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Seanad Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 31 Jan 1968

Vol. 64 No. 9

Co-ordination of University Facilities in Dublin: Motion (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:
That Seanad Éireann is of the opinion that discussions be initiated with a view to securing the co-ordination of university facilities in Dublin.
—(Senator Garret FitzGerald.)

Just as we adjourned on the last occasion, I was speaking about university entrance. I held that the figures suggested that there was not nearly as much ground for complaint about entrance students as is generally thought. I have firsthand information and knowledge about University College, Cork. About 20 out of every 100 students who enter the college eventually leave without a degree. That is a very reasonable proportion and one that is quite comparable to figures anywhere in the world. Of that 20, practically all of them, at least 19 have failed by the end of their first year. In other words, the first year examination should be sufficiently exacting and sufficiently precise to distinguish between those capable of going on to their degree and those who are not. I claim that such was the case in University College, Cork, and that it should prevail in any university anywhere.

There is no excuse for a system that lets students get beyond the first year and eventually wind up and drop out. Senator FitzGerald challenged me on this and suggested that University College, Dublin, have 30 per cent failures between those passing the first year examination and those getting the final degree. I have pleasure in giving the actual statistics of the degree examination results in University College, Cork, in respect of the past year. For the BA general examination, 161 students sat for it in June and 132 passed. Then 34 did the examination in the autumn and 27 passed. In addition, in the autumn, there were 48 who presented themselves for honours and all were successful: some got honours but all passed. That means that, out of a total of 218 students sitting for the BA general examination, 207 passed, seven failed and four were absent. In other words, there was a failure rate of less than three in 100 which is excellent and is in complete contrast to the figure quoted by Senator FitzGerald.

The same picture prevails for the BSc examination. Out of a total, between pass and honours, of 83 students presenting themselves, 75 were successful. The failure rate there was eight per cent. Senators may take it for granted that, of that eight per cent, one or two psychological upsets or something else may have been responsible. I would say that most of them repeated it in the following year with a very high probability of getting through. In other words, that is adequate testimony to the fact that there is nothing wrong with the selection system operated by the university on the first year examination results.

The same picture prevails for the commerce examinations. Of the 64 candidates who presented themselves in the summer, 62 passed and the two who failed got through in the autumn.

Of the 39 candidates who presented themselves for the civil engineering examination, 36 passed and, of the candidates who presented themselves for the electrical engineering examination, 14 presented themselves and 14 passed. There was nobody to suggest that our degree is inferior to that granted by any institution in Dublin, Galway, England or elsewhere. With our limited resources, we stand over our results. We hold this up as an example of what a small institution, small in numbers but bound together by a community spirit, can achieve. If the State could finance it, I think institutions of the order of 2,000 persons would be much nearer to the ideal type of community and the academic spirit than institutions of 10,000 or 12,000 persons.

There is a great deal of confused thinking that there are many outside who would be able to undertake a university degree course and obtain a degree. There is a suggestion that, by not being able to follow a course, they are in some way or other being victimised. We cannot rule on that until we see their subsequent contribution to this community and how they have developed.

By and large, we do not want to end up as a community of university graduates and nobody else. However, it does seem that we need to be careful of the thinking which is to the effect that, because there are so many outside who are undoubtedly capable of reaching a university degree standard, there must be some within who are not entitled to be there and who are there solely due to some financial standing of their parents or otherwise.

The figures I have given show that, of every 100 students entering University College, Cork, 80 of them, by their performance, have confirmed their right to be there. The 20 per cent who failed in the first year failed to make the grade. However, if we examine that 20 per cent we shall find that at least half of them failed due to reasons other than academic reasons. They may not have had the industry, the aptitude or the application necessary to make a success of independent study at university level. Perhaps the other ten probably failed because they had not the necessary intellectual ability. It is a very difficult job to tease out that ten from every 100 and ensure that you are not teasing out those who do not make the grade and who do not show a spectacular performance between their secondary school and university performance afterwards. This absolute computer-like precision in selection is not one that is likely to be achieved anyway as long as human beings are as complex as they are and until they are computer-created and computer-directed. Otherwise, your mathematical selection is meaningless.

There is the question of career guidance. There is a great difference between career guidance in this country and career guidance in big economies like England and America where the aim is to select students or to select the best possible line into which to put them. But here parents and students looking for career guidance are not looking for precision in specific career guidance but are looking for crystal-gazing on the part of the adviser. The students want to know what they will do now so that in four or five years when they have got their qualifications they will be able to get a job in Ireland. That is the type of crystal-gazing that is asked for.

That is the most important part of career guidance. By all means have career guidance but at all levels. At national and Government level our task is to fit the students into our economy and to ensure that at all levels we have sufficiently well-trained people capable of making a maximum contribution to the development of our economy in that way. Otherwise, we will wind up with a totally unbalanced economy—one that is incapable of providing the type of educational structure for which we all wish.

There are many demanding positions that are apparently frowned on at present. There is technician training where working with your hands is regarded as somewhat inferior to pushing a pen. Yet, our economy depends on the people who work with their hands. Therefore, I hold that the equality we should seek for as a nation is equality of livelihood for all our young people so that for commensurate ability and commensurate training they get a commensurate return for their work. The young lad who finishes school at 17 and decides to train as a skilled technician and then does a period of four to five years apprenticeship involving night classes, examinations and so on, by the time he reaches 22 and is finally qualified he has put as much effort into his work as the person who has the same intellectual ability and gets a degree. They are comparable: they are tending to be comparable at present.

Secondly, the fact that a young man takes one stream rather than the other is not of great moment but what is important is that there are sufficient going into both streams to ensure that our economy is serviced.

There is the question of staffing opportunities in our universities. We can paint an almost tear-jerking picture of the lack of facilities in our universities compared with similar institutions elsewhere. We have only to look at Queen's University to turn green with envy. Per 100 students, they have at least twice as much grant income to spend on training as we have got. Therefore, it is a tribute to our students and staffs that our results are still as good if not better than those turned out by Queen's and similar institutions elsewhere.

Of course, that cannot continue indefinitely and once we slide we shall carry on sliding. In this respect our university staffs are giving a return to the community which is second to none in terms of the top-class work they are doing. Is there any factory anywhere in this country in which any group of workers can say they are turning out a product even half as good? I wish there was because it would be a tremendous boost to the economy. The universities and the much-maligned secondary schools are the only places where such a top-class product is being turned out. It is sad to think that those who have been giving most to the community, especially the religious orders and the devoted teachers in our secondary schools, are the butts of all fashionable, armchair criticism. It is a pity that these staffs should suffer because of the deficiencies in an inadequately endowed system during the past four or five years. They have been struggling for years to make the best of that system.

Increased personal allowances to students by way of scholarships and grants are urgently needed as well as increased expenditure on staff, and laboratories and libraries for students if we are to catch up on the standards at Queen's and elsewhere. Our expenditure must be doubled and the suggestion that it should be doubled is not as alarming as it sounds. It cannot be done overnight. What is required on the part of the Government is a sevenyear or even a ten-year policy for closing the gap. At the same time, increased student numbers will have to be provided for on a pro rata basis. This closing of the gap will also require the doubling of present staff during the next seven or ten years.

That is really the most difficult task. Money will put up buildings—they can be put up in two, three or four years —but money does not provide staff. Staff in the numbers we need have to be planned for long in advance and our honours students have to be nurtured carefully through post-graduate schools as the source of our future staff members. That is a seven-year to ten-year project. Many of our university departments are doing that with great success but in the past far too much dependence has had to be placed on institutions in England and America where they are only too pleased to take our good post-graduate students and give them full facilities for Ph. D. studies with very adequate grants. Many of our students have no difficulty in getting into top-class American institutions in competition with the best in the world. These institutions in many cases give them grants of about 3,500 dollars— in the region of £1,400—and there are no strings attached. Our difficulty is that once our students go abroad and stay three or four years it is very hard to get them back.

Therefore, our losses are heavy. They would be much less if we could develop our own Ph.D schools. The students could be allowed to go abroad for a year of post-doctorate studies, to England, France or America. In such a situation our students would be more certain to come back and our university departments, in facing the task of creating these schools, would flourish and develop themselves, rendering themselves and the community much greater service. It is urgently necessary that funds should be made available to enable our universities to be just as free in providing research fellowships for students capable of going for the Ph.D as our competitors in England and America. It is the least we owe to our good students and it is the most prudent investment we can make in university education.

I got a thick envelope from the Department of Education two days ago. It contained 50 application forms for post-doctorate fellowships and the amount available was £1,000 a year, rising to £1,400 or £1,500. It should be well known to the authorities that Ph.D graduates do not accept posts like that. What we want is more money put into Ph.D training. It is not books, bricks or mortar we require. Our first priority is human resources. I agree that the Government's efforts in regard to the regional colleges are laudable. They will open in 1969 but where will the staff come from?

Why not wake up to the facts and provide the money for that? We do not want our staff bodies peopled by members with inferior training whom we would have to put up with during the rest of their lives and, therefore, the regional technical colleges would be blighted from the start. We need staff with ability and that is why I say all our planning to date has been neglectful of the necessity for long-term development of our human resources.

It goes without saying that in our universities as well as in institutions elsewhere the only standard should be one of academic excellence. That should be the only criterion and it is a pity we give such lip-service to the matter. We must have excellence if we are to keep our place and the university first of all has a duty to scholarship if it is to maintain international prestige. That is not pretentiousness. It is something we cannot dispense with. Our members in all departments are well up with what is happening elsewhere but they have to contend with a lot of deadwood in our university courses. The university courses are chock-full of deadwood but so are university courses everywhere in the world. It is only the relentless drive and enthusiasm of research-orientated staff members that give the impetus to cut out this deadwood. You have to cut it out because new material is pressing to move in and you must make way for it. That is why the university has to insist on scholarships. It is not for prestige reasons but solely for the mundane reason of doing a good job for the university students and for the community.

While doing that there is no reason why research in the university should not, as far as possible, and without undue compulsion, be linked to the problems of the country. In other words, research as far as possible, and where practical, should have a certain applied flavour. That means a research worker should take some time out in his research to see whether this can be applied to anything in this country. Can it make a contribution? The resulting community appreciation is perhaps the most rewarding and acceptable factor in his work.

Universities depend so much on public finance, especially in this country, that, above all, we have got to see to our public relations and ensure that public relations can be established in regard to the university through the members of its staff who are doing research and who know what the community's problems are. This should be especially so in regard to research in the field of economic and social science and those which are intimately linked with the problems of the community.

Again, the universities can make a big contribution to the machinery of government by providing a pool of trained people that the Government can call on very quickly and find easily for a three-months, a six-months or maybe a year's secondment to special problems within Government Departments or provide personnel for employment on a two-year or a three-year secondment basis in Civil Service departments. It is only in that way will we succeed in modernising and vitalising our Civil Service and tying it in with all the technical abilities and the technical information which we have got in the country. Likewise, I would dearly love to see a regular practice by which people in the Civil Service, graduates within the Department, every four or five years would be able to get six months off to go to the university to study some branch or subject which appeals to them on something arising directly out of their work in the Civil Service during the previous years. If we could achieve that we would have a happy combined unity between the Civil Service and the universities which would be of great benefit to the community. There would then be less misunderstanding and we would have much more confidence.

We have in the university structure of the future something which has been adverted to very much today. I refer to the excellent publication by the Staff Association in UCD in relation to which I find myself, I could say, 100 per cent in agreement. They have done an excellent job by putting their views down so clearly, so cogently and so courageously. This sets a very fine example. The place of service teaching figures quite largely. I consider this is an asset of our organisation which requires considerable study because when service teaching is properly organised the personnel concerned should feel as much if not more committed to the Department being serviced as the parent Department. If you take mathematics or applied mathematics you will find that the job here is to ensure that the highest mathematical skill is made available to the Department being serviced. The members in that Department are encouraged to use those mathematical skills. That type of research is experimental work. That is the most profitable and the least costly type of research work which we can engage in our experimental Department.

Everybody knows that the cost of modern laboratory facilities is astronomical. They have got such laboratories in England and America. Their laboratories are much bigger than ours. When you see them you almost lose heart. They have very big and well-equipped laboratories with all forms of attendance, research workers and teams working in them. That is research on the American model, with which we can never hope to compete. The individual matters here. The individual matters when it comes to experimental work which requires a good deal of mathematical reasoning, backed up by experiments and aided by the computer. All three count and as good a job can be done here as anywhere else in the world. Our computers are smaller here than elsewhere, but they will get the job done in a slightly longer time. However, the time factor does not matter. It is the mathematical thinking which is required in analysing and so on. That is where the individual counts.

I should like to see all our efforts put into this. It is the only place where we can compete. We certainly can compete there. The big laboratories will never supersede the individual research worker. I would suggest that we should be very careful that servicing Departments do a job of servicing which does not stop until the full consultant service is available right to the top and the person concerned is integrated with that Department. It is not for the aggrandisement of the parent Department.

That brings me again to emphasise the place of the computer in our university structure of the future and in our regional colleges of technology because as I pointed out it is both the most modern instrument available to us and by far the outstanding scientific and technical achievement of the past two decades which is only just flowering now and by the standard of the cost of experimental work it is very inexpensive. It is also a task where the individual person matters. We can compete there; therefore, let us go to it and let us develop our computer training to the fullest. It also means that in the future the social sciences, the biological sciences and the medical sciences, in fact all science will have to become more and more computer-orientated, computer-based and capable of using the computer. Therefore, it means that these subjects should no longer be looked on as the domain of those who have not got honours leaving maths which would enable them to get into the decent profession of engineering. It means that in the future our mathematical talent will have to be dispersed between the different disciplines and if I were to do any crystal-gazing here I would suggest that in 20 years' time the biggest change we will observe will be that at that stage the social sciences, economic sciences, et cetera, will have their quota of people with mathematical brains and they will be in full competition with engineering faculties for those people.

Again, of course, on that topic we cannot afford in this country the waste of talent among the lady students in the generally-held myth that girls cannot do maths. That is all nonsense. It has been shown to be so in England, in America, in Russia, where at least one-third of all the students in highly mathematical groups are lady students. I feel that in this country we must deliberately go out to get rid of that myth and to attract lady students into our schools, especially our schools of applied mathematics and computer science. They have a special talent that equips them in those lines and it is a type of work which should be most congenial to ladies. I appeal for more consideration of this.

We come now to the question of our provincial colleges. What of them? They seem to be forgotten and neglected in the turmoil and the concentration on the merger in Dublin. Perhaps we will hear an objection in the background saying: "That is not so. Have the Government not said they are going to get all sorts of things." I for one cannot see, and this view is shared by my colleagues, any real planning or thinking done on the future of Cork and Galway. The figures I have given show that, in fact, we are doing a much more efficient training job with our students between first year and degree level than the larger institution here is capable of doing. We are doing a very good job I am proud to say in that regard and the figures bear me out. I have endeavoured to get figures but I have not got them with finality on the question of the percentage of the graduates turned out by the colleges here who remain in this country and work in this country. The figures I have got suggest that per 1,000 graduates turned out Cork and Galway have a far higher percentage remaining within the country than UCD.

It is hard to get figures for Trinity because there has been such a large foreign student element in Trinity numbers up to this. Therefore, I have not got figures for Trinity. However, it definitely means that the atmosphere of the smaller university, the atmosphere of being away from the capital city does get the students thinking much more in terms of making a livelihood at home, accepting the challenge of whatever job comes up at home and staying here. That is a very important factor because we do not want more of our graduates being exported than necessary. We want them manning our industries and manning every position here where they can contribute to the national economy. I hope we will be able to get more precise figures on that but the present figures suggest that there is an overwhelming difference in that regard between the provincial schools and the one based in the capital city.

If that is the case it is a real reason why the Government should show special concern for the development of what will be the independent universities in Cork and Galway because I feel that we face the fact that as events have turned out here there is nothing for it but independence. The National University is dead, much as we regret its passing. Indeed, I might say that a great deal of the merit in Cork and Galway is due to the fact that the National University prevented us from becoming provincialised, and very many of our past appointments have been due to the intervention of the National University which very often upset local appointments.

May I ask the Senator a question: Is he in favour of a University of Ireland uniting the five university colleges?

I thought I made my position clear on that the last night. It is that, while I agree with Senator Dooge that I could not see any real reason for the merger, the Government having taken the step I was quite prepared to say: "Good luck. I hope it comes off and we will try in all cases to make it work." However, if I had my preference, and I think I am speaking for a very large number of my university colleagues, we would much prefer the solution recommended in the Report of the Commission on Higher Education. We feel it would be a more workable and a sounder university institution than what is attempted here at present, but we do not want to be difficult in this. We do not want at this stage to do anything that could in any way be construed as making the progress of negotiation here more difficult. However, if it does fail here, and if the Government have to revert to the solution proposed by the Commission on Higher Education, then I for one will welcome it with open arms, and I think so will most of my academic colleagues. Is that an answer to Senator Stanford's question?

