation fully, but as most workers have not a wife and two children but have fewer dependants than that and as one quarter of them earn more than £16 a week the combination of the two factors means that in a large number of cases the 90 per cent will not be reached. This is very unsatisfactory. We should be aiming at keeping people as close as possible to their former wage during the period after redundancy. I would suggest that the Minister should reconsider this 50 per cent weekly compensation figure which in the light of the 90 per cent maximum is too low simply because our unemployment benefit is appallingly low. The unemployment benefit is less than one third of the wage which these workers at £16 a week and over obtain. Because it is so low, even combined with the 50 per cent redundancy payment it will still leave workers well below what they are earning.

This is so absolutely deplorable that I do not think we can justify limiting the redundancy payment to 50 per cent. This means that a very large proportion of workers, and I would like the Minister's estimate on how many, as he has the resources to do the calculations better than I can, of our workers will be left in a position of not getting anything like 90 per cent. This can be remedied by raising the 50 per cent figure to keep the 90 per cent maximum. That would mean that the man who under the Minister's scheme at present would receive 90 per cent, because the redundancy compensation of 50 per cent of the wage plus 40 per cent in the form of unemployment benefit brings it up to 90 per cent, gets nothing more and does not cost the scheme any more, but the man who under the Minister's proposal would get a lot less than 90 per cent would be brought up nearer to that figure.

I do not understand the basis of the present calculations of the system. I do not understand why it is thought that those workers who are in this position, the higher paid workers for example, or workers who have not large family commitments, or those who have not a wife and child, should be penalised in this way and why their redundancy income should be kept so much below their previous wage. I should like to press this point. It was not raised in the Dáil. The 90 per cent figure was argued briefly by some of the Labour Party people but the whole issue of how many would never reach the 90 per cent level was never discussed and I imagine we could examine it fruitfully here.

I am uneasy about the length of the period for which workers will get redundancy compensation. I appreciate that the lump sum is being related, as it should be, to length of service. It is a recognition of the debt owed by the employer to the worker and it is right it should vary according to length of service; but I should like to see the weekly redundancy payment not related to length of service and influenced by it. Four weeks as the length of time, in some cases, during which compensation will be paid is far too short a period in this country for workers to find other employment. It is far too short a time for the Department to retrain them for other employment and I should like to know what the Minister visualises will happen. He is responsible for industrial training. What happens to such a worker and must the retraining body, An Comhairle Oiliúna, while they are training him compensate him after the four weeks have expired; or must the worker go back on unemployment benefit after the four weeks? Will the worker stay, in the circumstances? Will he even remain in the country at all? Therefore, will the entire provision in the Training Bill not be frustrated? The Minister shakes his head.

An Comhairle Oiliúna will pay his wages in the meantime. We have given them power to do it. We did so when I was here last.

I know, but is it proposed that they should pay him up to 90 per cent of his wages?

They are empowered to give him allowances. We did not mention a figure.

To be empowered to give allowances is one thing but to give them is another. If we are to terminate redundancy payments we hope they will be offset by equivalent allowances.

I am sure An Comhairle Oiliúna will act sensibly.

I accept that as an assurance of the Minister, if that is what he intended it to be.

Section 17 raises a problem I should like to comment on. This is the section in which the employer is required effectively to give two weeks notice and the Minister may make regulations under which an employer who fails to comply with the section shall be liable to a penalty. There can be circumstances in which it will be physically impossible for an employer to give two weeks notice. For instance, an employer might have to close down suddenly. The employer's obligation to give two weeks' notice is set out and failure to implement it involves a penalty. There could be a situation in which an employer might give two weeks pay in lieu of notice and it would be unfair if such an employer were penalised in the same way as an employer who both failed to give notice or to give wages in lieu thereof.

As I have said, these circumstances might arise through no fault of the employer, perhaps because he had to close suddenly. If he discharges his obligation by paying two weeks wages in lieu of notice I do not think he should be penalised and if an employer could show to the Department that he has done this I suggest that the Minister should take account of it and I am sure there should be some provision to exempt such an employer from penalty when the Minister is so satisfied. We should look a little harder at that provision.

I welcome the Minister's willingness under section 18 to make regulations and to prescribe that the regulations be submitted for approval to the two Houses of the Oireachtas. In fact the Minister's willingness in this and in other respects to meet criticisms has been marked throughout the Bill and is in direct contrast to the attitude of some of his colleagues.

I am not satisfied that section 25 of the Bill adequately covers Irish workers working for their employers outside the State. As far as I can see, the Minister contemplated when replying to this point in the Dáil that if a worker were outside the State for twelve months the employer would bring him back here and sack him in this country even though it would cost the employer a lump sum. I may have misunderstood what was said in the course of the Dáil debate and I should like to be enlightened. Is the Minister satisfied there is no problem here, can he tell us precisely what is to be done in cases where people are working outside Ireland for, for instance, Aer Lingus? Will these people fall automatically under either the Irish scheme or the English scheme or will they fall between two stools and splash into the Irish Sea? The Dáil statement on this question was inconclusive and unsatisfactory.

In section 29 the employer is given a rebate of half the lump sum. What is the rationale of this? The employer is contributing something like two-thirds and I should think there is a prima facie case for his getting back two-thirds. On what basis was the one-half repayment arrived at?

Under section 32 there will be cases in which firms might be in a very difficult financial position which would have brought about certain redundancy. In such circumstances some firms might be able to struggle on, to continue at a certain level of operation with some of their workers. Payment of redundancy compensation in such cases might prove to be the last straw that would put such people out of business altogether. Such cases would not be frequent but there can be cases of that nature. Cannot provision be made here to cover such employers when the Minister is satisfied that if the firm had to pay compensation it would have to go out of business altogether? Could not the whole cost of such compensation be borne by the fund? Such a provision as I advocate of course would have to be pretty stringently controlled and I am sure the Minister would always be careful to protect the fund and that he would make such provision only when there were genuine cases. Commenting generally on the section, I should think its operation in its present form might increase redundancy instead of mitigating it.

In section 39 we have the provision for the constitution of this body, with a chairman, vice-chairmen and members. There was quite a lot of debate on this in the Dáil and there was the usual line up between the Parties, with Labour dissatisfied about the requirements for legal qualifications in the case of the chairman. I am not quite sure about the logic of the position in which we seek to have a lawyer as chairman but not as vice-chairmen. The vice-chairmen will be presiding over certain sections of the tribunal and it seems to me that the case made as to why we should have a lawyer as chairman applies equally to the vice-chairmen. I see no case for having a lawyer as one of the four and not to have the same apply to the others.