We have a need for the recognition that numbers matter to a certain extent. There is the question of whether Cork and Galway are viable as independent universities with 2,500 to 3,000 pupils. Of course, with the self-confidence of provincials we indignantly scorn any idea that we are not viable. Of course, we are going to hold our own with the best.

Getting down from that, we recognise the fact that our numbers are probably a little small and that numbers approaching more to 4,000 would be more viable units. Better still, we want some distinctive features in both that are not available in Dublin, with Cork and Galway centres for some particular branch of study, like marine biology in Galway, though that is only one subject. I am delighted to see the Minister here, and I put a challenge to him to show his concern and his sincerity about wanting to build up Cork and Galway by having the Government take the action that will show his concern with the size of Dublin and its 20,000 students. If he is concerned about that so are we. There is one branch of students who can be taken out of Dublin city without damage, and who should be taken out of it. I refer, of course, to the schools of agriculture and veterinary science. If the Government are serious about building up Cork and Galway let us have these two decentralised before the Department of Education is taken to play golf in Athlone. Let us have two faculties of agriculture, one in Cork and one in Galway, and have the school of veterinary science in one of them. If our colleagues in Dublin have any concern for the survival of Cork and Galway, they will show that by approaching the Government on this.

It is obvious that these faculties should be taken out of Dublin. They are not even servicing Dublin students, because the number of Dublin students in these faculties is very limited, and most are drawn from the farming community with a country background. Let us have action on that proposition. It will also get over any suggestion that the Government are toying with one recommendation in the Commission Report on which I take the gravest issue. That is the suggestion that the Agricultural Institute dispute should be revitalised and that we should have a National College of Agriculture and Veterinary Science. I thought that we got rid of that monstrosity some six or eight years ago after a very long campaign when the academic voice ultimately prevailed and it was realised that you cannot develop these subjects in vacuo.

The solution of a National College of Agriculture and Veterinary Science is at variance with academic teaching and proper development of those subjects. It was designed to bring teaching and research closer together. It is recognised at the moment, due, I will say, to the generosity and the foresight of the Government in placing adequate funds at the disposal of the Agricultural Institute, that the Agricultural Institute is now a tremendous research centre. That is all to the good, but it is no reason for taking agriculture out of the university on the plea that it is trying to unite teaching with research. For one thing the research done by the Agricultural Institute is not research in a university accepted sense. It is development work, as it should be. In other words, it takes the results of research which have proved profitable elsewhere and sees how it is adapted to Irish conditions and goes ahead with the adaptation work. By and large, the Agricultural Institute remains, and I hope will long remain, in this service to the nation as a developmental research body.

There is, therefore, no conflict between that type of research and the teaching that will be possible and is being done in the university in the agricultural and dairy science faculties. By all means, let us have full statutory co-ordination between them. I for one, if we have a faculty of agriculture in University College, Cork, would welcome statutory links between that and the dairying centre at Moore Park which is doing excellent work, just as Galway should have statutory links with Athenry, so that certain scientists of standing in those places, like the head of the dairy laboratory in Moore Park and the manager or director of the farm, and other scientists, should hold part-time appointments in the university which would enable them to give specialised lectures in their subjects and be members of the faculty of the university, so that right through you would have co-ordination. That is, in fact, about the only hope we have in University College, Cork, of ever getting junior lecturers of the standard of Senator G. FitzGerald who seem to be available so much in University College, Dublin. By this intertwining of people in the field and carrying out practical and developmental research with the university there can be a real breakthrough, and a real harnessing of effort can be obtained. Above all, the presence in the university of a faculty of agriculture means that the associated pure science subjects like botany, zoology and biochemistry have their attention and interest drawn more and more into the basic research problems arising in agriculture and, therefore, they form a team for the benefit of the nation and of agriculture.

Therefore, I call for action from the Minister, from the Government and from our colleagues in both TCD and UCD to show that they are big enough to say that they do not want everything, and to send one faculty or two faculties down the country.

It has been held, and quite rightly so, that the future of Cork and Galway depends on maintaining a standard of academic excellence by which some of our schools or professors acquire reputations for their leadership in their subject of being at least equal to, if not superior, to what is offered by corresponding departments in Dublin. That is a very nice theoretical prerequisite for existence, but it does not guarantee existence of these colleges, because it is not today or yesterday that we have had professors in Cork and Galway clearly and demonstrably superior, or who have had something more to offer than the corresponding schools in Dublin, yet on going through the records we find that that did not influence the thinking of a single undergraduate student to go to either Cork or Galway. We have our school of chemistry in Cork which is outstanding by any standard, yet the number of students attracted from outside the Munster hinterland is almost negligible, so that we cannot exist on that.

We do not deserve to exist unless we can attain a proper university standing in our subjects, but that does not guarantee our existence, and we have to face the fact that for many years Cork and Galway will need special financial concessions. The type of concession I have in mind is that employed by American States to ensure that the students or graduates within the State are urged to go to their local State university. It is the fee structure that ensures that. Say that at present you have to pay a fee of £60 for a subject if you are within the hinterland of the university concerned.

If a Cork or a Galway student wishes to turn his back on the local university then, if the subject is available in the local university just as it is available in the capital, if he goes to the capital it is only reasonable and right that he should have to make a considerable financial sacrifice. In other words, his fee, as in an American university, might jump from £60 to £200. That is the only type of adequate provision we can have.

Then, again, we have the question of the place of research institutes within the university structure of the future. In many ways, the merger here does seem to simplify that problem. Undoubtedly, the place of research institutes is either within the university or in very close juxtaposition to it and with the closest possible contacts. Therefore, it would seem that places such as the Institute for Advanced Studies, and so on, should be incorporated very fully as research institutes within the new university structure here. That is good and it should be done but adequate provision should be made to ensure that these research institutes perform the same function for Galway and Cork as they do for the Dublin university. In other words, if they provide facilities for research for staff members here they should make similar provision for research facilities for Cork and Galway. It should be quite commonplace for them to have members from Cork and Galway supported by them in their research work, and relieved of teaching requirements for a certain period due to that support, without necessarily having to change residence and having to come to Dublin or they should send some of their specialists as a regular routine to give lectures in Cork and Galway on their specialities. In other words, we want to make the fullest use of our resources there.

While we are all asking for co-ordination of post-graduate facilities in Dublin in any structure that emerges, the only proper co-ordination for the country is one at national level. If we can bring Belfast and Coleraine into the cycle, that will be all to the good. It will be quite commonplace for students to spend part of their course attending specialist instruction or carrying out specialist experiments in laboratories in other institutions. If we achieve that, we shall achieve the national co-ordination that is desirable.

The structure of our governing bodies of the future arises for consideration. As far as possible, these should parallel similar structures in England and elsewhere. As recommended in the Commission's Report, there should be a preponderance of academic representation on these governing bodies. I should like to see graduate election preserved in some way. Furthermore, we should have cross-representation between the governing bodies of the various universities within the country. It would do us a world of good in Cork to have a representative nominated by Dublin University and a representative nominated by Galway University or, if there are two independent universities here, then a representative nominated by each. We should then have three first-class representatives who would be invaluable to us in our work and who would ensure a co-ordination of effort in the best possible way. Our sending a representative would make some contribution to the governing body of the new university of Dublin and the universities of Trinity College and University College, Dublin, if these are separate. That is the type of positive tie-up that should be possible.

I come now to the matter of staff appointments. We all unreservedly welcome the section in the Commission's Report on this matter. Speaking as one who has had considerable experience in university appointments at all levels, I can say that those of us who have had this inflicted on us by virtue of office will be very pleased and relieved that we can shed the burden. In justice and in tribute to the National University I shall say that the Senate, in making its appointments, has at all times been actuated by the highest academic motives and integrity. I doubt if better appointments will be provided in the future by any academic type of slot-machine appointment process.

On the question of future staff structure, I think we should tend very much towards the American pattern by which promotion is largely up to the individual himself. He does not have to wait for dead men's shoes or for the patronage of anyone in power or any administration in the university. He can achieve it through his own work and the standard there is through a record of publications and work done. The young university man moves on from being an assistant professor, after four or five years, if he has done his work well, to the next grade, associate professor. Then, if he has done his work well, if he has produced work that is of certain academic excellence and is recognised, he moves on to the post of full professor, to the top of the academic tree. That is the only way to create the proper spirit and the proper atmosphere. I have seen departments with seven full professors, no associate professor and one assistant. That is the structure we need.

The Ph.D. is only an academic certificate for getting on to a university staff. It is the subsequent development that counts. There is no more sorry sight on any staff than that of the person who feels that, because he has a Ph.D. he is entitled to a pension from the community for the rest of his life. The main task is to get him working after he has got that degree and to prove himself from that point onwards. The D.Litt. and the D.Sc. are rewarded as a result of several years of published work. In any university institution of the future, I suggest that these achievements should be set as targets and recognised by the distinction, as in Germany and in some other places, for being promoted to what is called a senior professorship. If we do that we will ensure the development of a university spirit and system in the highest possible tradition of academic excellence and service.

We must face the problem of keeping in touch with the outside community. In Cork and in Galway we have to keep in step with the Dublin community. What would be the worst fate to befall us would be to become totally provincialised. We have to keep in touch with what is happening in Dublin while at the same time keeping in touch with outside, with short training and short visits to research institutions, attendance at international congresses, and so on, where at all times the accent should be on active participation. There is no point in sending our university members abroad to university congresses, merely as tourists. They should have something to say and show something to do credit to the country from which they came. They should be active participants, reading papers at those bodies.

Another point was referred to. It has been said that we have far too many arts faculties in our colleges. Something like 40 per cent is included. The figure is a bit high but on the other hand the graduates concerned constitute a very large percentage and, in fact, I would say a higher percentage of those who remain in the country than is the case in any other faculty. They are the ordinary despised pass graduates who play such an open role in our teaching profession, vocational, secondary and otherwise, while the more academically ambitious honour graduates would disdain such employment. They also go into the industrial life and make their contribution there.

We could gear their training to more modern lines to ensure that in this scientific age our arts graduates carry at least one science subject through their first and second years and perhaps into the third year so as to make them trained arts graduates who are not illiterate in science. If this is done they can make a much greater contribution to the economy and to the teaching profession and, indeed, would be much more versatile in filling the positions in our national life. But the fact is that there have been combinations of major arts and minor science or of minor arts and major science. We want far more interdisciplinary training if we are to produce the rounded products that are necessary to face the challenge of the development in the economy in this scientific age.

There are just one or two other points to which I should like to refer. There is the question of co-ordination of all efforts on national level. The recommendation by the Commission of a Council of Irish Universities is regarded as now being made unnecessary, or rather unworkable, by the merger arrangements in Dublin. The merger will require that precise type of co-ordination between the two Dublin colleges. It will require co-ordination of standards and co-ordination of entries, externs, and so on. So what? That is Dublin's problem but the nation's problem is to co-ordinate this at national level and, therefore, I say there is a greater case and a greater necessity for the Council of Irish Universities with this merger and I look forward to seeing the Council of Irish Universities playing a very distinct role in the future and I hope it will quickly get beyond the advisory role which the Commission saw for it in its earlier years to the national planning role in the future structure of Irish university education.

We need, of course, common entrance standards and we need common fellowships. Also, we need a common appointments system. In this common appointments system we should as far as possible try to guard against too much inbreeding, just simply to have graduates stay in the local university and never move out. This is a classical example of inbreeding in university system and it is all too common especially in the Dublin colleges. You need to get your graduates away for a period of at least two to three years before they could be regarded as sufficiently broadened or sufficiently equipped to come back to fill any responsible academic post. We need not go as far as Queen's University go, where there is a distinct bias against Queen's graduates. All our graduates are entitled to compete at equal levels once they have the necessary outside experience.

A continued commission was recommended. The case for this nine-member commission was well argued in the Commission's Report and it could be a worthwhile body because decisions would embrace not merely the universities but a number of other colleges. You would have rather selective views going too far in the recommendations made by the Commission. The universities and the regional technical colleges could be included, and I do not know where you would draw the line after that. I cannot agree, and most of my colleagues are rather perplexed by the idea, that this should not include any serving member of any of the university staff on the theory that these will be there for special pleading and could not be relied on to function as ordinary responsible members to run a commission. Such a vote of no confidence in the future is really unworthy of the Commission on Higher Education.

At all stages we have representatives from our universities, on the governing body of the Institute for Advanced Studies, on the Irish Medical Council, and many others. In all cases they never accept that their responsibility was to play pleaders for the local institution. They always took it that they were put on as individuals to perform a function on the board of that body. Indeed, if you want to do special pleading for the whole institution the one way not to do it would be to be seen to do it. I should imagine that in a council of nine to ten members if you are all the time advocating the case of Galway, it is just the one way that you will get the whole council against Galway.

We reject any idea that any academic would take a position on this body solely for the purpose of special pleading. Consequently, I ask the Government and the Minister not to accept this but to see that the Commission contains at least one member nominated directly by the Senators concerned. You could do it on the recommendation of the Agricultural Institute if you wish and say that one person can serve one or at least two terms.

It is the Government who nominate everybody. I do not think it is a healthy democratic approach that everything should be left to the wisdom of the almighty Government. In an age of democracy and of vocational representation, let us have the organisations concerned making their nominations directly to those councils.

I suggest that the regional technical colleges from the outset should be linked closely with our universities in the different localities. That is necessary if they are to have any potential for growth. I should like to see their staffs having close connections with the facilities in the universities in their neighbourhood. They could be given leave of absence to enable them to spend six months or a year doing research work or teaching in the universities, or a combination of both. If such a system is to operate, our regional colleges will be worthwhile.

Then we come to the legislation it may be necessary to introduce. Legislation may be necessary to make certain changes in the university structure. Both of our universities have felt they were guarded by their charters, that a charter is something over and above Parliament. A charter is a type of law that cannot be changed easily. In setting up the new university I hope the Government will let it be known that they do not intend to interfere with the autonomy of the university. It is a necessary prerequisite to the proper functioning of the university that any legislation will be enabling, to enable the university to draw up statutes, making known their provisions. Only in that way can we preserve autonomy.

On the question of foreign students the Government have been hasty and precipitous. I agree it is right and proper that the percentage of foreign students should be fairly comparable at the different centres—that they should not be all concentrated in one region. Apart from that, education, whether at secondary, technical or university level, is an industry in the modern world in which we are, and can be, competitive. Instead of being introspective and restrictionist in regard to foreign students, let us be expansionist: let us face it as an industry, a demand in the modern world. Let us figure out the profit and loss and the economic fee that must be charged. Having figured that out, let us go ahead and charge that fee. I cannot understand the attitude of the Government that the taxpayers of the country are glad to bear in respect of foreign students the part of their fee—fifty per cent—which is higher than Irish students have to pay. Foreign students here have to pay £150 a year while Irish students pay £100. That fee is still a bargain price compared with what these students would have to pay in their own countries if they could avail of the facilities there.

I, therefore, appeal to the Minister for Finance to stop this nonsense at its source—to see that the present policy in regard to reasonable fees for foreign students is maintained. Let us consider whether this fee is economic and then let us, if necessary, increase the proportion of foreign stuudents to even 30 per cent or 40 per cent.

External examiners constitute a link which unites us all in the universities. It is a quiet but still effective inspection from outside. We may have a professor of standing from a university of standing in England. I should like to see it go further, to the Continent, in many respects. These professors come here and quietly size us up—what is being done here, what is our standard. They do not have to write elaborate reports. A comment is sufficient. That has helped to maintain standards here and I hope it will continue in the future. I hope that when we become independent in the universities we shall not have the attitude of "You scratch me and I will scratch you: you send us your external examiners and I will send you mine". Let us get our outside examiners. That system will keep us vital and alive.

Periodically we have the outside professional institutions, like the BMC, the Engineers Association, the General Dental Council, keeping an eye on standards because they have got to accept the degree as an entitlement to recognition for membership. That is an outside pressure but it is an assessment that is worthwhile. It might be possible to have a Council of Irish Universities periodically to have a look to see, for instance, how chemistry is faring, what is the general level, say, of courses in applied mathematics, in the teaching of French, and let us have a report on this. That would perform the same function as external examiners. We should welcome such a challenge.

In winding up, there is the question of the basis of our universities of the future, whether they are merged or are four independent units. They have many things in common. We will have a common appointment system, common standards and other relations through the Council of Irish Universities. We will have a common financial agency through the State. We have many things in common and I suggest that that common bond should entitle us in Cork to say that as well as being the independent University of Cork we are also a constituent university of the University of Ireland. We should all like to understand that we continue to stand for something in the international world, something more than Cork, or Galway, or Dublin. We cannot lose by that. There is much to be said for the type of consortium arrangement they have in Washington where there is the independent University of Washington D.C. You have the George Washington University, called the University, the Catholic University, the University of Maryland and some two or three others all having many common links together. They are entitled to interchangeable courses, the facility of joint employment of staff, interchangeability of lectures and they then are constituents in the consortium university in Washington, I think a similar type of arrangement would enable us to constitute a consortium university of the University of Ireland. It would also provide a reason as well why we should have cross representation of our governing bodies which, again, is something we would wish for.

I wish, therefore, the Minister every success in his efforts at the present time but I should like to say that we are anxious to be consulted, we are willing to be consulted and we demand to be consulted on what is happening in the university system and in university development. I already mentioned the staff association of UCD and their publication which shows great thinking and great effort on their part and also anxiety to get together, not for the aggrandisement of the university but for the service of this country where we have elected to make our contribution to university education.

Níor mhaith liom an ócáid seo a ligint tharm gan iarracht a dhéanamh cúpla rud a rá ar an tairiscint seo, go mór mhór os rud é go mbaineann sé le h-oideachas agus tá spéis agam in oideachas le blianta. Ar dtús, aontaím leis na Seanadóirí a mhol an Coimisiún a chuir an tuarascáil seo ar fáil dúinn agus a chuir le chéile na figiúirí agus gach aon rud a bhéas le fáil againn sa tír seo ins na blianta atá rómhainn. Ba shórt graf é máidir leis na rudaí a bhéas ag teastáil i gcúrsaí oideachais ins na blianta atá romhainn amach.

I should like, first of all, to make some slight reference to the complete revolution that has been brought about in the field of education by Fianna Fáil policy over the last number of years. It is quite true to say that from the bottom right up to the top tremendous strides have been made in the number of national schools built, in the ratio between teacher and pupil, in the great breakthrough that has taken place regarding the provision of post-primary education for all children of the nation, irrespective of where they live. That, to my mind, is the greatest thing that has happened in 1967. There is no doubt that future historians of this country will certainly have to mark it as a year of great advancement in the educational field because up to then there were many areas in this country where there was little or no facility for post-primary education of any kind. Indeed, there were many pockets in this country where it would be true to say there were practically no facilities at all.

All that changed in 1967 despite the fact that we were very often told it was not possible to do this. When the Minister made his announcement we were told that the places would not be available in those schools, that the schools would opt out of the scheme, that there would not be sufficient staff to man those schools.

On a point of order, are we debating the motion or is the Senator debating national school education?

I am debating the motion. Some of this to my mind, particularly the first part, is past history.

It may be past history but that is the motion we are debating.

The Senator has decided to engage in cheap propaganda.

Surely Senator O'Quigley should not interrupt me. The Leas-Chathaoirleach has certainly allowed me to continue because he knows that I am leading up——

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

The Chair hopes it is leading up to the matter under review.

It is. Senator O'Quigley is trying to put me off my stride. If what I was stating was not pleasant to him that is a matter for him. I should like to remind him that at the Fine Gael Ard-Fheis it was stated that no additional child in this country would be at the secondary schools after this new scheme came into operation. The facts show that last year there were something like 19,500, extra pupils in secondary and vocational schools and 54,000 childern are being taken in the Fianna Fáil free bus service to secondary and vocational schools.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

The Chair must intervene here and say that what goes on at the Fine Gael Ard-Fheis is not relevant to the motion under discussion.

I appreciate that but I was merely stating that this new thing has come about quite recently and has been brought about by the efforts of the Fianna Fáil Government and in particular the present Minister for Education. That being so, hundreds of children are becoming interested in secondary and vocational education. Once they become interested in that the natural follow-through is that they will become interested in university education. That is the point I was leading up to. It is true to say that it will be Fianna Fáil policy eventually which will provide for those in our community who would like to benefit from university education. I feel that all those now going to vocational and secondary schools will not be debarred from attending the university because of lack of means.

That is something which has been happening for far too long in this country. Indeed, the ordinary people of the country had very little regard for the university or what went on in it because it was very far removed from most of them. It was only those whose parents were wealthy who could afford to go to the university and avail of the educational facilities which were being provided there. For that reason many of our people all over the country were debarred from entering the professions. Those professions were more or less confined to certain families. I am particularly glad that has changed and that the Government in recent years have spent quite considerable sums of money in trying to provide finance to make available facilities for higher education in this country. It is true to say that since 1961 alone the increases have been more or less phenomenal. In 1961 a sum of £1,200,000 was spent on university education, whereas last year it reached a total of £3,750,000. It is true that almost a new town has been built out at Belfield and it is also true that a new science hall was provided in Cork, a new library in Trinity College and various other improvements in the university field not to mention the million pounds that was spent on Saint Patrick's Training College in Drumcondra to provide a college in which teachers would be trained to take their places in the national schools of Ireland. Incidentally——

(Longford): I notice you are changing your modulation.

Thanks, I know you have a keen ear for music. Incidentally, while I am on the subject I should like to refer to something that is in the Report regarding the new colleges. It has been suggested that national teachers should be connected with these second-rate colleges which it is proposed to establish. I would certainly be wholeheartedly behind my colleague on the other side, Senator Brosnahan, who very ably made the case for having the national teachers trained and associated with the university in their period of training. I feel that is only right and proper and I think it was a ridiculous suggestion for the Commission to make that they should enter these second-rate colleges. It is a well-known fact that one of the hardest examinations in the country today is that for entrance to the training colleges.

Is it an examination?

Yes, it is an examination taking all subjects together, not piecemeal as is done in other fields. One student last year going into training college had nine honours in the Leaving Certificate.

So it is not a special examination?

Many other students had from nine down to three. Three was the lowest. Out of a total of 173 students I think there were only 23 of them who had only three honours. That, to my mind and, indeed, to the mind of any fair thinking person is sufficient evidence to pinpoint the high standard that is required for entry to the training colleges. Those figures are not alone true of last year. I would venture to say that the standard was much higher. All down the years certain people seem to think that those who teach in the national schools should be deprived of having their training college connected with the university. That is something that beats me.

Senators

Hear, hear.

It is scandalous because up to this at any rate in many parts of the country the only education that many of our people received was that which they received in the national school. Those engaged in education and others will freely admit that if the foundations are not clear and solid and sound it will be very hard to build an edifice on the shaky foundation. Consequently, I would certainly join with those who have asked that the training colleges should be connected with the university. I feel that they would benefit very much from it. To suggest that teachers who had three, four, five and nine honours should enter these colleges where the only thing required for entrance seems to be a pass Leaving Certificate is ridiculous. I am quite sure that the body of national teachers certainly would not stand for that type of shabby treatment but would certainly expect to get equal facilities and credit where credit is due so far as qualifications are concerned.

That was the main point I had at issue but while I am on my feet I might make reference to something about which, perhaps, I may not know a great deal but which I have heard referred to at any rate. It is the matter of appointments in our universities. It seems that the method by which people are appointed to these various chairs et cetera is not one that would recommend itself to the ordinary person. I feel that there should be some type of appointments commission so that the best possible person would be available for the position. After all, in all kinds of education — national, post-primary or university—what any government and any fair-minded person should have in mind as the most important aspect is the child. We should go all out to try to provide the best possible facilities and teachers to instruct the children and to operate otherwise would be wrong. I feel that the students going into the university are entitled to have the best professors to impart their knowledge to them. I am not trying to cast reflections on professors in these places, I am only referring to the method of appointment.

In national education and in vocational education there is an age limit at which teachers must retire just as there is an age limit in many other branches of the Civil Service. It is strange that there does not seem to be any age for retirement in respect of those teaching in the universities.

Well, some of them, so far as my knowledge goes, are well over 70, perhaps 73 or 74.

In NUI nobody can remain after 70.

I think there is not any age at which they are compelled or asked to retire.

There is an absolute barrier at 70.

There must be.

Even 70 is rather high, if people in other walks of life have to retire at 65. Teaching is a rather strenuous job, and surely to goodness if people have to retire at 65 in other less exacting professions it is only fair to the students that there should be some machinery whereby these people would retire even below the age of 65.

(Longford): Is it not true that the students help to teach the professors and the lecturers?

That might be the method.

Would the Senator introduce an old age pension at 65 too?

We are getting towards that. We have a contributory pension at 68 and certainly it would be the aim of the Government eventually to reduce the qualifying age so far as the old age pension is concerned naturally. I would be in favour of it eventually when the economy of the country could afford it. That is our aim. It is also our aim to have shorter working weeks as the economy of the country improves; these things gradually come along.

Ba mhaith liom rud éigin a rá maidir le Gaeilge ins na hollscoileanna. Is í an ollscoil an scoil is aoirde céim sa tír seo. Tá a fhios agam go maith go ndéantar sár-obair ar son na Gaeilge i gcuid des na colaistí a bhaineann leis an ollscoil agus tá a fhios agam fosta go bhfuil na hollaimh atá ag obair ina lán acu oilte go maith chun teagasc agus spéis agus aitheantas a thabhairt don Ghaeilge ach sé an rud atá im aigne ná seo—i ngach tír eile beagnach san Eoraip agus b'fhéidir sa domhan is iad na micléinn agus na hollaimh de ghná a bhíonn, mar adéarfá, i dtús cadhnaíochta maidir leis na gluaiseachtaí náisiúnta. Nuair a bhéas an socrú seo déanta maidir leis an dá ollscoil do chomhnascadh tá súil agam go dtabharfaidh na micléinn agus na hollaimh treoir maidir le cúis na Gaeilge. Má thagann an ghluaiseacht sin ón ollscoil anuas chugainn in ionad é a theacht ón bhunscoil beidh i bhfad níos mó meas ag muintir na tíre air. Sin é mo thuairim féin.

It is with considerable diffidence that I rise to participate in this debate. The subject is of such importance, and in many respects of such a technical character, that one such as myself must be very circumspect in speaking on it. The debate so far probably has been a debate of the highest standard in this House for many years, and that standard, I suppose, is to a great extent due to the fact that the main contributors to it have been the oftentimes maligned and condemned professors. I remember here in a debate on the PR issue when to be a professor was something to be scorned at. I am glad to see that the balance has been redressed in this debate, and it is now quite clear that our university members, even those who are not professors representing the universities such as Senator Dooge and former professors or lecturers such as Senator O'Kennedy, when they rise to speak on their own subjects, can make a debate one of invariably high standard.

We are here dealing in the main with the first part of the Report and the summary of the Report of the Commission on Higher Education. I, too, should like to join my tribute to the great work which the Commission on Higher Education have done. There was a certain restiveness about the long time they were producing their Report, and, indeed, there was some unwarranted criticism at the delay in actually printing the Report, but when we consider that this Report is now subject to the most minute scrutiny line by line by all the various interests one can well see that the time taken over the Report was more than warranted, and that the Commission were right in not allowing themselves to be rushed into producing a report that would be subject to adverse criticism in the way that the Report of the Commission on Vocational Organisation was subjected to criticism some time in the 1940s, which was described as being a slovenly report by a Minister of State at the time. I do not think that anybody can say that of this Report, and I am happy to think that the Chairman of the Commission was the distinguished lawyer who is the Chief Justice in this country.

Senator Dolan said a very true thing when he referred to the lack of sympathy on the part of the public generally with the universities and university education and its problems. I think that it is quite true to say that that lack of sympathy and understanding arises from the fact that in times past the universities were peopled only by those who could afford to be there, and these institutions were looked upon as being places where privilege obtained, and you had to be well-to-do and well-off in order to gain entrance to a university, and that notwithstanding the number of scholarships provided by local authorities and the central Government to the universities. That situation is now changed considerably because the vast numbers of boys and girls attending universities at the present time are drawn from all walks of life, but, indeed, there are, as Senator Dolan has rightly remarked, still far too many boys and girls who would not alone benefit themselves but would benefit the country if they had an opportunity of attending a university who are denied that opportunity because of their means and the present system. Senator Dolan hopefully looks forward to the time when it will become the policy of Fianna Fáil to remedy that situation. If he looked at the Order Paper here he would see Motion No. 2 in the name of Fine Gael Senators proposing to this House that kind of remedy, a remedy for the kind of situation which he hopes his Party will adopt at some future time.

Apart from that question of privilege, in my estimation as an ordinary member of the public over the years, the universities have given themselves a bad public image and in some cases or in some aspects of their work no image at all. The universities have to my knowledge no public relations officer or anything approaching that. The only time one hears about the problems of a university is on the occasion of the conferring of degrees. On these occasions it is a complaint, well justified and understandable, about lack of finance, overcrowding, lack of accommodation, lack of staff. This is the only way in which the universities—I speak as an ordinary member of the public—have got themselves across or communicated with the public. I think that the universities have failed dismally in that respect in that they have never sufficiently integrated themselves into the cultural, industrial or scientific life of the community as they should. One sometimes thinks of the various universities. One thinks of Trinity and one thinks of Queen Elizabeth or the ban. When one thinks of University College one thinks of the Archbishop of Dublin or bigotry oftentimes from the College authorities. When one thinks of Galway— and it is very seldom thought of—one only thinks of neglect and decay. As regards Cork, I am afraid I have no view on that; the only thing I ever associate with Cork is that Dairy Science is the strong point about Cork. That is my impression.

There is no way in which one can look to the universities in this country since the establishment of the State or before that—certainly since the establishment of the State—and say that they have been responsible for any cultural movement or any social thinking or anything that has made any appreciable difference to the life of this country. They have, of course, provided doctors, scientists and teachers for our schools and so on and for institutions of one kind or another, but they have done nothing or initiated nothing of lasting value which one can point to here and now. I think that is very regrettable. They have, perhaps, reasons—they may have been overworked in other respects and may not have been able to make any impact on the public. That may be so but consider the average taxpayer's attitude towards the universities. One must have regard to the fact that the universities have not sold themselves well to the public. The truth, as I see it, is that we require more and better universities, more accommodation, more staff, a higher input of finance injected into them from the public purse.

Universities are as necessary as good roads. We must have bigger, wider and better roads because that is a prerequisite condition of communications in modern life. We must have them. We spend an awful lot of money on them. We must, equally, have universities to provide us with the scientists, technologists, and so on, that are necessary to enable this country to survive. I have a clear recollection of a report got out by a Departmental committee of the Department of Industry and Commerce which showed the terrible lack of technologists, technicians and scientists in Ireland at the present time and which indicated that this lack was actually hampering industrial expansion. The universities and the higher institutes of learning provide these.

If we are to have the necessary technologists and scientists we must invest more in higher education. The Minister for Education and all concerned with education must get across to the public that this is not just a financing of those who are privileged—those who are privileged by God, most of them in the sense that they are talented—but that, socially, higher education is a hard fact of life and we must provide more money if we are to survive as a nation.

On the question of talent, I entirely agree with the raising of standards. I think that ability and not financial means should be the test of entry into the university. I am not too happy about fixing an arbitrary standard such as so many Honours subjects in the Leaving Certificate. I am not entirely happy about that. One oftentimes finds people who might not pass the kind of examination set by the Department of Education who might well be the type who would do extremely well if allowed into a particular Faculty of Science in the university. I hope there will always be room for the misfits in our system of university education.

(Longford): Can you have ad hoc standards?

I hope it is possible to take account of individual capacities and that there can be another test, apart from the one rule of thumb, apart from so many Honours subjects in the Leaving Certificate.

(Longford): But it is a standard.

I agree with that. I do not want to exclude the type of person who may be brilliant, if he or she is given the opportunity, simply because such a person has not got the necessary number of Honours subjects which may be prescribed in the Leaving Certificate. I frankly confess that it is very difficult to know the best system to organise—whether or not one should do away with the National University of Ireland and create three independent universities, with the two universities here in Dublin merged into one.

Whatever institutions finally emerge, I am quite clear in my mind that it is highly desirable that the autonomy and the academic freedom hitherto enjoyed should continue. The recommendation in the Commission's Report that the balancing of autonomy and the requirements of the public interest to be achieved by the establishment of a permanent Commission for Higher Education is a good solution. That commission, according to the composition suggested in the Report, will, it seems to me, provide the buttress between the Government, the State authorities, and the autonomous universities. I think the proposal is one which will recommend itself to the Government if and when they come to implement these proposals in legislation. I say "if and when" because I share the concern expressed by Senator Stanford that this merger of Trinity College and the National University should not be proceeded with too quickly. I feel that quite a long time should be allowed to elapse until the eventual proposals take shape in the form of a legislative enactment.

A good deal of debate has centred on the proposal to merge Trinity College and University College, Dublin. I am not at all happy that the approach adopted by the Minister was the best and the most prudent one, in all the circumstances. We must have regard to historical facts. Where reason may suggest that a merger is the proper approach, there are emotions and intellectual convictions involved which may not like what reason suggests.

The Minister has taken on the very arduous task of matchmaker in a case where the marriage will be a mixed marriage and hopes that the two shall be in one flesh at a later time. The task the Minister has undertaken was done without any prior courtship. There was certainly no dialogue that one can think about between the two institutions and there was a state of truceless cold war in existence over a long, long period. Let there be no mistake about it. Senator Stanford said he did not want to look back: neither do I—in anger, in sorrow, in joy or in any other way.