There are no guarantees in the Bill about the neutrality of vice-chairmen —how will the Minister precisely ensure that the vice-chairmen will be neutral? I am not as sceptical as the Labour Party on the possibility of getting neutral people——

Where would you get them?

It has been accepted by the Oireachtas frequently that such people, if carefully chosen, can be guaranteed to be objective, or as far as it is humanly possible to get anybody to be objective. However, here there is no limit as to the qualifications of the vice-chairmen. They can be members of the FUE or of the ICTU.

Would the Senator define what he means by neutral?

Somebody who would take an objective view of the case before him. I am puzzled by this section. It seems illogical that the chairman should be a lawyer and that the vice-chairmen should not. I am puzzled also at the absence of a provision to ensure that the vice-chairmen will not be people actively involved on one side or the other of the fence they are astride of.

It would be a very foolish Minister who would employ somebody as a vice-chairman who was totally dedicated to one side or the other.

I appreciate that, but I do not think that that is quite the point which I was making, namely that normally there is some specific provision to suggest this requirement that the person chosen must not be involved on the one side or the other.

It is very hard to legislate for neutrality.

How could you be neutral between Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael?

Senator Ó Maoláin's convictions about neutrality we have had to meet before, but there are even people who are neutral between Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael.

They are no good if they are.

What about the members of the Labour Party?

One point which was raised in the Dáil debate was whether the tribunal would issue a regular report. It seems to me that such a report could be well worth while as giving an indication, possibly, of case law developing. I wonder what the Minister has in mind in this respect?

There is one section upon which I would like to raise a point which has not been raised before but which will be of some importance for the Committee Stage. This is section 49, which seems to follow exactly the opposite procedure to the one in the British Act in that it visualises that any existing schemes providing for redundancy may be abolished and replaced entirely by this scheme. If I understand correctly sections 14 and 47 of the United Kingdom Act of 1965 there is provision there in the opposite direction, that in cases where such schemes exist the contributions to this scheme shall be offset—you do not abolish the schemes but you have power to offset. I wonder if I have interpreted this correctly, and if so I would be glad to hear why we have adopted the opposite procedure. I do not think that the Minister has explained this. The idea of abolishing those other schemes could give rise to considerable difficulties and might well be undesirable. I would be rather unhappy about this because in fact this provision might become a disincentive to the introduction of a pension scheme, which we would not like to happen. We need an explanation of why this procedure has been adopted, and we should debate it at some length in order to establish whether this is the right thing to do. It is a very complex matter, and I do not want to go into it now in detail for various reasons, one being that I do not understand it sufficiently myself, but I hope that I will understand it when we come to the Committee Stage, when I hope that we will have a debate at length on it. I am mentioning it now to give the Minister an opportunity of considering it for the Committee Stage.

In one schedule there is the provision about strikes to which the Minister referred, but while he made it clear that a strike does not break the worker's continuity of service it does nevertheless mean a loss of service during the strike, and I am not clear as to the logic of saying that strikes before the Bill comes into effect are discounted and strikes after it are counted against the worker. I do not see why a different procedure is applied for before and after situations, and I would like to hear the Minister on the logical grounds for this difference in procedure.

One point which was made in the ICTU submission in the CIO Report, if I remember correctly, was that there should be no time limit on the payment of redundancy compensation for people over 55. The Bill does not seem to contemplate this though it makes rather better provision for older people by counting their service over a certain age at a higher rate. This does not go as far as the ICTU suggestion, and I am not sure that we should not be more generous than we are to older workers since their prospects for securing further employment are very poor. There may be some cases of premature retirement by 10 or 15 years and during that period they would have to live on a very low income level indeed. I am not happy that we have been sufficiently generous in this matter, and it is something that we should look at again.

Finally, I would like to accept what the Minister said in his concluding passage, when he said that he had to take certain steps to get the scheme under way which involved running ahead of the legislation and taking a chance on what the Dáil and Seanad would do. We, of course, accept that there was not contempt of the Oireachtas and that the Minister did this in his desire to do what the Dáil had specifically asked him to do, to get this scheme into operation by the 1st January. He had, therefore, to work rather ahead of legislation, and even though we might argue that this was an inappropriate decision we accept that it was well intended and that it was the right thing to do in these circumstances.

Business suspended at 6 p.m. and resumed at 7.15 p.m.

I want on behalf of the Labour Senators here to welcome this Bill. We have two main criticisms to make but before I come to them I should like also to welcome the very detailed explanation given by the Minister in introducing the Second Reading of the Bill in this House. It helped me anyway to understand the Bill better because on reading through it there were many things which puzzled me. The Minister's very full explanation has been helpful.

I come now to the two criticisms I have to make. I am sure the Minister can guess immediately what they are. The first is that this Bill should have been before this House and enacted long before now. I say that because it was apparent that once the Government adhered to the Free Trade Agreement there was an urgent need to provide for redundancy payments to help the workers who would be affected by the Government's adherence to that agreement. Perhaps it should have been here long before that but certainly it should have followed very quickly on the Free Trade Agreement. We are now coming towards the end of 1967 and we are all hoping—we are all agreed on this I suppose—that the provisions of the Bill will, in fact, be in operation on 1st January, 1968.

We are critical of this because, of course, the effects have already been felt in some industries. We were debating earlier here today the effect of the Free Trade Agreement in Dunlops and the fact that workers were rendered redundant there. It is fortunate that the unions concerned were able to persuade the management in Dunlops to extend to those redundant workers whatever would be finally agreed arising out of this redundancy measure. However, we had the other situation in Rawsons where quite a substantial number of workers have been made redundant and I do not think that the cause of redundancy can be solely explained by reference to the fire. I imagine that if we had not the difficulty created by reason of recession and our adherence to the Free Trade Agreement Rawsons would, in fact, have been able to re-open instead of going into liquidation and the people might be in a situation where they would be disemployed temporarily but would at least have the possibility of going back to the factory when it was rebuilt.

Instead we have a situation that work for these people has gone and there is no provision and no cover for them in regard to redundancy payments. To my mind that is due to the Government's preoccupation with less important matters such as the Marts Bill, for example, instead of getting through this very important measure which is a very useful addition to the social welfare legislation of this country.

The second criticism I have to make, and, again this will be no surprise to the Minister, is the inadequacies of the benefits. To my mind they do not compare favourably with that which obtains in other countries. The Minister in his speech said that if a comparison is made between the lump sum in Northern Ireland and in Britain and the continuing payment that, in fact, what we propose to provide compares favourably. I do not accept that because of the point made by Senator FitzGerald that in Northern Ireland there is a much higher rate of unemployment benefit.