The truth of the matter is that, to the minds of most of us brought up in Catholic Ireland, Trinity College is always associated with the name of Queen Elizabeth and that she came over here with her various plantations and what-nots. She then established a university. There is no use in denying it.

(Longford): She was never here. She only sent her agents.

(Longford): We must be accurate in these matters. No matter what a lot of people may say, over a period of approximately 40 years she gave peace and stability to her country. If we had not that era of peace here, it is a separate matter. I am not aware that Queen Elizabeth I was in Ireland.

Is the Senator disappointed?

The Senator will pardon me if I quote the Latin maxim “Qui facit per alium facit per se”. Therefore, she was here through her servants and agents.

(Longford): Senator O'Quigley is entitled to the last word.

I am grateful, nonetheless, for the Senator's usual helpful interruption. That is the fact. I suppose there are some people who would be glad to see Trinity College literally demolished. There are people in this country who feel that way.

(Longford): Not so many.

There were people at one time—the Senator should not tempt me along that line——

We have our Paisleys, too.

This proposed mixed marriage was not preceded by any courtship or dialogue and there are difficulties. Once a dialogue has been initiated a little courtship should be allowed and there should not be undue haste in performing the marriage ceremony. We have the engagement announced.

Long engagements are always bad.

(Longford): Long courtships are bad.

It always gives the opportunity to break it off if necessary.

You do not approve of the Minister's shotgun.

I support Senator Stanford's view and the views of other Senators that we ought not rush this too much and this has been expressed in documents such as that from University College, Dublin, last night, and in a similar document from Trinity College, and some other proposals are being made. This should be allowed to develop over a period of time.

The autonomy of the colleges, or new institutions as I refer to them, must be safeguarded. We have seen the evil results of the lack of autonomy and we have the illustration of foreign professors coming here who were approached to speak on particular subjects because of directives handed to them from above. I hope that will not develop here and I am sure it will not. When universities have this autonomy they ought to recognise that they are groups who ought also to have a degree of autonomy in limited areas.

The student of 1968 is not like the student of 1918 and he is not prepared to put up with the dictation from the university authorities that the student of 1918 would put up with. I take 1918, 50 years ago, to show what has happened with the passage of time. Student activities take place all over the world; that feature is not confined to this country. They assert themselves and are to be heard in the running of the institutions of which they form a vital part. As I understand the position at the present time, there is no regular liaison between what I call the university authorities, those who run the place, and the student bodies. I am talking about regular liaison. I understand that in UCD there is some kind of ad hoc arrangement whereby at the will and pleasure of the authority the students can consult him but if the will and pleasure do not manifest themselves twice in the year no consultations can take place. This is a hopeless kind of situation and it is right and proper that we should require our student body to act in the required way when representations are put to the authorities affecting a variety of matters in student life, and machinery should exist for the clearing of these representations. So long as that machinery is not established dissatisfaction will manifest itself in a variety of ways within the university. I am aware that a demand for that kind of thing exists and we have little doubt that a need for it exists.

The Report of the Commission on Higher Education is, I think, somewhat deficient in one other important respect. The universities are not just bricks, mortar, laboratories and professors. They also have students, and some authority must be found that will be fixed with the responsibility of looking after the ordinary human needs of the student body. At the present time it is notoriously true that there is not anything like adequate accommodation, library accommodation or in any other respect, for the students in UCD. The same position probably obtains in Galway. I do not know what the position is in Trinity or UCC, but the Report of the Commission only skims the problem of student life. At page 89 of the summary it deals with the problem of students' residence. In those terms it says:

A large-scale programme for student-residence cannot be undertaken while the needs of institutions for staff, accommodation and other facilities remain acute. Nevertheless the question cannot be left entirely to one side; and pending detailed examination of the matter by the Commission for Higher Education, some interim measures are necessary to extend and improve residential accommodation for students.

We are building a new university at Belfield and I suppose it will cost 12 or 15 million pounds. The inhabitants in the area around Belfield are not likely to be the kind of people who will go in for keeping university students in digs. I cannot see, in any event, that most of the houses around that are are the kind that have the physical accommodation for students. What I understand is taking place at the present time is that English investors are buying up land and houses in the vicinity of Belfield for the purpose of erecting thereon, when demolished, new hostels. One can well imagine the way in which these hostels will be run and the concern the English investors will have in the running of these institutions. I very much doubt if most parents sending their children to the University at Belfield will be happy to send them into this kind of new hostel built by some nameless or faceless investment company from England.

I think the university authorities and the planning authorities here should make it their concern to see that adequate accommodation for university students in the new setting in Belfield will be provided and will be adequately run. The matter, as I say, received very little attention in the Report of the Commission on Higher Education but it will be a very real problem for the increasing number of students who are expected in the city in the next five or ten years.

University students are not always the most acceptable kind of lodgers as far as landladies are concerned. That is something the Minister for Education, the relevant planning authority and the university authority should attend to and attend to without delay before the matter has reached——

(Longford): Would the Senator advocate a resident university?

——a stage where it will be impossible to deal with the situation.

The question of overseas students has been dealt with at some length. For my part, I have always welcomed, and I do welcome, the presence of overseas students in universities. If universities mean anything at all we must have contact with a wide variety of opinion, of peoples, notions and customs. From the point of view of our debt to the world and our obligations to the larger society in which we live, I welcome the fact that the Irish taxpayer is subsidising to some extent the university education of persons from abroad, in particular from the emerging nations of Africa and Asia and, I hope, in due time from South America. It would be a most retrograde step if these countries felt there was any formal ban on them because the attitude would be that because they are coloured they are not wanted in Ireland. It is a very short hop from a ban on outside students to a ban on coloured students. That would damage greatly our tradition and reputation. It would greatly restrict our influence as a nation.

Furthermore, we have not paid any attention—I am not aware of any—to the matter of keeping in touch with those graduates of our universities who have come from abroad and have gone back again. If only in the interest of trade and commerce, this would be a most valuable thing for some organisation or some people to do. People who have been educated in this country are now Ministers in the Governments of different African nations. It would be a great thing if these people were entirely friendly with this country— that they should feel they were well looked after when they were abroad, that they were thought well of and that we kept in touch with them. We could have a most useful link with these countries, some of whose people in high places were educated here.

This is not one of the things we should do merely from the basest self-interest. Apart from that, there is a really human problem in this situation in relation to overseas students. I am reliably informed that there is a variety of these students who have been sent here by a village, a town or a tribe, who are financed for a number of years with the hope that they will eventually return to render service to the community which financed them. From that point of view, these students are the victims of great pressure from which other students do not suffer to the same degree. If they fail they can never return home, they are not wanted, and I have heard of cases where such students who have failed have almost lost their reason, that they have in some cases. It is idle to think they would get work here. Perhaps they could in England. Because of that and the fact that some students—I speak particularly of those from Africa and Asia—come here into an environment entirely different from that which they came from. As far as I can learn, there is no body or organisation to meet these people or to concern themselves about them when they are here. I have been told that at one stage there was such a large number of Nigerian students incarcerated in mental hospitals around Dublin that the Government of Nigeria decided to send a commission to look into the situation.

I am told that these people, not being used to our customs or habits, have got themselves into trouble on the day of their arrival. For instance, if I get a taxi into Lagos and the taximan says the fare is seven shillings and I pay him the seven shillings he thinks I am a great white idiot. I am told that the truth of the matter is that the taximen there expect one to bargain and that if one does not one is regarded as a fool.

(Longford): The Senator should qualify what he means by Nigerian students. Are they from the Biafran tribes or some other tribes. This is not a laughing matter. I am raising it seriously in the hope that the Senator might further inform us whether the students are from Biafra or from the other areas.

I cannot qualify it. I am merely mentioning it to explain what can happen when these students come in here. One student may take a taxi from the North Wall, he is charged 4s 6d, he begins to bargain and winds up down in College Street.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

The Chair is rather worried about the chapter in the report which deals with this matter.

The one about taxis.

Is the Senator referring to Dublin taximen or provincial taximen? There are tribal differences.

It is a tempting remark to reply to. However, there is this problem. The Report deals with overseas students. I refer in particular to chapter 31 of the summary. I do not intend to dwell unduly on it. I just wish to illustrate for the House the problems that arise. There are other problems in relation to diet, clothing and so on. There is in particular the long temporary exile of the students from their native lands. They may be seven years here during which they cannot go home for Christmas or for holidays. They just kick around the city.

If we are to have a 10 per cent proportion of overseas students, the university authorities or some other authority must see to their particular problems and needs. Both from the point of view of academic attainment and of future good relationship with these people when they return to their native countries, this would be well worthwhile, apart from the obvious humanitarian grounds which dictate that this should be done. There are other aspects of this situation which I should like to deal with and perhaps the Chair will allow me to indulge myself a little longer on it when we come to the second part of the Report.

I come now to the question of the new colleges about which Senator Dooge found a good word. He adopted the same attitude as Senators Dolan and Brosnahan. If the proposal to establish the new colleges has built into it a linking of them with the national teaching profession I am absolutely opposed to the notion that the second-rate status at present applied to national teachers should be perpetuated for all time by the building of these colleges and linking the national teachers and their training with them. I have no doubt about the origin of this proposal. The Department of Finance have sternly resisted over the years the granting of parity to national teachers. For salary purposes they have compared national teachers in this country with clerical officers. This is due to a Finance type of approach which it would be very difficult for people who do not understand the Finance mind to understand. The whole purpose has been to keep numerous national teachers on a lower scale of salary. There are 13,000 to 14,000 national teachers as against a couple of thousand secondary and vocational teachers.

I entirely agree with the view expressed in regard to primary education. Primary education is the only education which is of any real value. It has always proved to be a very sound education. I can recollect that there are various things which I did not learn in the national school, perhaps because of illness over a long period or something of that kind, and I never learned them afterwards. You never learn again what you do not learn in the national school. I never learned to write properly and I never learned my tables properly. I always had difficulty with mathematics for that reason. For a long period I was not taught them in the national school and I never learned them afterwards.

Students attending primary schools deserve the very best the nation can give them. We must remember that the Constitution of this country imposes an obligation on the State to provide free primary education for every citizen. Many people do not speak very kindly about the Constitution but it is only primary education which it places an obligation on the State to provide. There is no reference in the Constitution, although prudence dictates it, that we ought to provide post-primary education for the citizens. The only obligation which the Constitution imposes on the State is to provide free primary education. It should be our object to provide primary education of the highest possible quality. In any rural community especially, the beacon light for learning is the national teacher together with the parish priest or the local curate. It behoves us in that setting to ensure that we give the best possible to the pupils attending those schools.

The truth of the matter is that many of our national teachers have a kind of inferiority complex because they never had equal association with other professional people. That has been my experience over the years. You get many people who are very capable in their jobs but they have this inferiority complex. I always attribute it to the fact that they were brought up in this narrow view from the preparatory colleges to the training colleges and they were hardly allowed to go out without permission from the Dean of Residence. Afterwards they were sent out to educate the great masses. I do not want to see that perpetuated in any way with the training of teachers.

The national school teachers, for far too long, have not had parity with vocational and secondary teachers. When one looks at the qualifications of some of the people in the secondary schools who have higher salaries than the primary teachers it is absolutely absurd to see national teachers on a lower scale.

Senator O'Kennedy referred to the question of legal education. May I say in my time the organisation of legal education in University College was nothing like what it is at the present time. In those days we had only two what we used to call professors. I am not sure if lecturer was the proper title as I do not know what status they had with the university. Nowadays, the situation is much better. Perhaps we had to do a great deal more work because of this type of instruction but I have no doubt in my mind that the proposal contained in the Report that the academic staff should merge is entirely sound.

It is the same law that is taught in all institutions. There is no basic difference in the philosophy I think in either Trinity or National University. In any event I have never seen it manifest in any way in the course of my practice as a lawyer. I think it would make a great use of existing resources if all the bodies engaged in teaching law, that is, King's Inns, the Incorporated Law Society, National University and Trinity were merged to provide law facilities. If we had that kind of situation we would have much more ordinary research, which is so vitally necessary in this country. You are often reduced to tears when reading various articles on law in this country. There is a great need for more full-time professors in that aspect of university life and I believe proposals along those lines will commend themselves to all lawyers in this country.

I consider the proposals made by the Commission with regard to the change in the recruitment of staff are long overdue. They are so designed as to produce the best quality staff for the universities. Indeed, if one could evolve analogous proposals for various other appointments in this country to ensure a high standard of technical competence on the part of those interviewing applicants it would be a great step forward in regard to many of our present bodies. I hope that this nonsensical system, which is as arduous and ridiculous as the present system of electing Members of this House, will soon disappear. That relates only to the constituent colleges of the National University. It is shocking that the Senate of the National University appointing professors has to be interviewed by every candidate and, as one person of that body said to me, eventually we act on what is recommended to us by the governing body. Consequently, the whole system is quite absurd and ridiculous and, in my view, entirely inadequate for the needs of the universities.

There have been varied references to Trinity College and to UCD and the most laudatory references to UCC in the course of this debate. There have been only the most fleeting references to UCG. I, like a number of other Members of the House, had the benefit of attending a teach-in in UCG last autumn. Here, again, what I said earlier in relation to universities failing to put themselves across applies very much to UCG. There is nobody, even in this House, who is aware of the work that UCG has done for modernising Irish and adapting Irish for teaching scientific subjects and other subjects in the arts course. That was begun some time in 1927. At the present time UCG according to a paper read by Professor P. Mac Giollarnaith provides courses in Irish and in English in 13 degree subjects. All that has been achieved mainly, he says, at the expense of staff, of students and sometimes, he fears, at the expense of academic standards.

In 1927 there was some kind of a reorganisation of the various universities. At that time the life and existence of UCG was threatened. There were also some difficulties about UCC. UCC was given the faculty of dairy science. UCD took general agricultural education, and one of the reasons why UCG was continued in existence was that it would do pioneering work in the revival of Irish. There were grants made in those days and provided for in the Estimates and have been provided every year since then for these universities in respect of the particular faculties or aspects of education which they took over. Professor Mac Giollarnaith took a look at the current Estimates to show how these Estimates had gone up in the years since then. He found that UCD had got a sum of £224,984 in respect of its commitment or undertaking in relation to general agricultural education. UCC got a sum of £166,500 and the sum which UCG is getting——

(Longford): Does that apply to dairy science specifically?

I am reading from what Professor Mac Giollarnaith said.

(Longford): I am trying to help the Senator.

I know that well.

(Longford): The Senator has indicated that the faculty of dairy science was allocated to UCC. Does that sum apply specifically to dairy science?

Yes. This was the sum allocated to the faculty of dairy science this year. The sum allocated for lectures through Irish in the case of Galway is £380. That is, to some extent, a measure of the support which this great institution which did such pioneering work in the Irish language is getting and has been getting from Irish Governments since then. Of course, they have got increases pari passu with other universities in the other grants that they get, but in relation to Irish that is what it stands at at the present time. It would hardly buy enough magazines in Irish for one year for the college let alone provide adequate remuneration for the work that is being done. The end result of all this neglect has been that, of course, text books have not been brought up to date, new text books have not been written in Irish and students now if they are doing subjects through Irish —and quite a lot of them do opt to do subjects through Irish—have merely to take down in illegible writing what the professor or lecturer gives out. It is quite clear now that UCG will survive. It would be unthinkable in the context of the move to the West and in the context of decentralisation that Galway University would be closed down, but if Galway University is to be continued it should be continued in a way that will enable it to live up to its responsibility. It was depressing to hear of the lack of accommodation and to visit some of the laboratories where they are carrying out pioneering work in research and so on and to see the conditions under which these people have to work. It was depressing and at the same time inspiring to see the devotion and courage and physical endurance of the people who work under these conditions.

I am glad that the Minister is here at the moment so that I can address this matter to him. In the course of these lectures there was a reference to the fact that in order to enable the existing college to expand outward from itself and not to have to make a complete move to another site there was land available along the Corrib River at the back of the university. That land may be taken up by some speculator any of these days. An appeal was addressed to the Minister for Education at that time to make available sufficient funds. I do not know whether it may be necessary to make available legal powers to the university authority to acquire this land. I feel this is a matter which requires the most urgent consideration because the Minister has already indicated that he is allocating, or hoping to get the Government to allocate, some large sums of money in the future to UCG but I hope that the basic requirement of additional land to provide additional accommodation will be attended to now and that whatever is necessary in regard to the acquisition of this land should be undertaken with every speed.