In fairness, I think I should say, too, that I welcome the fact that the Bill we now have before us is at any rate an improved measure from that originally introduced in Dáil Éireann. I should like to acknowledge the way the Minister has come to meet the points put by the Labour Party in the Dáil, the Congress viewpoints, about what improvements should be made. He has not met our points in full but I should like to say that we think he has come in some way to improve the measure.

The Minister has in his speech today warned us not to expect any further improvements but we will try at any rate to probe a little bit and make some slight improvements. There are some alterations, maybe not major ones, which would be important to the individuals affected. The Minister might be prepared to make those improvements when we come to Committee Stage. We are providing in this measure for redundancy payments, payments by way of a lump sum and continuing periodic benefits for workers who are made redundant.

The trade union movement regard those things as welcome but as minimum standards. We do not accept, in other words, for a moment that this inhibits the trade unions in any way from dealing with the problem in a particular industry of negotiating, if it can get benefits, above what is provided for in this measure. We do not accept a reply from the employers generally that those are the standards laid down and that that is as far as the employers can be expected to go. Granted the situation will vary from industry to industry. You can have it varying from an industry where they will provide additional benefits for people made redundant and equally you will find that in another industry they are able to afford better benefits for the workers declared redundant. We like to look at this in the same way, for example, as the maximum holidays laid down by legislation as being, in fact, the base line which nobody should go below but that the trade unions would be quite free to attempt, according to the circumstances in which they are operating, to provide better benefits for their members who might be affected by redundancy.

I now want to come to something which has again cropped up here and which has been worrying me for a considerable time. I refer to the fact that in this measure we exclude completely a cover for all non-manual workers earning over £1,200 per annum. In fact, those earning less than that figure are exempted also in many employments in what I think are referred to as excluded employments. Those would-be civil servants, the officers in local government, CIE clerical and supervisory staff, ESB clerical and supervisory staff and host of other such groups who are not fully insured, that is, people who do not pay the full insurance stamp and who, even though their pay is under £1,200 per annum, are excluded from the cover provided in this measure. This is a problem facing not alone the Minister. I should like to suggest to him that he might have a chat with the Minister for Social Welfare who is also affected by this approach to our problem, of considering whether this is not completely out of date.

The background to this is that we inherited it from Britain where there was at one time separate insurance for unemployment and another for what was termed the national health and where there were certain employments exempted because of circumstances attaching to those employments. I believe the exemption was probably sensible in the circumstances then obtaining but as far as I know—I am open to correction here—that has been completely abandoned in Britain. I am not clear if civil servants in Britain are fully insured but I know many other employments, that were, like us here, excluded employments, are, for many years, covered by the full scope of the social welfare benefit, including the redundancy payments. Surely it is not a good situation to have clerical workers earning about £500, £600 or £700 per annum excluded from the benefits of this measure. Indeed, there might be a lot to be said for bringing all those people in under insurance generally for the sort of stability you would give to those funds, the social welfare fund and also this redundancy fund.

I believe we should have a fresh look at this problem. It is not good enough simply to say that everybody over £1,200 is not covered and does not need this measure of protection and that as well as those under £1,200, which is quite a big number in excluded employments, do not need this protection and should be kept out of this measure. I notice that the Minister has power to exempt categories of workers from the provisions under this Bill but he is not seeking for any power to extend the scope of the scheme. It would be advisable and an improvement that he might take that power. As I said already, this is a rather big problem and there is need to rethink on the whole solution.

We simply have continued with what we inherited from the British. They have changed their approach to this problem long ago but we still continue in the same old way. We have lifted the income tax ceiling on a number of occasions but we still maintain the situation that a big group of workers are excluded from social welfare benefits. I do not know, if they were brought in, whether they would like to have to pay insurance. Nobody likes paying it but in the long run, and in the national interest, it is time we looked at this problem. I hope the Minister may find an opportunity of having some examination made of this problem with the Minister and the Department of Social Welfare, who are principally concerned in it. Incidentally, and perhaps ironically, we do not exclude such workers from the provision which allows financial assistance to be given to people who have to move their homes.

We do not provide for redundancy payments for such people but under this Bill, as drafted, the Minister is taking power to give them financial assistance to move their homes. I do not know whether it is in line to deal with the civil servants who might have to move to Castlebar and Athlone but it seems to me anyway that while it is good that this provision should be made to give this financial assistance there is no longer a very good reason for maintaining this distinction regarding what I suppose could be roughly called the white collar workers in certain fairly permanent employment. A fair description would be that it excludes them from the provisions of the Social Welfare Scheme and now from the Redundancy Payments Scheme.

It gives rise to many anomalies. I will not go into details but I know of anomalies in regard to people who have been promoted to a supervisory grade, got out of insurance and because of that got into a superannuation scheme and have to pay heavier contributions. Because of late entry they end up with a lower pension from the grade in which they have taken promotion. That is an anomaly which I think needs to be looked at.

There are quite a few sections on which I wanted to raise questions. Perhaps I should refer to those in passing because the explanations given by the Minister might determine whether an amendment is appropriate. The first of those relates to section 15. It is divided into three subsections. Subsection (1) (b) seems, to me anyway, to be in contradiction to subsection (2). In subsection (1) (b) we are talking about disentitlement to redundancy payments for refusal to accept alternative employment. We see here that an employee who has received the notice required by section 17 shall not be entitled to redundancy payment if in the period of two weeks ending on the date of dismissal:

(b) the provisions of the contract as renewed, or of the new contract, as to the capacity and place in which he would be employed and as to the other terms and conditions of his employment would not differ from the corresponding provisions of the contract in force immediately before his dismissal,

In other words, we are saying that if he is offered another job which is similar to the one he had—if, for example, he is a carpenter and is offered another job as a carpenter—he is disqualified from benefit.

Then we go on to subsection (2) which says:

(b) the provisions of the contract as renewed, or of the new contract, as to the capacity and place in which he would be employed and as to the other terms and conditions of his employment would differ wholly or in part from the corresponding provisions of his contract in force immediately before his dismissal,

We seem to be saying here that this carpenter is offered the job of heavy manual labour, maybe at a different place, and if he refuses that he is debarred from getting redundancy payment. That is the meaning of that even though in the earlier subsection we are talking about the capacity and place of employment not differing from the corresponding provisions of the contract in force immediately before dismissal. I do not know why we are doing that. Subsection (1) seems to contradict subsection (2) in the same section. The Minister may say that is qualified by subsection (e) in the same sub-paragraph where it says: "he has unreasonably refused the offer." It may be argued that if the job is not reasonably comparable he can refuse it and his appeal might succeed. Why do we do this? Why put in subsections (1) and (2) in which in many ways the wording is quite similar except in regard to the principle in paragraph (b)?

Perhaps I am reading it wrongly. If my reading is correct, it seems to be an anomaly and certainly I do not think it would be within the spirit of the Bill as a whole if we were to have a situation where an employer can get out of his obligation to a worker, say a skilled craftsman, of paying and allowing him to get benefit by offering him a job sweeping a yard. The craftsman might say that that is not his job and he could be asked to take it in discharge of his claim for redundancy payment. Of course, he can, I suppose, take the risk of refusing it and then he may or may not have his appeal succeed and get the payment eventually. I do not like the wording of it. I do not know if I am making myself clear as I see the Minister making faces.

I think subsection (2) (c) covers it.

Subsection (2) (c) says:

the offer constitutes an offer of suitable employment in relation to the employee,

Again, this is very questionable, is it not? In subsection (1) (b) we are saying the capacity and the conditions of employment would not differ from the corresponding conditions of contract immediately before his dismissal. That is fine. Why go on and water it down in the next subsection? I do not see the need for it.

I think the Minister might look at this and see if it could be tightened up. As it is worded at the moment it might give rise to a lot of disputes and it would be better, as we are looking at a piece of legislation at all, to try to avoid that situation.

The same sort of principle is carried over where we are dealing with an employee whose contract of service has terminated because of the death of the employer and somebody else takes over. Again, we are saying if the place and if the work is somewhat the same then he has to take it. Otherwise, he will not get redundancy payment. Again, we could do better by qualifying that and provide the same sort of wording—it being wholly or in part as the corresponding provisions of his earlier contract.

I should like the Minister to look at section 23 "Modification of right to redundancy payment where previous redundancy payment has been paid". If I understand the position correctly, the workers who qualify at all for redundancy payment must have four years service with the one employer. Then he comes under the provision of this legislation. If he is laid off or put on short time and by reason of that gets some benefit from this Bill and then goes back on full employment again, under the section, if I am reading it correctly, he must start anew and it will be four years before he comes under protection again. This is quite wrong especially if it is with the same employer, if somebody has been laid off on short time and by reason of that gets benefit. If he remains with that employer on full time there should be no question of having to serve another four years before being protected again.

The weekly payments will stand to his credit, if he does not use them up.

But the lump sum?

It is there to his credit.

I quite agree. Suppose he was put on short time and got a lump sum and weekly payments, and the lump sum was related to the ten years he had served, it is reasonable that when he comes back he should not get the cover he had got for the previous ten years. I agree that was exhausted by reason of the taking of the lump sum. What is unreasonable is that he should have to wait again for four years before coming under protection. I say that protection should start again immediately if he is again put on short time or made redundant two years afterwards. I will not argue that it should apply 12 months afterwards but I do argue that he should get it from the time he resumes work with that employer and that he should not have to wait four years. Perhaps the Minister will look at this and tell me if my understanding of it is correct. We can then consider on Committee Stage what might be done.

Senator FitzGerald did not agree the State should take the attitude that it should not provide any financial assistance for the Redundancy Fund—that the fund should be maintained by the employers and the workers. Would the Minister look at section 27 (3) in which we provide that advances may be made to the fund, in effect, to get it on its feet? If the Minister is determined that the Government will not provide any annual subvention to the fund, would it not be reasonable that if it is necessary to advance money to the fund to get it on its feet that the money might be left with the fund instead of having it repaid with interest—that whatever couple of thousand pounds is necessary might be given as a grant, non-repayable, by the Government? I do not think that is unreasonable, and the Minister might look at it between now and Committee Stage.

Section 39 provides for the tribunal. I had thought of raising the point about the qualifications of the three vice-chairmen but this has been dealt with by Senator FitzGerald. Instead, let me turn for a moment to the eight ordinary members. There will be four from the Irish Congress of Trade Unions, presumably, and four from the employers. I had hoped to have time to check the situation in Northern Ireland as to how many are available there for tribunals which deal with the same problems. I know trade union officials in Northern Ireland are involved in those tribunals and I also know there are on occasions difficulties in getting tribunals to meet—trade union officials are unfortunately generally over-extended, short of time. I know it is part of their job to serve on such tribunals, but would it not be more prudent to have provided for more than four? Perhaps the Minister has had the advice of Congress on this. As I have said, I had not the opportunity of checking, but it struck me on reading the Bill as it came from the Dáil that we might land ourselves in difficulties if we confine ourselves to eight ordinary members. We might find we shall not be able to do all the work, particularly in the first few years when the tendency may be to have a lot of disputes, things easing up later. The Minister might examine this point and see if it might not be more prudent to provide for a larger number of ordinary members who could be drawn on to sit on tribunals.

I was equally disturbed with section 49 which gives power to modify schemes such as superannuation. Perhaps the Minister would explain in a little more detail what is involved and why it became necessary to provide for this. Here he is taking power on himself, granted, after consultation with interested parties, to modify and wind up superannuation funds. Again, I am not clear why it is necessary to ask for this power. The Minister might explain what eventualities he envisages would necessitate his having the power to wind up or to modify a superannuation fund, even after consultation, though not necessarily agreement, with the interested parties.

There is the question of the hardening-off period of two weeks in the matter of weekly payments. When a worker is made redundant he is to be hardened-off for two weeks before he gets a weekly payment. The Minister will say that in his original proposal he provided for four weeks and that he has come some way to meet us, but why have a waiting period at all? If it is desirable and necessary to provide weekly payments for people who lose their jobs through no fault of their own, why wait, why make them sacrifice the benefit for two weeks? They contribute the same amount as the employers and the Minister has made it clear there will be no State subvention. Why wait for two weeks? It is one of the things that will give rise to a great deal of criticism. Let us face it that many workers earning £15, £16 or £18 a week are, because of the high cost of living, spending that wage every week. They are living from Friday to Friday. If a man loses his job it is to be assumed he will not get the lump sum on the first Friday. In these circumstances we tell him he will get weekly payments after waiting two weeks.

I do not think that that is good enough. You are putting the worker where he must say "The B & I boat is leaving on Friday night and I might as well get on it". I know that the Minister said that he has gone as far as he can on this but perhaps we could persuade him— people more eloquent than I—that two weeks waiting is not just in a situation where those people are paying for the benefit of insurance when they are in employment, and when they are put out of employment with no follow through, many of them, they should not have to sacrifice the first two weeks. They have very little fat to fall back on and it is a hardship on them to have to wait this period. I will be pressing the Minister further on that, and I am giving him preliminary notice now that I am not happy about the two weeks.