Finally, there is one point to which I want to advert. In my own experience of studying in this country at a university one is constantly up against the hopeless lack of text books of any kind in some cases, inadequate text books relating, as far as Irish law students are concerned, to Irish law. I do not make this plea at all in relation to law because legal training is not perhaps as important in the context of the community as medicine or science or some other subjects but one hears complaints from students of an inability to get text books, books which are prescribed for, say, the English course, the arts course, in UCD. They cannot even buy them. They are not available even secondhand. That is the kind of hopeless situation in which students are expected to study at university. There is a grave need for some authority undertaking to supply cheap text-books for students. One sees the paper-back editions of the more learned law-books being produced in England in relation to company law, the law of tort and so on. The time has come when there is little necessity for big heavy tomes, and it should be possible to produce cheap editions of such books which in any event are going to be out of date in a very few years as science progresses.

I have never been able to understand what profit it is to a university student to go into a lecture over a period of an hour and take down furiously in his own writing what the lecturer is saying. Thereafter he is never able to read his notes, and when he comes out he tries to find out what was said at such and such a point when the professor dropped his voice or some new term has been completely lost and nobody knows it. I cannot see any advantage whatever to a student to spend an hour taking down in writing what the lecturer has to say. I would see a great deal more advantage if what the lecturer is saying—and in many cases it is from his own notes— were available in stencilled form and there was a discussion on that. I see no advantage in the other system, which probably dates back from the time before the printing press was established. It is time that we got away from that system, more especially in the case of those subjects where adequate text books are not now available for the students to get the material which is in general being provided for them in the course of lectures.

I think that the Commission has done a tremendously valuable job in producing this Report, and I look forward to seeing the third volume of the Report at an early date. I do not know why it has taken so long to produce it because I am sure that it is available for the printers, but I do hope that we will have the third volume and that upon that occasion the Minister for Education, who has been kind enough to attend here, will be available to attend. I know that eventually the Minister must advise the Government as to what he considers is the best course that the Government should adopt, but I hope that the Seanad will have discharged a useful function in carrying on this debate and enabling the Minister from time to time to check his own reactions with the reactions of Members of the Seanad on all sides of the House and with all the varying interests that they have.

Senator Mrs. Ahern rose.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

Perhaps before the Senator begins to speak there might be some indication of what the House wishes to do with regard to this debate—whether the House intends to adjourn for the normal tea interval or to continue.

I think we should go through the normal procedure and adjourn for tea.

A lot depends on whether we have a possibility of finishing the debate by ten o'clock.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

Perhaps at six o'clock the Chair will have an indication of the number of members who wish to speak.

Most aspects of higher education have been discussed in this debate. Even though I was not here for all of it I read some of the things that were said. Our main concern should be that whatever rationalisation or mergers take place the quality of our education should keep pace with the quantity, and that those who come from our universities should have more of a commitment to the community than they have had in the past.

My main reason for standing up is to request that in future a faculty of home economics should get its place in our university. For too long it has been the Cinderella in higher education. I admit that we have very good schools of domestic science, but our domestic science teachers should have university status, as I believe our national teachers should have too. We all realise that the future of our country depends on the homes of Ireland, and for too long this science of homemaking has been neglected. Surely it is as much entitled to a place in our university as horticulture or agriculture.

The functions of a university are three-fold. First it should be a place for scholarship and research where the professors should be specialists in their particular subjects, where they should be dedicated and by their dedication inspire others and in particular inspire the students who work under them. In the second place it should be somewhere where students get a love for education as such, a love for the particular subject which they are studying, a thorough knowledge and understanding of the way their subjects, and their way of life, fit into the general life of the community. In the third place the function of a university is to train people for the professions, a kind of vocational school in that regard, if you like. I think there is absolutely no doubt whatsoever that in this little country of ours those three functions of the university could be carried out far more effectively if there were a union—I do not define what type of union—between University College Dublin and Trinity College Dublin to form one university. In the first place you can have fewer part-time teachers than there are at the moment.

We have heard the second last speaker talking of lecturers who come in to read their notes and students endeavouring to take them down; then they go away and have not heard a word which was said. Surely a lecturer or university professor who feels that that is the scope of his function, and feels that he is there in a kind of sinecure and so that he may hope to make further profits otherwise from the private practice of his profession, is not discharging his function. It may be that our economy does not permit us to pay university professors what they should be paid or to compensate them as they should be compensated, but our one hope of getting an adequate return for the money we spend is by a union of some kind—I do not use the word merger because I would personally prefer and think it would be better for both universities if there were not a complete merger but if both colleges, so to speak, were complementary to each other and if each could facilitate the other so that there would be co-ordination of ideas and facilities. To take a few of the professions, we have for the legal profession in Ireland six teaching schools—one in University College Cork, one in University College Galway, another in University College Dublin, another in Trinity College, another in the Incorporated Law Society and another in the King's Inns. The total number of students at any one time probably does not exceed a couple of hundred. Almost all professors are part-time. There is no research, and no facilities for research. We have had for some time past a special Government department dealing with law reform, but I shall be amazed if in their study of law reform they have got a single suggestion from any of our law professors.

The same applies in other Departments, perhaps to a lesser extent; perhaps the Departments are somewhat larger than the Law Schools. I feel that the standard of our students and the standard of our university professors would improve, certainly in the professional training, if we had a union and a co-operation between Trinity College and University College, Dublin, in practically all the professions—Engineering, Architecture, Medicine, Dentistry, Agriculture, Law. In each one of these, the general standard of the students and the standard of the teaching and the lecturer would, I believe, improve very much if we had a co-ordination between the two. I feel, however, that it is very important, and I hope the Minister will bear it in mind, that neither College should be allowed to swallow up the other. I should be totally opposed to a large monolithic structure where one College or the other would simply be a building where special classes would be held.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

May I interrupt the Senator? I understand that some Members would prefer to sit on and finish?

We should be grateful if that were agreed.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

How many more speakers may be anticipated?

Mr. Ryan

The Minister intends to speak briefly.

It is most important that neither College be allowed to swallow up the other. I personally feel that there is much in the traditions of both Colleges which would benefit the community and be of the greatest assistance and help to the Ireland of the future. But, then, if certain faculties are to be more or less combined, we have got to consider what form the structure should take.

There is no doubt in the world but that the difference between a university education and, shall we say, the education one gets in a technological college, doing the same course, is that one hopes, in any event in a university education, to get a more liberal education, to get a broader view, so much so that perhaps the graduate of a technological college may be very pleased with what he has learned when he has finished but the graduate of a university, no matter what he has learned, should always be very, very humble in that what he has learned is so small compared with the vast amount of knowledge that is still outside his range. His training should be such that, when he gets his primary Degree, he feels he has only now reached the stage when, for the first time, he can study without the assistance of the professors or lecturers and when he will determine that, throughout the course of his life, he will constantly add to the fund of his knowledge.

If there is to be that liberality in education, it is absolutely essential that, in both colleges there should be kept a separate and distinct department for what I might call the more liberal subjects of education—such subjects as logic, political science, various arts subjects. I can see, also, difficulties in some other of the subjects in that, if we have, say, engineering in one of the colleges and medicine in another of the colleges there are other subjects students of engineering or of medicine must study outside the narrow subjects they do in their last year. They must do zoology for medicine. They must do the basic sciences for engineering. They must attend to other sciences for architecture, and so on. Personally, I do not see the least possible difficulty in having those in both colleges. Nothing is lost by having them. Suppose you have engineering and architecture in one of the colleges and medicine and engineering in the other college. The number of students for ancillary arts or science subjects would be so large that it would be utterly impossible for one professor or for one lecturer to give to the individual student the time and the attention required. There should be a certain ratio between the lecturer and student population. As the number of students will increase more and more, there will be plenty of room, plenty of scope, for separate professors in each college.

One thing we should learn and should appreciate is that a university is not merely a place where one goes to get a vocational training for a profession. That can be done very much better perhaps in many of the technological colleges. It is being done better in some technological colleges than it is being done in universities. The main advantage of a university training is the expansion of the student's mind in a liberal way. I think universities today in Ireland are not fulfilling their main function of producing the right type of graduate who, having studied for a profession or otherwise, should continue his studies and be devoted to them throughout his life.

Most of our graduates, once they get a profession, feel that now the world owes them a living and that it owes them a very remunerative living which they endeavour to get in the shortest possible time with the least possible effort and without any further study. I feel that the cause of that, to a great extent, is that the standard of students going into the universities is much too low. Our Leaving Certificate as an examination is only an excuse. Ninety-one per cent of our students pass it. Quite a large number of these probably do no work. A very large percentage pass it without any anticipation of passing. Quite a large number, also, have no interest in study. Yet we have a 91 per cent pass.

I feel that universities here should have a much higher standard of entrance than they have at the moment. I suggest at least four honours in the Leaving Certificate, possibly five, but certainly not less than four. I fear, however, that if we made that obligatory by the universities the standard of honours for Leaving Certificate would be reduced, just as has been done for the standard of pass. I should, therefore, much prefer to see our universities having their own Matriculation standard and insisting on it and a common Matriculation standard for all our universities.

I have heard it said that national teachers have to have three honours in order to get into the Training College. Much has been said about university training for them, and it was referred to in the Commission's Report. Personally, I feel the method of training teachers is completely wrong. Teaching is an art. It is among the highest of the professions, if not the very highest, because most of our professions are sciences but teaching is an art, particularly so in primary schools. Therefore, I should like to see teachers selected for primary schools not on the Leaving Certificate but selected at the Intermediate Certificate stage. Then during the next two years they should have to do courses in practical teaching under skilled teachers. It would then be possible to find out those who had the ability for it, those who had the capacity for it, to weed out those who are found unsuitable, and then, after the Leaving Certificate, having been selected at the Intermediate Certificate, I would give them the right of entrance to training colleges. National teaching is really a vocation. You cannot have anybody teaching young children. That is why I am surprised at the stress on university education for national teachers. A university degree would not qualify them for teaching. It must be in them. There must be a feeling, a dedication, an impulse for teaching. If teachers were selected in that manner I feel we would hear far less of what we hear today of corporal punishment.

I wish the Minister every success in the steps he is taking to have a happy marriage between our two universities and that the progeny of that university will be a credit to our country.

Discussions, both in this House and elsewhere, of our problems of higher education are, of course, to be welcomed. Some of our present troubles in the matter arise from our not having sufficiently measured or probed in the past the various angles of these problems.

Before Christmas I welcomed here the views of the Members of Seanad Éireann and recorded my appreciation of the high quality of the debate. The debate has continued to be constructive, but even if it had not so continued, foolish opinions have their uses too, for out of dialogue and dialectic come clarity and counsel.

It would, however, be very wrong of me to voice views in public on the matters which are the subject of the tripartite negotiations in progress. In the first place, I am a party to these negotiations. Secondly, I am fully satisfied that the representatives of the two Colleges are putting the maximum of thought and effort and, let me add, of goodwill and sincerity into the finding of a satisfactory solution.

A satisfactory solution of the problem in question is absolutely a prior condition of a co-ordinated policy for higher education in this country. It is thus a vital matter to find such a solution, for without a well co-ordinated policy and plan for higher education generally we have about as much chance of survival into the twenty-first century, at an acceptable level of development, as we would have of surviving a modern war if we were to enter upon such with only Howth rifles.

A rationalisation of the Dublin position is crucial, for if we could not solve the problem of the two largest institutions, little could be hoped for from a general plan for the country. On the other hand, as, if you like, a provincial representative, I should like to remind Dublin debaters that the problem, even the Dublin section of it, is more than a Dublin one. It is a vital national issue.

The Dublin problem is, however, extremely complex. Not only is it hundreds of years old but there are also organisational difficulties of a most formidable character. It is not to be expected, therefore, that a series of meetings which began only on the 9th November last—there have so far been five meetings—would already have analysed, explored, assessed and reached conclusions on the manifold aspect of the matter.

I can, however, report to the House and the public that the negotiators are devoting themselves to their task with the greatest expedition possible in the circumstances, with due regard to sound educational principles and with full appreciation of the national interests at stake. Let me repeat that they are with the maximum of goodwill and sincerity seeking a true and acceptable solution. I believe that they will find it.

The best help we can give them in that regard is to add our own goodwill and patience to theirs. For my part, I have, in addition, placed at their disposal, by way of an outside Operational Research team with a university background, machinery that is second only to their own resources in the analysis of the technicalities concerned.

On the general problem, apart from the actual negotiations, I should like to refer to the charge sometimes implicitly made that I expected immediate savings from the merger. I never said so and anyone who alleges otherwise is merely knocking down an Aunt Sally of his own setting up.

On the other hand, it might be recalled that on television Basil Chubb said that I said that the merger and the investment involved the saving of millions and that I was talking through my hat. I hope I have made clear here and in other places that higher education, including university education, will prove expensive and costly as time goes on. I spoke in the context of the merger and that were it not to take place, about savings. What I did say, in fact, was that it would cost so much more if the merger did not take place.

I am under no illusion, nor are my colleagues in the Government, that university education, if we are to keep up the high standards of education through degrees of UCD and Trinity College in the academic world — and how they have done that is always a source of wonder to me under adverse conditions and circumstances of the Irish nation—owes to the personnel of these colleges a tremendous debt of gratitude. A vast sum will have to be provided as time goes on for ever increasing higher education.

On this point of savings about which I am speaking I should say that on the other hand, if anyone is trying to tell me that in a city of the size of Dublin two competing medical schools, for example, cost only the same as one and are as advantageous educationally as one, he ought to have his head examined. I just cite as an example medical schools.

My attitude on this question of expenditure on higher education has been set out by me in a recent address to the Commission on Higher Education, on the completion of their arduous labours. It reads thus:

I do realise that higher education, and especially university education, needs massive support if Ireland is to hold its place. We Irish have been perhaps a little slow to grasp that more and better higher educationand that means more and better financing of it—is as much a must as education at any other level. If we have been slow in this matter, it is because the gospel has not been preached loudly and clearly enough here. Higher education has still to be "sold" to the Irish people. No one can charge the Commission with having failed to do its bit in that regard, but we still need there the continuing help of the authorities and staffs concerned.

If we are to bring to higher education here the massive financial support I have mentioned, the finances concerned must be available. They will not be available if in regard to such heavy expenditure as higher education calls for, we are going to indulge in the luxury of unnecessary duplication.

President Kennedy once, in a critical situation, said that to do nothing was the one course which he dare not risk. We, too, have a choice of doing nothing, as some people suggest, or facing up to our problems. The Government's plan faces up to the problem. There has been criticism that negotiations have been too slow. You do not change 300 years of history in 300 days and I have given a solemn undertaking to all interested parties, in Trinity and UCD, that I am most anxious and willing to give them ample opportunity to take all aspects of the proposed merger into consideration before any legislation will appear so that all sections, including the Association of University Teachers, will get ample opportunity at having discussions with me in depth before my proposals are finalised and become a fait accompli. I have no doubt of ultimate success, with goodwill and co-operation on both sides, which I am satisfied exists.

The Minister and others referred to the fact that the debate has been worthwhile, that it has been at a high level, that it has contributed to the evolution of university policy. We owe the debate first of all to the Report of the Commission on Higher Education to which tributes were paid not alone by the Minister but by Senator Quinlan, Senator Dolan, Senator O'Quigley, Senator Dooge and others. I have no doubt that the Report will stand the test of time and that all of it is helpful to us in isolating problems. The Commission have come down very fairly in many cases and have given the pros and cons of the various suggested solutions, and though they have come down in favour of some solutions with which some of us might not agree, they have in each case given the two sides so that we can judge and make up our minds on the best solutions.

Senator Dooge said the Commission's Report lacked clear statement of the aims of university education. This is true although, while not dealing directly with the question of aims, there is much implied in the Report which is valuable in guiding us towards achieving the kind of university education we should have. Senator Dooge suggested four aims all of which have to be borne in mind in plans to improve the system—instruction in certain special intellectual skills, the formation of a cultivated mind, the advancement of learning and the provision of certain elements of cultural background.

One great feature of the Report to which others have referred is its emphasis on the need for quality—the importance of quality in the higher education system of this country, the importance of giving priority to quality even at the expense of quantity, even though the quantitative output of graduates is in the national interest.

I shall deal first of all with the issues raised during the debate, with the problem of finance and the formulation of university policy. Senator Dooge referred to the Fine Gael suggestion of an advisory committee to make recommendations both to the Government and to the institutions of higher education, to provide a coordinated policy in regard to numbers and resources, something we have lacked in the past. The Commission's proposal that a Commission of Higher Education be established as a permanent body to act as a kind of guiding committee to advise on the distribution of funds, goes a long way and, depending on how it will be implemented, may go the whole way towards meeting the proposal in the Fine Gael policy statement. Senator Dooge emphasised that such a proposal in no way impinges on university autonomy. By university autonomy we do not mean that the individual colleges should have a right to do what they like. We accept that we have obligations to the community. We are concerned, however, with the matter of control of the allocation of funds and the distribution of them, not because this or any Government or the Civil Service seek by this method to control the universities, but because inevitably the degree of detailed control involved begins to influence, sometimes not necessarily in favourable ways, the background of university policy. The creation of a Commission of Higher Education as a buffer between the Government and the universities would prevent direct Government intervention in the affairs of the universities.