There are many other points which, I think, can be left to the Committee Stage, but may I make one comment? Earlier I was criticising the fact that we are only now, in the winter of 1967, having this measure. I think that we were debating this question of redundancy pay among the trade unions many years ago. I had very determined views on some issues, but it is so long ago that I am rather puzzled now as to what my views were. One of the things that I was very strong on was that the lump sum as such should be paid wholly by the employer, that the fact that he would be obliged to pay the lump sum would be a disincentive to him to take the easy way out of closing up the factory and going into retirement and saying: "I am happy, boys, I have made my money". By compelling him to pay the lump sum in toto it might make him think twice. This was debated long before the Free Trade Agreement or even before the Free Trade Agreement was talked about. We were talking in the context of entering the Common Market before Mr. Heath got the snub from General de Gaulle a few years ago and I personally was afraid of a situation when many industries faced with competition here which had been operating in a protected market might take the easy way out and say: “I have made my money and I am now closing down” and say good-bye to the workers. A disincentive to that might be to compel them to pay the lump sum in full from their own pockets.

We have a compromise here, and maybe it is not too bad, that the employer can recoup himself, I think, up to 65 per cent, but I suppose the average would be about 50 per cent for the lump sum that he would be obliged to pay the employee. This compromise meets half the point I was worried about at that time and I suppose it is generally acceptable.

I hope that the Minister will find time in his reply to deal with the questions I raised on the various sections if he has the points—I do not blame him if he has not—because it would make it easier then to see how we could deal with the matter on the Committee Stage.

It is sad to think that in an economy such as ours where we had been built up to expect an ever-widening pattern of employment opportunities we should now be so urgently concerned with a measure designed to protect our workers from the effects of diminishing employment opportunities. The current situation has not happened solely because techniques are changing and that there will be need for the retraining of workers but because of the slowness or failure of many employers to prepare for increased outside competition which the lowering of tariff barriers must bring about and will result in the closure of some of our industries and the shrinkage of jobs in those which can still carry on. Redundancy, it seems, like the poor, will always be with us, and in these circumstances we must endeavour to secure in the Redundancy Payments Bill some protection for those who will lose their employment or have to change over to other types of employment.

The Bill now before us which, as has already been said, is a considerable improvement on the scheme published in 1966, is something of an advance on the previous run of social welfare legislation in that it introduces equality with other workers for agricultural employees and domestic workers. This is a welcome feature. It is noted too that in its passage through the Dáil the original draft accumulated many improvements, and we record our thanks to the Minister for the many valuable changes which appear in the "as passed by Dáil Éireann" version of the Bill. Notwithstanding these acknowledged improvements we feel that further modifications and additions are necessary.

Had the measure been taken during last summer when Parliamentary time was used for much less important legislation, the position of many workers in the matter of compensation for loss of employment might not have been as tragic as it is at the moment. The Minister's decision to delay the commencement of the Bill until 1st January 1968, has already operated to deprive very many workers of the benefits of the Redundancy Payments Bill. For example, since 17th May, 1967, when the redundancy rules were first published, employers know exactly how to avoid or evade their obligations under the measure, and, regrettably, not a few have availed of this knowledge. Any employee who was laid off since early last summer and who was not re-employed by the same employer within 26 weeks has forfeited all rights to previous service. It is a regrettable practice with some employers to lay-off workers at Christmas time for the purpose of saving two days holiday pay for Christmas Day and St. Stephen's Day. If such workers are not re-employed within 26 weeks in 1968 by the same employer they, too, will forfeit all rights to previous service. In other words, employers who exchange employees at the end of the year can deprive such employees of all previous service under this Bill. To remedy what here appears to be a great injustice and which might concern a considerable number of workers I would ask the Minister, in spite of what he said about retrospection today, to consider making the Bill operative from the date of its publication, that is from 17th May, 1967. These people have not just "missed benefiting", to use the Minister's phrase. They are the victims of the needless delay in bringing in the Redundancy Payments Bill. In section 7 in the matter of supplying proof that a worker "has been employed for the requisite period" would the Minister consider placing an obligation on employers to furnish employees with a record of the date of commencement of employment? I have in mind to avoid difficulties in proving title to redundancy benefits in whole or in part at a later date. The death of an employer, particularly in a small concern, could cause difficulties unless the period of employment is established beforehand. The information could be recorded on the redundancy card.

Section 20 looks as though there might be a loophole for an employer to deprive workers of the benefits of the Redundancy Act. A private family, employing a large number of workers on, say, horticultural work where large tracts of land are involved, might consider it a good bargain to sell out to building developers at a high price in such a way that the income arising from the sale of the asset would become the property of persons other than the trading company. Such persons would seem to have no obligation to those who would become redundant as a result of the transaction. I should like to hear the Minister's view on this possibility. Section 47, dealing with special redundancy schemes, should be amended so as to provide that benefits under the proposed special schemes should not be less favourable to employees than the general scheme.

Schedule 1, I confess, puzzled me not a little. Serious objection is taken to the adjudication system inherent in paragraph 5 of this provision under which a person cannot get redundancy payments unless he is also receiving unemployment benefit or unemployment assistance. This qualification test is not in keeping with the principles of any contributory scheme because the insured person is obliged to comply with the poor law means test which applies to unemployment assistance. The Bill proposes, on paper, to give redundancy compensation to persons who are dismissed or laid off while absent from work due to illness, yet the rules in paragraph 5 would deprive a dismissed worker of redundancy benefit because unemployment benefit is not payable if a person is not available for work. This "availability test" would defeat the principles of the redundancy payments scheme. A woman worker in receipt of a maternity allowance would not be "available" for the purpose of unemployment benefit and so would not be eligible for redundancy benefit. There would appear to be a contradiction in the terms of paragraphs 2 and 5.

The obvious intention behind paragraph 5 is to prevent "unemployables" from getting redundancy payments, but the qualification for receipt of such payments—the four years' continuous employment with the same employer clause—already excludes such persons from the scope of the Bill. Unless paragraph 5 is modified, the administrative system must virtually grind to a halt. The adjudication system should be within the competence of the deciding authorities appointed under the Bill and should not be dependent upon the social welfare authorities.

In Schedule 3—continuous employment—paragraph 5 where the Minister has increased the permissible period of sickness from 26 to 52 weeks without breaking the continuity of employment, we would ask the Minister, as he was asked in the Dáil, for an extension of this period for a further 52 weeks, making the maximum permissible periods 104 weeks. I have in mind long term ailments such as TB where protracted periods of rest have been proved to achieve complete cure. The incidence of this disease has decreased dramatically by persons being able to rest for long periods. It would be a great pity if patients should resume work before complete cure in order to safeguard their position under the Redundancy Payments Act. There would not be many persons requiring such extended sickness periods and I should be grateful if the Minister would further consider the point and extend the period of permissible interruption.

In regard to the term "sickness" in this part of the Bill—paragraph 5 (a) —would the Minister say if an occupational accident such as a broken limb or a traffic accident on the way to work is covered by this term "sickness". Many employers differentiate in sick pay schemes between injury to limbs and ordinary sickness.

This Redundancy Bill in our circumstances is clearly a confession of failure on the part of the Government. It is designed to compensate people who will lose their employment as a result of modern systems and international competition in relation to our production costs. A Bill of this nature might be tolerable in a welfare state, where there is that trend, where you have a welfare society, but I understood that it was intended here to expand our economy and create more employment.

We remember that in 1956, 100,000 extra jobs were promised by the Fianna Fáil Party if they succeeded in getting elected, but if we examine the statistics which cannot be contradicted we find that there are 100,000 fewer people at work than there were in 1956. That is a complete turn of the wheel in relation to employment. Instead of expansion there has been considerable contraction, and the number of people at work is still dwindling. Every year sees a further fall in the number of people at work. We have now reached the stage when we must welcome this Redundancy Bill to compensate the further 10,000 or 20,000 people who will become redundant in the not too distant future. When these people have got their lump sums and their redundancy payments, all that is left for them is whatever they can get from the framework of our social welfare benefits. Most people agree that in general the social welfare benefits in this country are inadequate, and that they are not much above subsistence level for the people who unfortunately have to avail of them.

We have to face facts. We have to do something now about the problem facing our society and facing the people at work in our factories. It is hypocritical for the Government to be pretending that they are going to establish more factories, create more employment, and make things good for the community in general, when they have consistently failed from one year to another. The number of people at work has dropped and in addition to that anything from 25,000 to 30,000 people have emigrated. In fact, apart from the 100,000 jobs which have been lost in the last 10 years, approximately 300,000 people have emigrated and when these people now get their lump sums and redundancy compensation and are left then to exist on social welfare benefits at the present scale, they will have no option but to emigrate also.

It seems to me that this Redundancy Bill actually is a temporary relief for people who, it is expected, will lose their employment and when the effects of that relief cease these people must emigrate in search of remunerative employment. It is most unlikely that we are going to have an economy here which can cater for social welfare benefits of an adequate nature for a very large number of people. We have examples of families in Britain who are able to prosper on social welfare benefits having regard to the family circumstances in which they find themselves. It is most unlikely that the family circumstances in which any worker here will find himself will be such as to give him an easy life without working. Certainly the small population which we have and the dwindling number of workers will not be sufficient to give these jobless people a scale of social welfare benefits which will give them a reasonably good standard of living. Therefore, the Redundancy Bill although it is obviously necessary as soon as possible will be a temporary relief.

I should like to see, as soon as this Bill goes through and we have made the best possible job of it to ensure that the people for whom it is designed will get proper benefit from it, that we will have some kind of policy from the Government which will have the effect of expanding our economy to the extent that the people who unfortunately have to accept redundancy compensation at this stage will have an opportunity of taking up employment at a later stage here in our own land.

The Second Programme for Economic Expansion has completely collapsed. It was a complete failure. None of the targets which were aimed at have been reached. Now we hear the Government talking about a Third Programme. I hope it will be more successful and that we will not have a drop in the number of people at work.

That is your Limerick speech you are making.

It is a pity you did not hear my Limerick speeches.

If it has the same effect as the other ones it will be all right.

If you look at the places where I spoke there were great result in the ballot boxes. We certainly welcome this Bill and in Committee will do our very best to ensure that it will achieve the purposes for which it is designed.

The first thing I would like to say is that I believe the Government woke up to their responsibilities in this regard due to the fact that they cast their eyes on the EEC. I, like many more people, have grave reservations about the EEC and about our prospects of admission and, above all, the dangers to our economy of admission before the country is in proper shape to stand the competition from highly-industrialised countries. However, I believe that certain side effects have proved beneficial. The very fact that the Government and their advisers had a look at the rule book of the Rome Treaty brought it home to them that a measure of this nature was essential just in case we got an opportunity of joining the EEC. The very fact that they have brought in this measure, limited though it may be, is a sign that they recognised that everything was not well in the State.

The situation as far as our industries are concerned may be a serious one apart altogether from the dangers involved in membership of the EEC because free trade is staring us in the face and the recent trade agreement with Britain, which, in fact, favours the British in many ways, has made it imperative that every possible effort be made here to soften the blow to our workers. The measure itself is important too in the omissions which are there. When I refer to the omissions I do not intend to deal in detail with them because they have already been referred to in the other House and here as well but I should like to go on the record as saying that there is something unrealistic about talking here in this House and in the other Chamber of redundancy when we consider that possibly one million of our people can be regarded as redundant in the last 40 years. It is as simple as that.

The lights are going out particularly all over the west of Ireland. Are these people redundant? They must be. There is no future for them as things stand. Consequently they must be redundant but they are unorganised and, therefore, there is no question of catering for them in a measure of this nature. It is significant that in the Bill the Minister makes reference to the fact that agricultural labourers may be included for benefits under the terms of the Bill. The Minister says: "One of the classes of workers I had in mind in relation to special schemes are agricultural workers". I put it to this House that such a scheme will apply solely to agricultural workers who are organised. I welcome the fact that it will apply to even those though they are only a limited group. I do not believe it will apply to unorganised agricultural workers. In that I include the majority of the smallholders of the country. I know the Minister may say: "It is not my function as Minister for Labour to prepare and draw up a plan to look after the interests of those unorganised workers" but as a member of the Government he has Cabinet responsibility to see that that section of the community which has suffered most from redundancy gets the priority to which they are entitled. The organised worker has organisational strength and he will get a certain measure of security if his job is in danger. It proves how important it is to have organisations in the community to cater for workers. It also shows that those who are unorganised go to the wall because all they can get is lip service. That is the pressure brought on by modern developments in this socalled Christian society.

I should like to make one other reference to this terrible redundancy problem which obtains at present in rural Ireland. The method which the Government at the moment appear to believe in as the best means of alleviating the distress of those who are redundant is the dole system. I want to put it to the Minister that wherever funds are available they should be channelled into productive employment. I do not want to go outside the scope of this measure but in many parts of the country today agricultural workers and small farmers are drawing unemployment assistance when they could be working on afforestation, drainage and other most useful productive schemes. Those very people are the first to complain of the fact that they are given this money while outside their own doors the possibility of work is staring them in the face if the grants were channelled in the proper way.

It is a demoralising thing for a person who is anxious to work to be left idle. A man who is left idle, who wants to work and who is left idle for 12 months or more, gets into such a frame of mind that the idea of work becomes distasteful to him. This can be brought about by a Government which fails to think sufficiently or is not conscientious enough to put into operation the type of schemes which will bring immense benefit to rural Ireland.