Concern was expressed by Senator Dooge and others about the proposal that the members of this permanent Commission should all be drawn from the ranks of people not involved in the academic life. The reaction to this has been universal and the only justification for this rather odd proposal is that if all the academic institutions concerned were represented on the Commission, the body would be too big to be effective and the representation could not be selective. This does not seem to be a strong argument. If this were a problem, the academic institutions could be asked to choose representatives from among themselves and there could additionally be an appropriate small number of representatives of the public interest. Here I suggest the Commission posed a false problem for themselves. Senator Dooge suggested that some compromise might be found in this matter by appointing people formerly in academic life but not currently involved in higher education. I should have thought it desirable however that the majority of the members should represent the colleges concerned but that there should be a minority representation of the public interest like in the NIEC so that the work would not be carried on in any narrow, self-interested way. I suggest that at a minimum all the members should be people who have had some experience of academic life in some way or who can be reasonably expected to offer special experience relevant to the problems with which the Commission will be confronted. Senator Dooge suggested that the chairman should be full-time, somebody who had been engaged in academic life. I do not believe that this Commission would be really effective unless it had a full-time chairman, otherwise the work would tend to devolve on the secretariat and a purely part-time body could not fulfil the vitally important function which this Commission would be asked to fulfil.

The other proposal of the Commission for a body linking the universities was for a Council of Irish universities. This proposal was designed not only to include our universities in the Republic but those of Northern Ireland, Queen's University and the new University of Ulster at Coleraine. This is a sensible proposal and one which will meet with support not only on this side of the border but on the other. In recent years there has been increasing close and cordial co-operation between universities on both sides of the border. There is a hotel close to the border which because of its situation half-way between Dublin and Belfast has benefited from many reunions when academics from colleges in both parts of the country have met to discuss special topics. Those close contacts, which have become closer in recent years are such that one could readily envisage the co-operation of the university of Northern Ireland in such a council, although it might be necessary, because some of the functions of this Council are particularly concerned with the Republic, that their representation should be associate representation rather than full representation. I would hope not, but it would be better to have them in that capacity than not at all.

Senator Dooge in speaking on this subject, welcomed, particularly in relation to the Council, the proposal that the different colleges should have equal status on it and that they should not be represented on the Council in proportion to student numbers. Although this works against the largest college, with which I am associated, it is a reasonable proposal and one to which consideration should be given. It may be that a half-way house could be achieved and instead of representation on the basis of student numbers, of staff numbers, or alternatively completely equal representation, that at any rate there should be something in between the two perhaps. This is something which certainly should be considered. Certainly all the universities should be fairly and fully represented on it.

On the question of the method of financing university education we cannot in this debate go into great detail because this is something which will come up again. Senator Dooge made certain points in relation to this. He made the point particularly that the Fine Gael policy in relation to financing envisages that the finance would go from the Government to the student, who would then pay the full economic cost of his education in the university. This would help to preserve the autonomy of the universities. The universities' direct financial contact with the Government would then be limited to such areas as post-graduate education involving a minority of the total finance involved. They would receive the bulk of their finance not from the Government—for even the Commission on Higher Education, the equivalent of the University Grants Committee, might perhaps be in a position to influence the pattern of events too much if it controlled all the finances—but they would receive the bulk of their finance from the students who would choose their own college and apply the funds given to them to that college. This proposal is worthy of consideration.

In any event, when we come to consider this whole question of financing we have to face certain facts. Senator O'Kennedy pointed out that the scholarship system is appallingly inadequate. No more than 12 per cent of the students in our universities are in receipt of scholarships. The rest can only be there if their parents are in a position to pay a substantial sum, a sum it is true that is still small in relation to the total cost of university education, but is still a significant sum. It ranges from £65 upwards. This is a minimal expense they have to be able to afford before they can benefit from the Government grant. The Government says to the parents in effect: "If you are rich enough to pay £65 and to keep your child at home or in a university city, if you are fortunate enough to be able to pay that sum of money, then and only then will we give you £120 or £130 to help in the education of your child. If you are so unfortunate as not to be able to spare £65 a year for fees, and if you are so unfortunate as not to be able to do without your child's earnings or to be unfortunate enough not to live in a university city and you are unable to afford the cost of digs or residence in a university city, then we will give you nothing unless your child happens to belong to the top one per cent and is in a position to get a scholarship."

That policy is one which is antisocial and cannot be economically justified either, because it opens up the university, particularly with the present low entrance standards, very widely to children whose parents have means but who themselves may not have the intelligence to benefit from university education, while closing it off to the vast number of those who are far more intelligent children, whose parents because of lack of means cannot afford to send them there.

Senator O'Kennedy is right to stress the problem here. When Senator Sheehy Skeffington was speaking on this point he said that only 15 per cent of the children in our universities come from working class homes. I think he understated his case. One must relate that percentage to the fact that half of the children in Ireland are the children of manual workers and a further significant percentage, something like 12 per cent or 13 per cent are the children of lower paid clerical workers. A further significant percentage on top of that are children of small farmers, so with something like three-quarters of the children of this country coming from homes of low incomes the fact that this three-fourths of the population has only 15 per cent of its children in the university shows how disproportionate the the present participation rates.

The figures, indeed, which I discovered from a survey which I carried out with Professor Lynch in 1960, and which have since been validated by two further surveys, showed that there is a disparity of as much as 80: 1 between the participation rates of the children of particular social groups in university education. The children of manual workers have a very small chance—the odds against their getting to university are about 130 to one. In the case of children of better-off parents they have almost an even chance of getting there. The figures, in fact, were about three-quarters to one per cent of the children of manual workers and 35 per cent to 43 per cent of the children of those in upper income groups. I think, therefore, that Senator Sheehy Skeffington understated the disparity which exists, one which has been stressed in this debate, and properly so, and which is not solely due to financial causes, a disparity which even if adequate finance were provided to enable all those children to go and to offset the loss of earnings which their parents would suffer by sending them there, is one which would still remain because of the different cultural backgrounds of the different children and the different orientation of their parents, so far as education is concerned.

We cannot change that suddenly overnight although some countries have gone a long way towards changing it. I do not think it is a problem which exists to a severe degree in some countries where a social revolution has been carried out 50 years or so ago. It exists, however, in most western countries to some degree but in few countries to the severe degree that it exists here. We can eliminate the financial limitation and, having eliminated that, then by degrees, and especially if we go out of our way to encourage the parents in those income groups and from those cultural backgrounds to do so, we can raise our participation rate to something like the level of other European countries. It is a remarkable fact that we have more children in the university per head of the population than in Britain and than in many west European countries, yet the proportion of children of manual workers going to university in Ireland is far lower and this is something which must concern us.

Is it very much lower than in England?

It is. I think it is something like one-third of the English figure at best and about 40 per cent of the French figure. As far as America and Russia are concerned there is no comparison whatever but they are wealthier countries and that is understandable.

It is a private enterprise system completely in America.

Not in the Soviet Union.

Only those who have the ambition and will to go to university get there.

Not in education.

The University of California is free.

The tuition is free but you must pay the rest.

No fees.

As far as the finance given to university education is concerned, Senator Yeats in his remarks, to which I listened with great interest because there was much of value in them, at one point was critical of my remarks. He said I was too pessimistic about the financial position of the Irish universities by which he meant that I had not paid sufficient tribute to the increased resources that have been given by governments in recent years to them. Perhaps he was fair in that but not completely fair because the figures I gave showed clearly a very considerable increase in the assistance given. What I was trying to emphasise was that these increases, great though they have been, have been no more than sufficient to keep up with the increase in the number of students on the one hand and the increase in costs on the other. If anything I understated my case there, because I compared the amount of finance available per student a number of years ago and today and allowed for the increase in the cost of living. I do not think the increase in the cost of living was a relevant price indicator to take; the cost of university education has risen more rapidly than the consumer price index because the labour content in the university is very high and the wages and salaries have risen more rapidly than the cost of living. I think if one had a cost index for university education it would show a greater increase than the consumer price index figure and one would see that there has been no increase whatever in the real resources per student devoted to Irish universities over the period of the last 15 years despite a very substantial increase in financial aid in recent years. Part of this is due to a lag in the earlier part of the period. There has been some catching up in recent years, but very little, and indeed the most recent figures show that as far as UCD is concerned there has been no increase in their finances from the Government in the current year.

Last year the figure the Government provided was £845,000 as the general recurrent grant excluding the capital sum which fluctuates according to what building has been done. They then provided £100,000 of a supplementary estimate during the year. In this year's Estimate the figure is £845,000, the very same figure as last year's original figure plus the supplementary. I think it is true to say in regard to my own college without going into details that in recent years the entire increase in the Government grant to UCD has been required for salary and wage increases which have been endorsed by the Government as reasonable having, in fact, been less than increases given to public servants and having come two years later than in the case of public servants and for the increased running costs of the new part of the college in Belfield. These items have absorbed the entire increase we have got in the last two years. Therefore, there has been nothing available to increase staff. In so far as staff have been increased to keep pace with ever-increasing student numbers and to try to make some improvement on the appalling staff-student ratio, it has been done at the cost of an increased deficit.

The staff-student ratio in UCD, if one excludes the four professional faculties of agriculture, veterinary, medicine and architecture, which are fairly well situated in this regard, that is for the rest of the college including the first years of those four faculties which are taught by the science faculty—this staff-student ratio is 22.4 students per staff member. In 1954-55 it was 15.3. This has happened in those 11 years because of the inadequacy of the finances provided by the Government and, indeed, over that period one must say by successive governments—a deterioration of almost 50 per cent in the ratio in our college. It is now reduced to a figure which is one-third of the British average and there has been no recent provision by the State to halt this deterioration because the funds provided have been no more than enough to meet salary and wage increases and the increased cost of the new block at Belfield.

Senator Yeats held that we had not fallen further behind Britain; that what had happened was that student numbers in Ireland had gone up faster than in Britain and that it was our policy of doing this which had created this position as regards the inadequacy of the resources per student. I am not convinced that this is true. This is something which has been discussed in the debate by several people. Senator O'Kennedy spoke on this point. The Commission advocated a policy of holding numbers to the resources available. They were insistent on this. Senator Yeats does not agree with that. He thinks that it would be a better course to increase the numbers. Senator O'Kennedy also criticised the Commission's reasoning on this point. I do not think they are right. I think it would be all right if the extra students who have been brought in were all of high quality but this is not, in fact, the case. Between 1961 and 1966 in UCD the number of arts degrees increased by 88 per cent. The number of students securing first honours or a 2.1, the second grade of honours—that is the higher quality student who would be regarded as being of a sufficiently high quality to enter academic life itself or suitable for many other fields which require students of a high quality—have gone up by only 33 per cent. We are getting an increased number of students as parents can increasingly afford the fees. They are the students whom those parents would not have sent in past years because they would not have been able to send all their children to university and they sent the more brilliant ones. They are sending the others now and we are not getting a similar increase in higher quality students.

Have you failed to develop the honours schools sufficiently? That is the rub.

I would not agree that this is the answer for UCD any more than for UCC.

There seems to be no policy of relating numbers to resources. This is the mistake that has been made. We have followed a policy of allowing the numbers to increase far beyond the extra resources in the belief that the Government will have to provide the resources, that in some way the Government will be forced to do so. They have not been forced to do so because they have not felt that they have a responsibility to provide for all those students. They do not see that they should be forced to pay out extra money for students who are not there because of any Government policy. This policy, therefore, has led to a deterioration in the university situation, to a deterioration in the staff-student ratio, to overcrowding to an appalling degree in the colleges and to a deterioration from the students' point of view. Students who cannot get seats in the library, students who cannot get anywhere to sit in classrooms, students who have to stand through lectures, are not getting as good an education as they are entitled to and that is the situation which exists. If we adopt the policy advocated by the Commission of saying that we will increase our student numbers pro rata with the resources given to us and if this leads to a number of students being turned away who would otherwise be qualified to enter, then I believe this or any Government would respond by providing the resources. It is only by facing the Government with their responsibilities—and we have not yet faced either this or any other Government with its responsibilities in this matter—that we can secure the resources that are necessary. So long as we let them off the hook, as we have been doing by taking in students regardless of how little extra money is given, so long will the position continue to deteriorate.

When I spoke on these lines on the last night there was a statement subsequently issued by the Union of Students in Ireland which, as well as making a number of points which are not related to this matter, criticised me for having stated that there were students in the university who should not be there. That remark of mine has since been endorsed by other speakers in this debate who have had experience of the universities. If one accepts that a university is a place for the members of the community who have the intelligence and the educational background to enable them to benefit from higher education, you must accept that they are some minority of the population however big that minority is, whether it is five per cent, 10 per cent or 25 per cent. One expects that to be the approach rather than the attitude that everybody should go to a university regardless of whether they can benefit. If one accepts that, the figure we have had of the participation of certain social groups makes it clear that we have some below average students. What is clear is that if you have 43 per cent of children of a particular social group you must have some below average, because some of the more intelligent children of that group will not go to a university because of opportunities in their father's business or something like that. If some of them do not go, then the 43 per cent figure must involve some who are in the bottom 50 per cent as regards intelligence. If we open our universities to anybody who can pass the Leaving Certificate, which 91 per cent of those who enter for it can do, leading to such a high proportion of such social groups going to the universities, there must be children below average who are allowed into the universities and who should not be there.

Senator Quinlan said nothing to refute the argument. So far as my own college is concerned the position, taking the failure rates there and on the assumption that every student sits each examination twice, the position as regards Commerce is that only 43 per cent of those who enter for the examinations are likely to have a Commerce degree 3 years hence, having sat each examination twice if they needed to do so. Of course, some might remain another year or two years, and keep coming back as long as they are allowed. But in general this is the position, that less than half the students entering Commerce are capable of getting a degree and the rest drop out at various points.

That applies to Senator FitzGerald's college, of course, and is not so as far as provincial colleges are concerned.

Senator Quinlan made this point in his own speech and should not be making it during mine. In the arts degree the failure rate is much the same. Allowing two sittings for each examination the percentage not getting through is something like 38 per cent though the percentage of successes might be somewhat higher if we allow for students remaining on for another year or two. These are the figures, not, as Senator Murphy suggests, 35 per cent getting through, which is not the case. The areas I refer to are the ones of greatest difficulty, because the more stringent entrance standards for the professional faculties tend to keep out the weaker students, so that they tend to go to the Arts faculty, which gets more than its share of the weaker students.

These figures demonstrate conclusively that our present system allows into the university students who do not benefit from it. I am aware of the counter-argument, to which we must give consideration, that our secondary education system has so many defects and produces young people so immature in many ways that not to allow them into the university at that point unless they reached a higher standard might not be quite fair, and that they should be allowed to go to the university and do a year there so that they can develop in the freer atmosphere of a university rather than condemn them on the basis of the poor results of their school career. There is a good deal of force in this, but I think that we have carried that policy too far. In the past the Leaving Certificate as an entrance test has been too easy, but I am not convinced that raising the standards by one or two honours is necessarily the right answer. I think that Senator Quinlan, though I could not quite follow the tenor of his remarks on this, seems to think that we could well raise the standard by insisting on three or four honours.

I did not. I said that if you wanted to lower the number of people you could raise the honours standard but I did not advocate it. I am quite happy with the figure, whatever may be the position in regard to UCD.

I may have misunderstood Senator Quinlan but I understood him to say that the standard should be raised to three or four honours. Senator Nash suggested four or five honours, but I feel that this would be a mistake. He suggested that instead of using this examination a common matric standard should be applied although I wasn't clear whether he meant them to be a separate university qualifying examination. Senator Sheehy Skeffington referred to the need to raise standards. Senator Yeats thought that two honours was adequate and Senator O'Quigley also felt that we should not be too stringent in our entry requirements for the reason I have mentioned. What has not come out clearly enough is that the system of entrance being determined by the number of honours is not a good system, particularly when it involves honours in one or two subjects which may involve too much specialisation to the exclusion of other subjects. I am not convinced that our present system in the National University of Ireland in the last couple of years, which Trinity have had all along, of a couple of honours as an entry requirement is the right one. Moreover I am not happy personally that the proposals to reform the Leaving Certificate system to which reference has been made here are satisfactory either, as they seem to involve, despite denials by the proposers of this scheme, an excessive degree of specialisation at too early a point. To create a system that virtually excludes a number of combinations of subjects which in some cases are popular, and in others have been shown to be good ones, is a mistaken proposal. This new system is mistaken in its concept, and I hope that it will not be accepted without a very substantial modification.