I want to make it clear to the Minister that there should be much more concern shown in a measure of this nature for the unorganised section of our community, the primary producers, the farmers and the farm workers. Most of the other groups are being catered for but I notice that the Minister has made reference to certain State bodies which have been catered for in another measure. Redundancy has been brought about, I believe, in CIE because of certain technological changes which have taken place and certain alterations in planning and so forth that have been carried out by CIE. There has been agreement to compensate CIE personnel where redundancy was involved. That is very necessary. It took quite a considerable amount of pressure to bring about the necessary compensatory benefits.

There is another body to which I should like to refer where the technological changes have brought about, and will bring about, more redundancy. I refer mainly to the installation of the automatic exchanges in the Department of Posts and Telegraphs. The Minister made reference in this Bill to the fact that workers who are four years and over in constant employment will be brought under the terms of the Bill. I know for a fact, although the Minister may not be aware of it, where modern developments have brought about this automatic system, that many of the telephonists are likely to suffer in terms of employment as a result of automation. No Member of this House would wish to have that happen. It is a fact that many of the telephonists will be transferred to another area and consequently the position will be eased to some extent as far as they are concerned. Unfortunately, there are telephonists who are not as young as they might wish to be who for personal and family reasons find it impossible to transfer from one town to another. There is no provision in a Government Department to compensate those girls for uprooting them, for altering their terms of employment.

The Minister should cast his eye on the doings of that most archaic and Victorian concern. If the Minister is serious about bringing about good staff relations in general—I accept he is—one way he can prove his interest, without dealing with industrial workers at all, is to turn aside to his colleague in another Department, the Department of Posts and Telegraphs, and say to him: "Put your house in order, see if it is necessary for telephonists to have their terms of employment altered and see that they will not suffer". I do not believe that the question of redundancy will be a big issue or that it will concern a great number of telephonists but that is a point. The fact that it concerns a limited number ought not to be used as an argument against seeing that the welfare of those concerned is looked after.

The terms of the Bill, otherwise, as far as I am concerned, are very welcome. If the Minister would refer to the point I have mentioned when he is replying I would be obliged in case there would be the possibility of an amendment being inserted in this Bill to meet the needs of the group I referred to, namely the telephonists in the Department of Posts and Telegraphs.

I do not propose to repeat a lot of what has been said in this debate already but there are just one or two aspects of this Bill I should like to refer to very briefly. The first aspect is a very obvious one, that is, that the Bill is very restricted in its purpose and its effect. Virtually, so far as I can read into it, the Bill gives no entitlement to anybody unless they are already covered by the Social Welfare Acts. It is only opportune, in that respect, to point out that we have at the moment quite a large number of people in this country who are, in fact, ineligible under the Social Welfare Acts.

I refer particularly to that type of industrious person whose income bracket is in excess of £1,200. Certainly, nobody could refer to such an income as being extravagant or even in many cases as sufficient. There is a great danger here that in the transition, so to speak, from their present state to what we are trying to anticipate in this Bill, a very large number of those people will find themselves redundant. So far as I can judge, there is no benefit contained in this Bill for that category of people. They represent in every industry quite an important element of responsible, educated people that this country cannot afford to lose. If such people have to be thrown out of employment and are redundant—they are the type of people who have already quite a deep stake in this country's future—they will suffer a great financial loss. They are rearing families and probably have house mortgages and so on, all of which clearly will produce demands on them that will require, so to speak, an overnight decision as to whether or not they will remain in this country. The only hope for them is to emigrate and emigrate immediately.

I am pointing out that this Bill stops short of any attempt to deal with that aspect of this important problem. The other aspect of the Bill I should like to point to is that it is overdue and that it has been anticipated by a very large number of people for a long time. I do not think I am overstating it when I say that at the present time some employers—I am glad to say not many —in anticipation of this Act coming into force in January are availing of the opportunity to lay off staff. I do not think the Minister would require much effort to convince him that this is, in fact, happening. I do not like to say this irresponsibly but I have been told that a semi-State company is in the act of laying off men at the present time.

These obviously are loopholes which are hard to close. They are perhaps aspects with which, unfortunately, it may be impossible to deal, but I suggest that between now and Committee Stage, at any rate, the Minister ought to have a look at these two aspects of the Bill. I strongly urge on him the necessity of writing into the Bill some type of common provision that will prevent abuse of the Bill arising even before it becomes law. Otherwise, I think I am right in saying, as my colleagues have already said, that we in the Labour Party welcome this Bill. Our only criticism of it is that it is overdue and that it does not go far enough in its provisions to deal with problems of the future.

I hope to be in a position to offer amendments that will correct some of the inadequate provisions of the Bill but, in the meantime, I would urge on the Minister the necessity of looking at those aspects which I have criticised.

I think, and this has happened in the Dáil as well, that this is very much a Bill that lends itself to Committee work. Many of the points raised on the Second Stage are more appropriate to Committee Stage and I hope to go into them in more detail at that time.

As I said at the beginning, this is new ground and this is an experimental measure. We had to make a start and bring in a scheme, but the scheme in operation will be kept under review and if experience shows difficulties and inadequacies I would be prepared to see that these are rectified if this can be done without creating too great a financial burden. We will have to have regard to the financing of the scheme. Certainly any difficulties that can be remedied will be remedied but the only way we can find out what type of scheme best suits our needs is to bring one in, operate it and then change it to suit our needs. I think that is the attitude I must adopt in dealing with any criticism of the level of benefits. I would be prepared to review the level of the lump sums and weekly payments in the light of our experience and in the light of what our industry can afford to pay.

There are other points such as the exclusion of overtime, the duration of weekly payments, and so on, that similarly would be subjects for consideration in the light of experience. I dealt in the Dáil with the section of the Bill which excluded non-manual workers with over £1,200 a year. I said I would have a look at that but that I did not hold out much hope of being able to do anything. When I did investigate it the general impression I got was that people with over £1,200 a year were in such employment where redundancy was unlikely to occur. However, I did not have time at my disposal, without delaying the implementation of this scheme, to go far enough into this question or to discuss with the Government the changes that would be necessary to bring these people in. What I have to do now is continue my study of that situation. If I find it necessary and possible to make changes in that regard I will have to do it by an amending Act, which I think is preferable to delaying the introduction of this scheme beyond the 1st January next.

You cannot come through any House of the Oireachtas without people scoring political points under the heading of redundancy. I agree with Senator Garret FitzGerald when he said it was inevitable in a dynamic and changing economy, if we never made trade agreements and if we never applied for entry to the Common Market, that inventions and technological progress being made throughout the world which are being used by industries elsewhere to make them more efficient make it necessary for our firms and services to do the same and that these technological changes will give rise to redundancy. This will happen whether or not we are in a wider market than we have been used to up to now.

I do not know what to say about the criticism that if there are redundancies it is the fault of the Government and, therefore, the Government should contribute to the scheme. The Government have no money of their own. It is taxpayers' money. Senator Garret FitzGerald says the Government make policies, but I do not accept, post hoc ergo propter hoc, anything bad that happens after that it is the taxpayers who should pay.

The way I look at this type of redundancy scheme is that the people who are protected by it are workers in industry generally and employers; and people in employment are, generally speaking, in a better position to contribute than the general taxpayer. I think the people who will contribute here are better off, on average, than the general run of taxpayers and I do not see why the taxpayer should be made contribute. Whatever Senator believe about redundancy being the fault of the Government, the suggestion that the taxpayer should pay is quite illogical. In saying that I am not accepting the contention that any redundancies that now arise are due to the decisions of the Government. Senator Garret FitzGerald said that redundancies are bound to arise in a changing, dynamic economy. I agree and therefore I think this scheme should be based on contributions by the people involved.

The Senator made a good case. He said, and he used my words against me, that an employee who has built up rights in his job by the contributions he has made to his firm should not have to pay for the benefits as well. He is making a good case for the employer paying everything but I do not think that if he reflects on this he will agree with his own argument. The lump sum paid by the employer represents a direct contribution to the employee and the weekly payments plus a rebate from the lump sum comes from the Fund.

The arguments which the Senator made to relieve the employee of contributions do not put an onus on the taxpayer but put an onus on the employer to pay everything. I do not think anybody wants that and Senator Garret FitzGerald is the first person I heard complaining about the worker's contribution of 4d a week. It is not a very big contribution for the security and protection given by the redundancy payments scheme. I have to repeat that the Government is not prepared to contribute taxpayers' money to this scheme, which will benefit employers and workers alike. I have already given my reasons for that. The taxpayer is already contributing widely to the training and retraining schemes, to the placement services and resettlement schemes.

The Senator also asked me how many redundancies there will be. I have been quite frank about this from the beginning. I said I do not expect a lot of redundancies. There is always an element of guesswork in estimation of this kind. We must have some basis and if our basis is not a good one we can change it. In Great Britain they found they had to change the contributions after a year. The imponderables are not so much the numbers of people who will be declared redundant as their ages—how many years of service after the age of 41—and how many people are on a high level and how many on a low level of wages. Redundancy payments are related to previous income. Nobody knows how one could get a figure. One would need to know each individual case and the sum of the individual cases would make the total number of cases involved in any one year. We are dealing with the future and any trends would alter drastically any case we might make now. All we can do is make as good a guess as we can and then come back and perhaps seek to give better benefits from the money available. Any exercise in wondering whose guess is best would be fruitless.

The intention is to have a scheme in operation as quickly as possible. The points made by Senator Miss Davidson need study and the best thing for me to do is consider them between now and Committee Stage when we can deal with them. It is true there is a strong link between the weekly payments provided for in this Bill and some social welfare benefits. It follows that any changes in social welfare benefits, any developments there, would inevitably involve a review of the payments under this Bill. The Minister for social Welfare is considering the possibility of a wage-related social insurance scheme and if such a scheme becomes a fact we should have to review and possibly reassess the benefits payable under this Bill. Any such change would be brought about by resolution subject to confirmation by both Houses.

One Senator expressed concern at the delay by an Comhairle Oiliúna in producing training schemes. I told an Comhairle that I and the Oireachtas expected them to tackle the task—I realise it is a difficult task—with a sense of urgency. I know they are anxious to progress quickly. They have been in existence only a few months, during which they have been very active in their deliberations. We must give them a chance. We shall be in a position soon to announce some of the first steps an Comhairle will be taking in the matter of training. They have been given a budget for this year, as Senators know.

One Senator said I was illogical in counting the time spent on strikes before the commencement of the scheme as reckonable service and not counting strikes after the scheme commences. I do not know about the logic: I feel it is right to draw a veil over the past and to decide what to do for the future. I consider it best to start from the present and to forget the past in this regard. A strike should not break continuity of service but a man on strike is not giving to a firm. The whole principle of the Bill is that a man's rights are established by his contribution to his job. I do not think you could expect an employer to give credit to a man for service he did not give. I do not think any worthwhile service would be rendered by having people go back into the past in regard to questions of strike.

On the question of employers evading the provisions of the scheme, I told the Dáil, and I said it in another place, that I would take a severe view of people who try to circumvent the provisions of this Bill by declaring redundancies before the operative date. I also said I did not expect employers to behave in this way. No one would expect the Oireachtas to legislate on the basis of rumours but if I get evidence of this and if I find people acting in this irresponsible way, I intend to take measures and to ask the Oireachtas to deal with them. As I say, if I receive evidence of actual occurrences, I would then propose legislation to the Oireachtas, but not on the basis of rumours.

I dealt with the question of retrospection at the beginning. This Government have plenty of experience of introducing social welfare legislation because they have introduced all the important social welfare legislation since the State was founded. Whenever any new measures are brought in there are always cases of people who might have benefited if the legislation had been introduced at a different time. If you go back six months in order to benefit any particular group of excluded people and fix your date six months back, you will still find that there were equally hard luck cases six months earlier. No matter what the starting date is, you will have the hard luck case. The reasonable thing to do is to bring in a redundancy scheme starting on a certain day. A number of people will be excluded but where can you stop if you start going back to cover all excluded persons.

One Senator mentioned Rawsons. Though I did not bring retrospective proposals into this legislation, the Government, as has been announced, are concerned about the hardship caused to the workers in Dundalk as a result of this fire. The Government have decided that it should be regarded as a special case in view of the fact that all those jobs were suddenly lost in a completely unforeseen disaster. These are exceptional circumstances and the Government feel that some financial help should be provided by the State to assist in alleviating the hardship of the workers. Information is being collected about the normal earnings and the periods of employment of the workers concerned, and when this has been considered there will be some announcement of what is to be done in the special circumstances of Rawsons. Any assistance that may be provided will not, however, be by way of retrospection of this legislation. I mention the particular case of Rawsons because it was raised here and because I wish to explain why it is not illogical to help Rawsons' workers as an individual case without retrospection of the general redundancy scheme.

Question put and agreed to.
Committee Stage ordered for Wednesday, November 29th, 1967.
The Seanad adjourned at 9.5 p.m. until 3 p.m. on Wednesday, November 29th, 1967.
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