The present increase in the standards for entrance required in the National University colleges is producing at least in University College Dublin, a temporary halt in the growth of student numbers. The actual number of entrants is down by several hundreds this year in University College Dublin and at present the number of full-time students in the College is about 7,375, evening students being excluded. I believe that this halt in the growth of numbers will continue for the next year or so, at least for this year when the second honour requirement is being introduced, but thereafter the upward trend will recur. This has been the experience in other countries.

On the question of entrance requirements Senator Murphy suggested that the trade union practice of the closed shop existed in some professions and that the numbers were restricted to keep up the remuneration of those who followed these professions. This is not the case so far as I am aware in any university. It could be so in regard to some professional institutions but I think that it would be very hard to do. In the case of doctors the numbers have been restricted to some extent, but as we produce three times as many doctors as we can absorb within the country this hardly suggests a closed shop for the particular benefit of the profession to keep salaries up or anything of that kind!

To sum up on this question of finance and entrance, I would ask the Minister to give serious consideration to the kind of approach which is suggested in the Fine Gael policy. Our experience so far with the system of "free education" for secondary schools I think suggests clearly that this was not the best way of tackling the problem. Of course, you get more people to come to the secondary schools if you eliminate fees, but fees in most Irish schools run by great orders like the Christian Brothers are about £12 a year. The elimination of this obstacle, which in any event did not exist in many cases, estimated to number from one-fifth to one-third of the cases, was a very small factor, indeed, as this was not a major obstacle to participation in education.

The real obstacle lies in the loss of earning power of the child from the parents' point of view, particularly in the case of children of manual workers where earning power is important and where the loss would particularly be felt and where the tradition of working immediately after leaving school is stronger than it is with the middle classes. There is a particular problem there. That problem cannot be overcome by eliminating a fee of £12 a year which, in many cases, is not payable anyway, but by providing some kind of grant to offset loss of earnings and the obstacle of tradition and the financial obstacle. If this is true at secondary school level, it is a fortiori even more true at university level where the postponement of earnings becomes more acute at that later age. Any scheme the Minister devises to cope with the problem of opening up the universities to a greater segment of our people must not be a gimmick, as in the secondary schools where, because the Government are already paying so much of the cost anyway the extra bit involved in providing free education does not cost much.

As proposed in the Report and in the plan of the Fine Gael Party, I would hope the Government would provide local maintenance grants for pupils living in a university city and maintenance grants for digs for pupils from outside university cities, for pupils of lower income groups. This would involve some kind of means test: it would be absurd otherwise. I know that means tests are politically unpopular. I know that the Minister's secondary schools scheme was such as to enable him to say there was no means test although there is one, in fact, for the books. It would be tragic if we allowed that slogan about "no means test" to dominate our thinking—if we simply went for the scheme of eliminating the fees and thought we had done our social duty at that: I hope this mistake will not be made.

A number of points were made on the question of students. Senator Murphy and a Senator on the other side of the House pointed out that they are a privileged group. As I have said, this is indeed true. I would balance what I have said about the fact that there are some students in the university who should not be there, by paying tribute to the general calibre and quality of our own students and students in the other college: sometimes I have occasion to speak to students in other universities. I cannot speak too highly of the student body. I think this is the view of all my colleagues. Frequently, over a cup of coffee, we have occasion to discuss the students. I have been struck by the unanimity with which the staff at all levels and, indeed, the university authorities have in recent years commented favourably on the students and of their sense of social involvement, their sense of involvement in the social problems of this country. They are concerned about problems such as Vietnam, Biafra, and our own domestic social problems.

This sense they have, that they are privileged to be there and that they owe a duty to the community, is something one cannot help but be struck by if one has any contact with them. To a remarkable degree, considering their age, they are in recent times mature and responsible. I think the time has certainly come to do as suggested by Senator Stanford, to make arrangements for representation of students on the governing bodies or the governing authorities of the colleges and universities. To fail to provide them with that representation, to fail to recognise their sense of involvement and responsibility would be foolish in the extreme. We have been fortunate that the problems of conflict in some universities in other countries between the student body and the authorities have not arisen here. Although Senator O'Quigley had some strictures on the lack of regular channels of communication between university authorities and students, nevertheless the good relations that exist are there because there are very good informal relations. We have not had the kinds of problems that exist elsewhere. We cannot rely on this informal system indefinitely. Students will see the position in other universities and they will see that their role is recognised there and they will want that here. I believe the Minister has sympathy with this proposal and will want to see it implemented in the forthcoming legislation.

The question of student residence was raised by Senator O'Quigley. A site near Belfield has been bought by some English development company for the erection of blocks of flats, one block of which is intended to be devoted to students' residences. Senator O'Quigley expressed concern about this, and said parents will not accept that their children should reside in such a block owned by an outside company with no concern for the supervision of the students. I can say on behalf of my college that we would not permit students to live in such a block unsupervised. If the company wants students in its block it will be necessary to make arrangements for appropriate supervision: we are concerned about it.

The whole question of student residence needs more attention. We have many priorities for the limited resources available within the university system itself—building requirements and other priorities—but we must give consideration to the provision of student residences on the campus for the benefit of students from outside Dublin. We must do more about this problem. Trinity College, Dublin, can provide for some of its students but we have not that facility. However, some religious orders have provided hostels of one kind or another, although they can help only a minority. All the colleges should look into this question. The example of this English property company taking an interest in this proposal, off its own bat, makes it imperative for us to consider whether we should approach such institutions for finance and so on. We should look into the problem to see what can be done perhaps without calling on the Government for capital for this purpose.

Senator O'Kennedy said university teachers have no training in teaching and that is true. It is not easy to overcome this problem. University teachers have several roles. They have other academic work besides teaching. The quality of their research abilities is obviously a vital consideration. Not all of them are well endowed as regards teaching. It would not be easy to get them to accept that they would have to go through some kind of course and it might put them off the whole concept of life in a university if they had to undergo such a course. If they were purely teachers one would say that of course they must have some training in teaching, but they are not purely teachers and therefore the problem is complex. We are conscious of and concerned about this problem in the universities, but it is not easy to tackle or easy of solution.

Senator Murphy stressed the importance of evening courses in University College, Dublin. They were dropped in Trinity College, Dublin, some years ago. Trinity started the evening classes originally and that led to pressure on University College, Dublin, from ecclesiastical sources to introduce evening classes and, we having done so, Trinity later dropped them. It seems rather unfair that, having got us into a certain form of activity and having landed us with evening classes, Trinity should then drop them. Senator Murphy stressed the importance of these classes. With our present social system and the barriers that exist in the way of so many people going to the university, we have no alternative but to provide these evening classes: both colleges should do so. These courses should be provided but, only until we can bring about a situation in which everybody who has the necessary ability is provided with the necessary resources to attend the university in the daytime when he or she leaves school and is enabled to attend the university and to benefit fully by attending full-time courses and having time to read, to attend university societies, to take part in full university life. We should accept these evening courses as a bad second best which we must accept because of the social inadequacies of our present system. Senator Murphy was content to say that we should keep these courses and further extend them, but I should like to see the education provided to the students at the time and in the form in which the students can benefit best, that is, daytime courses.

With reference to night students, many of them are extremely brilliant and many of them, indeed, in the examinations do extremely well but many are finding it terribly hard after a day's work to struggle through the lectures, finding it totally impossible to undertake the reading which is desirable and finding it totally impossible by virtue of the time of their lectures to attend college societies, the educational value of which cannot be stressed too much. The participation of students in college societies is a very important element in their lives and those who opt out and do not participate in them lose something and miss an important part of university education. Evening students have no choice but to miss that chance and this is something which we must regret.

Senator O'Kennedy also had something to say about the narrow training of professionals adding that certain professions are not represented in the Dáil or Seanad, because, perhaps, their training is so narrow that they were not given an interest in public life. There is some truth in this although another speaker, Senator Quinlan, I think, pointed out that we have in the present Government several engineers, so that profession is not being trained too narrowly!

Senator Quinlan referred to the importance of the extern system and the need to maintain it, and stressed the importance of having externs from outside the country to help us to maintain our standards at international level. There is certainly the danger of back-scratching if we are to provide each others' externs when even externs from outside the country tend to be inhibited. They tend to be slow to express critical views even when encouraged to do so. It is a system which is valuable but from which it is hard to get the most because of the reluctance of academics, even from another country, to criticise their colleagues here even when encouraged to do so. Certainly, externs should come from outside to give us an outside view of how we stand.

Senator Dolan, on the question of teachers in universities, referred to the importance of earlier retirement. He was under a misapprehension about the retirement system. The system in NUI is that you retire from age 65, but may be extended from year to year, if it is felt by the Governing Body that you are in a position to give good value to the students, up to 70, but, under no circumstances beyond that as a full-time teacher. In one or two cases people who retired at 70 are continuing to give lectures on a part-time basis thereafter, but only on a part-time basis. He suggested, however, that earlier retirement might be better; rather than that people should retire at 70, they should retire earlier. This is a matter of opinion. Perhaps there is something to be said for it that sometimes students might benefit from older professors, from their great range of experience, so I would not want to be too dogmatic about early retirement although it is a mistake to have too many people at too great an age teaching young people.

Senator Dolan was also concerned about the appointments system and, indeed, all the universities share this concern. It has not been referred to much in this debate. It is referred to in Volume II of the Commission's Report and it is better left over to the further debate we hope to have on Part II of the Commission's Report.

On the question of the library facilities I would like to stress again the vital importance of changing the decision that has been made so far in regard to the UCD libraries at Belfield. The Government have provided us with finance to build certain buildings there, an arts block, a restaurant for the students and an administration block. While I have had qualms about the adequacy of these buildings and while they will not be adequate for more than a year or two—after they are finished, they will be adequate at the start, I think, of their lives which is something-phasise I cannot say the same for the library.

With great regret I have to say that the Government's decision to cut the provision for the library from £1.2 million to £.5 million, less than half the required figure, if persisted in, will force the College to build only the reading room part of the library, with no room for the staff space and none for the book stock. All we will be able to do in Belfield is to put in some shelves of books for the first year and BA General students, so that they can read the common textbooks there, and we hope to cater, more or less, for their numbers in that library.

We will be forced, if this decision is persisted in, to maintain our library facilities for honours students entirely in Earlsfort Terrace in the present inadequate premises there. This means an appalling strain on students. Instead of being able to benefit from the surroundings at Belfield and instead of being able to go out for the day and work there, they will have to struggle into town to the library to work in the afternoon after lectures in the morning. It will deprive them of much of their possible education which they secure in gaps between lectures.

Students may have a lecture from 9 to 10, and another from 11 to 12, or from 12 to 1 and in between they dash into the library, if they can get in; often they cannot, because they must queue to get a seat in the library, even though we have extended our library facilities by using the Great Hall for this purpose. They dash in and work there until the next lecture. This will be impossible in Belfield. They will have to hang around drinking coffee all morning between lectures and go to the library in the afternoon. If they have even one lecture in the afternoon they will not be able to get into the library at all during the day.

This is an appalling thing to happen and I do not think the Minister has understood the implications of his decision. I would hope that, as a first priority, this will be reversed. The Minister in giving this decision agreed that the design of the library should go ahead on the basis of the whole library, but the requirement that only £500,000 should be spent limits the first stage of the building to the actual reading room itself.

As the design is, therefore, being prepared, if the Minister reversed his decision and secured the necessary finance even in the next few months, it would be possible to build the whole library and overcome this problem. It would be tragic if the move to Belfield were marred for our best students by depriving them of library facilities on the spot and forcing them to travel into town every time they want a book to study for their course.

On the question of research, Senator O'Kennedy referred to the lack of research facilities in the universities and, indeed, we are more than conscious of the fact that the volume of research carried on in Irish universities is inadequate. The student-staff ratio is, of course, three times the English figures. It has deteriorated 50 per cent in the last 11 years because of lack of finance. Inevitably the first duty of the staff is to the students, and inevitably research takes second place. There should be special and separate financial provision for certain kinds of research and in addition to that, we must have adequate general provision for teaching if the time for teachers to undertake research is to be provided.

I should like here to clarify, in relation to my earlier remarks on the subject of educational research, one point. I was unfortunately misreported in what I said and I attempted to clarify in a letter to the papers what I had been reported as saying, that no educational research was being carried on in Saint Patrick's Training College, Drumcondra. I had, in fact, wished to pay tribute to the excellent research carried on there but in correcting the error in the newspapers I think I overstepped the bounds. I think I said more than was correct and more than was fair and more than I intended by suggesting, or appearing to suggest, that only in Saint Patrick's was educational research being carried on. This was not correct and not fair and I wish to set the record straight. The Department of Psychology is doing research in my own college as I in fact knew, but at the time I was thinking of educational research in the Departments of education of the colleges. Our own Department of Psychology has been undertaking excellent research relative to education in the past years and, indeed, in both Departments of education in the colleges there is research being carried out. I apologise for having misled the House on this matter and for having overstated my case. I merely wished to stress the excellence of the work being done in Saint Patrick's and the absolutely essential need to take account of Saint Patrick's in any system of higher education, not only as a teacher training college but as a centre for educational research.

I come now to the question of the merger which has been central to this debate although much else has also been discussed. Views have been expressed for and against the merger here. In favour of it, we had Senator Yeats and others who favoured the merger while qualifying their remarks as to the kind of merger that should occur. Senator Stanford was favourable and stressed the need for both universities to keep their identity. Though suggesting that the merger was not necessary, Senator Dooge referred to the academic gains it would bring. Senator Murphy, by implication, was in favour of it. Senator Jessop referred favourably to it particularly from the medical point of view. Senator O'Kennedy was also in favour of it.

There was only one speaker who seemed to be firmly against the merger and he was Senator Sheehy Skeffington. I simply do not accept his views. Of course, there is a case for and against the merger but I do not think Senator Sheehy Skeffington made an adequate case against it. He suggested that we should try to rationalise without the merger and he spoke of the relationship between the two colleges. I suggest that the existence of this relationship would make it impossible properly to rationalise without the merger. Both colleges have been sparring for position in the eventual bout that would come. Senator Sheehy Skeffington said he wanted to preserve Trinity as it is. He referred to several of its features and implied that in a merger it would be difficult to preserve them. He spoke of the four years honours course in Trinity as something that should be preserved. I agree that course is something that should be preserved and extended to UCD.

Senator Sheehy Skeffington suggested that Trinity graduates are better informed than those of UCD. That is a matter of opinion. A number of Trinity graduates have come from schools in England and have had a better secondary education than some of our graduates because of the defects in our secondary education system which sometimes does not produce the same degree of maturity as the British system. However, I do not think there is a clear-cut distinction as Senator Sheehy Skeffington suggests between the graduates of the two colleges and I am not happy about making any such distinction.

I think there is misapprehension about what I said. What I said, in effect, is that students coming from Trinity are better informed about their own opinions, political, religious and so on than when they entered. I had no intention of making a comparison between the two.

I have misunderstood the Senator, then, and I shall not pursue the point further. I merely wish to say that the intellectual ferment in UCD has now become a remarkable phenomenon. They have societies in which divergent views on some matters, political, religious and so on, are freely given, often by clerical speakers and also by lay people. I do not think there is any shortage of discussion and debate in our college at the present time.

Senator Sheehy Skeffington referred to the value of the mixture of class, creed, colour, sex and subjects in his college. In UCD also we have a mixture of these things, except creeds, although this also exists in the architectural faculty, and of course, there are a number of non-Roman Catholics in other departments including quite a number of them among the staff. This denominational pattern will be changed in the merger and both colleges will have a mixture of class, creed, colour, sex and subjects. I do not think Trinity will suffer in the merger if it is carried through in the fair way we think it will be.

Senator Quinlan, like Senator Dooge, suggested there was not any great need for the merger but he did not, like Senator Sheehy Skeffington, resist it. He wished the proposal every success, though suggesting it was not necessary. He suggested that competition between two colleges in one city could be good. That is a valid point on which I am sure we all agree. Senator O'Quigley said we should not move too fast or too far beyond what people can readily accept. I agree. The point was made by Senator Yeats that the economic benefits would be small. On this point the Minister clarified his earlier remarks which had given rise to misconceptions and which had caused Professor Basil Chubb to remark that he was talking through his hat. Today the Minister said he does not expect economies but that because of lack of duplication the economies could be achieved in the future.

There must be no misconception about economies. The economies flowing directly from a merger are undoubtedly very small. In many subjects the numbers of students are so great that putting them together achieves no great benefits from the economic point of view. I have attempted to establish the optimum number of students beyond which no significant economies would be achieved, defining optimum size as the size beyond which no increase in student numbers would reduce the teaching cost by more than one-third. In some subjects in an honours school the number of students beyond which no further economies could be achieved can be as small as 70 for the three or four years of the course. For other subjects where the teaching is not as intensified, where there are no tutorials, where you have large classes, you can achieve economies even by moving up to a figure of 400 but once you get beyond 400 in a subject— and most faculties and departments have 400 — and whatever the teaching system, no matter how bereft of tutorials it may be, you will have no further significant gains. Of course, on the scientific side there are economies to be achieved when there is a problem of duplication of equipment but on the arts side there are very few departments small enough for a merger to make any economic difference and taking the numbers of departments and their sizes I do not think you could save more than some tens of thousands of pounds. This is something I have gone into in detail and I think I can justify the figures if called on to do so.

The gains from a merger are not economic but academic. The academic gains could be considerable by giving all students access to the wider specialised abilities of the staffs of the two colleges. I look forward with excitement to these gains and I feel sure the students do also. There is, however, a danger of excessive size and Senator Stanford has directed attention to it. Senator Quinlan spoke of 2,000 as the optimum and then he spoke of 4,000. I am not sure which he had in mind.

I suggested 4,000.

Both figures were mentioned. There is an optimum size in a university college beyond which level you begin to lose a sense of community. The students feel lost in too large groups. They never get to know each other. But this is an area where there are gains as well as losses. The academic gains of merging to form a university of 12,000 would be considerable. The kind of specialisation one gets in large universities is something we must consider. At the same time, for other purposes and for other students a smaller college is preferable. I would hope to see both a large college, not too large, in Dublin and smaller colleges elsewhere so that our students can get the different kind of benefits which these different sized institutions can give. I do not think we should be dogmatic and say that no college should have more than 4,000. We should certainly have smaller ones and larger ones.

On a point of information, Princeton have 3,500 and that is one of the finest.

That is the point I am making — that there is no single optimum size. As has been pointed out to me, Berkeley has more Nobel prizes than any other. I should not like to see the size of UCD going beyond 15,000, however.

There is also the problem of the loss of identity of the colleges which we have to face. This is a real risk and something we should try to avoid. I believe this is avoidable. I believe this has been shown by much of the work being done by the staffs of the colleges and by the Irish Federation of University Teachers. They have shown how the loss of identity can be avoided and how we can maintain the two institutions while securing the academic gains of the merger.

Before coming to the detailed question of the merger, there are one or two other points which were raised in the debate with which I should like to deal. Senator O'Kennedy referred to the national gain of creating new places for Irish students by getting rid of the ban. This is a substantial national gain. The investment we would require and the addition of academic staff we would require to provide these places from scratch would be very great. It is a shortcut to increasing overnight, in effect, the availability of university education to Irish students and Senator O'Kennedy is quite right to stress that this is a national gain.

There was a divergence of view on the question of how many foreign students there should be. Senator Sheehy Skeffington favoured a large number of outside students. Senator Yeats, as others, felt there were too many. This question of foreign students is something I should like to come back to later. I will conclude my remarks by referring to them.

When Senator O'Kennedy spoke of the ban regarding Roman Catholic students going to Trinity he said he was not convinced by Bishop Philbin's contribution in the summary of the Report and he said that this was the reaction of other objective thinkers. I agree with him. The case made is unconvincing. It is puzzling that the Commission accepted it as easily as they did. It has often been said, and, indeed, I have been told by theologians of high standing, that the ban is based on misconception. It is based on an interpretation of Canon Law which refers to pueri, the Latin word for boys. By some peculiar effort of translation the meaning of this word in the Irish context is applied to university students. I do not know how true this is but I believe there is some truth in it.

We are the only country which has this extraordinary situation. I am not prepared to believe that only in Dublin has this ban to be applied in this way. It is time it went. That is the tenor of the general informed lay-Catholic opinion about this. We should make no bones when speaking about it here. I think it is a pity that there is no statement from the Hierarchy which would clarify the position. This is disturbing because we are left in a state of doubt as to what the position is, and particularly because of the suggestion made that this lack of a clear statement is associated with some kind of effort by some members of the Hierarchy to press for a particular solution of the merger issue — the single department solution. Whatever the reason for the lack of some statements, it would clarify the position if a statement were issued. Whether or not we have single Departments and no choice for the students, I consider that the ban should be removed. We are entitled to some clarification regarding it. It would clear the air and would help by disposing of these rumours and reports which have been circulating.

As regards the form of the merger, I think it is fair to say that this House is unanimous in a way which I do not recollect hearing on any occasion up to now in favour of a liberal solution, is unanimous in favour of maintaining the identity of the colleges, is unanimous in favour of a solution which will provide a spread of disciplines in both colleges, is unanimous in favour of the teaching of Arts and Science in both colleges. We are supported by the views of the academic staff of UCD, which are reported this morning. The Academic Staff Association have expressed themselves to be strongly in favour of having arts and science taught in both colleges.

Senator Dooge spoke on this matter and was in favour of having arts and science taught in both colleges. Senator Murphy for the Labour Party endorsed the statement of the Irish Federation of University Teachers. Senator Stanford used a phrase which was first used by the Minister at his press conference on the day he announced the merger and which has since been quoted and requoted by those in favour of this kind of solution — unnecessary duplication. Senator O'Quigley also favoured a liberal solution and stressed the importance of not rushing the merger, something which the Minister himself endorsed. Senator Alton stressed that a good merger was possible only on the basis of having the separate teaching of arts and science in both colleges. Senator Nash referred to the point of not swallowing up both colleges. He said that both can contribute to the nation. He stressed the need for separate Departments and for a liberal approach.

Here we have a unanimous opinion, almost without precedent. I hope the Minister will have regard to this. I hope the colleges will have regard to this volume of opinion. The strength of this view has been reinforced today by the statement of the academic staff of UCD, who have come out in favour of arts and science in both colleges. I want to say a few words about this. There was a misleading report in the Irish Press. The Academic Staff Association is a representative body comprising three-fourths of the full-time academic staff of UCD. In two well-attended meetings which discussed this matter an overwhelming majority was in favour of arts and science in both colleges. A strong case was also made for the opposite view. In the case of the science departments there is no doubt that in regard to equipment there is a case for having one science department rather than two, but even among the scientists themselves who saw the force of that argument, a liberal view prevailed and they themselves favoured predominently — and expressed this view strongly — having science in both colleges even though they saw that this would have certain defects. There was, however, this minority view among the staff in favour of single departments and this view exists and is held by a proportion of people in the college. The Irish Press statement this morning seemed to suggest that this statement by the Academic Staff Association represented some kind of an attack or onslaught on the authorities of the college; that it represented a deep division within the college and that it was part of some kind of power struggle. There is a division of opinion among the college staff as there always will be where academics are gathered together but it is wrong to see this report in that context. I would not want it to be taken in that context. I would not want it to be thought that it was concerned in that way. I was present at these meetings and I do not recall any speech in which there was even an undertone of this kind of consideration. The whole thing was discussed on its merits and I do not think anybody was concerned with finding fault with the authorities of the college. If anybody had attempted to do so they would have been so out of tune with the mood of the meeting that they would not have been able to continue. There is a fair divergence of view among the people there. The majority clearly favour this solution. involving some duplication of departments. There are those who favour another solution and between the two groups there is disagreement, but the report in the Irish Press is unfair and if left to stand it could lead to ill-feeling within the college which should not and need not exist.

I should like, in concluding on this, to say as I pointed out before there are two possible solutions to the merger if one wants to avoid any duplication of departments. One is to have arts and science in one site and the professional faculties in the other. You would then get a totally unbalanced college in which five-sixths of the first year students of one college would have to be catered for in the other with massive student movement between the two which would continue to a lesser degree in later years. This would be an unworkable solution. The other solution is to put arts in one college and science in the other. Senator O'Kennedy gave the answer to that and the answer is in the negative because to create out of our two mature university colleges with their varied range of disciplines a liberal arts college and a technological institute would be a disastrous step backwards. I hope nobody would contemplate it. I should like to stress in pressing this point, on which there was such unanimity here, of the identity of the two colleges, that there are other considerations involved. We would not like such a solution to be imposed on TCD but even if they accepted this solution it would still be undesirable for academic reasons. Even if they accepted it it would still be undesirable.

May I assure the Senator there is no likelihood whatever that they will accept it.

Senator Stanford knows the temper of feeling in his own college. I know that quite apart from this question of retaining the identity of the two colleges it is necessary to mix the disciplines in a college. The whole trend is towards greater interdisciplinary activity. Different subjects are learning how much they have in common. I experienced this quite recently when students of three different societies in my college — the Political Studies Society, the Economic Society — both recently formed and doing excellent work with students teaching themselves — and the Sociological Society, which is slightly longer in existence, came together and had a seminar on the Drogheda Manpower Survey. The students did excellent work going to Drogheda to study the situation on the spot, writing papers and coming back and reading them on the subject, and it was said towards the end that it was very difficult to distinguish the social, political and economic contributions to the seminar. In fact, each of them approaching the subject from his own standpoint had to use so much of the approach of the other disciplines that one could hardly distinguish between the three papers in this respect. This was a revelation to those present. It was the first time the students in each subject had realised how much they had in common with other students. It is in this direction we should be moving and not trying to divide and put commerce or social science in one place and arts in another and so on, as would be the case with the single department solution. Therefore, it is not just a question of keeping the identity of the two colleges, of preserving Trinity against something that would lead to its extinction. The single departments solution could not possibly give both colleges the mixture and range of disciplines that will give a real university education. I think it is clear from what has been said here, from what has been said by the Irish Federation of University Teachers and the academic staff association and in the Fine Gael policy statement on this subject that there is an enormous weight of opinion in this country opposed to the solution that would create a university in which the two colleges would not retain their separate identities. Such a solution is not I think academically desirable and I believe it is not politically possible either.

I should like to add, and, indeed, I should like to thank the Minister for this, that the merger has had a profound and very favourable effect on the relations between the two colleges. It must be said that the relations between them, between staffs and students have never been closer. They are more friendly than they ever were. The merger proposals have had a catalytic effect. The effect has been profound, traumatic, indeed. Teachers have come together to discuss these problems and have found, sometimes to their surprise, a wide range of instinctive agreement instead of a situation in which one college would be trying in some way to get one up on the other or get the better of the other.

They share a common aim and a common approach and I feel that the merger proposal has been extraordinarily beneficial in this respect because it was remarkable until this happened how little contact there was between the two colleges. It is only quite recently that the Irish Federation of University Teachers was formed and it is only since the merger proposals that it has been working in this way so effectively to bring the staffs together.

On this question of the merger as such, the Minister in his remarks said —and I feel we are all glad to hear it —that in the negotiations there is great thought and effort and goodwill and sincerity. This is something which is most welcome and it suggests that there is a prospect of these negotiations reaching a successful and agreed conclusion. I think it was most encouraging to hear him say those words.

One thing that arises out of the merger that I would like to refer to — and it is something that was mentioned by Senator O'Kennedy — is the question of a faculty of theology. It is remarkable that our Irish universities have not got a faculty of theology at all and this in a country in which there is a deep interest in religion. I feel this derives from the Liberal Government in 1908 who attempted to ensure that our university would not be clerically-dominated. I think it is clear that a faculty of theology is desirable and the merger provides an opportunity for introducing it. It should be said that at the present time in the colleges the interest in religion is profound. The societies which have by far the largest attendances, apart from the traditional L & H, are the religious societies which, in fact, denude the other societies of attendances because of the numbers they draw. Here there are students trying to educate themselves in their religion, trying to become mature people by learning about their religion at a high level and yet they are given no assistance. There is no faculty of theology to inspire their thinking. They are, in fact, left to seek outside speakers to come and address their societies and give assistance. I must qualify that "no assistance". They are given every assistance, indeed, by the deans of residence appointed to assist them but they are not given the kind of academic assistance in this area which they would get if our colleges had a faculty of theology. I do not think that there is any technical legal problem over this, but if there is it can be wiped out in the legislation which will have to follow any merger. By establishing Chairs of theology not of just one religion but of all the different religions involved the problem of financing or endowing a particular religion could be got over, but at all events any legal problem can be overcome in the legislation which must be introduced.

It has been suggested, I think by Senator O'Kennedy, and certainly by people outside, that the provision of a faculty of theology in the new university could be undertaken by Maynooth. I am not satisfied that this is the answer. Maynooth is already desperately understaffed and the staff-student ratio there is even less favourable than in University College, Dublin. But even if the staff of Maynooth were able to visit us and to give lectures occasionally it is not the same thing as if they were there on the spot. A faculty of theology, if it is established, must be in the College and not 20 miles away, staffed by visiting professors. We need a faculty of theology present on our campus.

Are the people available? I believe that they are. There are distinguished Irish theologians abroad, and if there were opportunities here I believe that they would come here. There are others already in this country who could be released from their present tasks and perhaps give as a result opportunities to still more Irish theologians abroad to return. There are problems, certainly, in establishing a college of theology. One of them is that you have not one but two or three theologies. This is a problem which could be overcome without prejudice to the legitimate interests of each religion. You could have one faculty with perhaps common professors of Old and New Testament studies, which are nowadays tending to be less and less controversial, but separate professors of Catholic moral and dogmatic theology, Anglican moral theology and perhaps Presbyterian theology. There might be some difficulty about ecclesiastical history for which there might have to be separate professorships if there cannot be agreement on the interpretation of the history of religion. Canon law is a subject which to my mind should be taught in the law faculty, but that again could be worked out. You could have a single faculty of theology on this basis with different schools of theology within it. I would prefer to see this type of solution rather than the solution that the Minister hinted at, of separate faculties of theology in the two Colleges which suggests that the two Colleges will continue on some denominational basis with a Protestant theology in Trinity and a Catholic in UCD. If you do this you are not producing a merger in which this religious element will disappear. Perhaps each of them might take one subject in relation to its special interest, but it should be one faculty of theology, and there is no fundamental difficulty about this as long as you have separate professors of moral theology and of dogmatic theology for the different denominations.

Strasbourg has a professor of comparative religion. Perhaps the Senator has this in mind.

I have no objection to that being included, but it is not the same thing. There is one problem that one should stress. It is important if we have such a faculty of theology that the staff of the faculty are on the same basis as the staff of other faculties and are sure of continuity. There is a problem here, because professors of theology tend to be clerics who are subject to the discipline of the diocese in which they live if they are seculars or the order to which they belong if they are regular clergy. I do not think that it is legitimate to expect the State to finance chairs of theology if appointments will be of people subject to recall and being sent to be a parish priest or a rector of a parish at a moment's notice. I do not think that the State should endow chairs on such a basis.

We never had the experience of a clerical appointment to a university chair being withdrawn by any higher clerical authority.

Perhaps it is more likely to occur in theology.

It certainly has not occurred with us.

It is important that there should be a guarantee of continuity if the State is to endow such a faculty of theology. That continuity, of course, should not be such that if the professor becomes a heretic to his religion he could continue to teach it. But I understand that to teach theology you have to have a licence given by the appropriate institution, and if heresy were propounded that licence would no doubt be withdrawn by the appropriate authorities in Rome. But it would not be acceptable to have a professor of theology who could be sent elsewhere if he offended against the local interpretation of the teaching of his church, as distinct from departing from the authoritative teaching of his own church and being adjudged to do so by the church in its full authority.

I hope that the Minister will consider this question very carefully in the light of what I have said and will not too easily accept the idea of separate schools of theology in the two colleges. I also hope that he will not accept the suggestion that the faculty of theology should be serviced from an already overburdened Maynooth, and that he will ensure that in any arrangement that is come to there will in addition be an agreement by the ecclesiastical authorities not to exercise their legitimate power of transferring people, so that there will be a guarantee of continuity of service. These are my views on the establishment of a faculty of theology and I hope that it will be established on the right lines.

In relation to Cork and Galway a number of people have referred to their independence. Senator Dooge said that there would be a welcome for the independence which will arise from these proposals that there might not have been six or seven years ago. It is, indeed, appropriate to choose this moment for the winding up of the National University of Ireland despite its great contribution to education in the light of the fact that these colleges now feel that they are ripe for independence which is the best test as to whether they are ripe. It would have been premature before now.

Senator Dooge also said that it was desirable that each college should have at least two professional faculties as well as arts and science. I think that that is a reasonable proposal which it should be possible to arrange without creating a problem of maintaining standards.

He also said, and Senator Quinlan also suggested, that each college should have particular specialist subjects in it, which does not necessarily mean, only that, say, the only department of marine biology in the country should be in one college and not in another. What should also be involved is that within the normal subjects each college should endeavour to specialise, so that schools of post-graduate studies could be developed there and that they could not merely expect their graduates to study there but that they would also draw in other graduates from other colleges for their specialised post-graduate schools. In this way the reputation of the college would grow and they would assure its esteem in the academic world.

Senator Yeats spoke of the desirability of expanding Cork and Galway instead of a monstrous growth of Belfield. This is something which many university teachers recognise. The document prepared by the Irish Federation of University Teachers stresses the importance of the growth of Cork and Galway to a level of about 4,000 students taking priority over the further growth of the colleges in Dublin. This view is also widely held, that it is undesirable that any college in this small country should grow to an enormous size. I hope that the policy will be that the Government will stress, as a matter of priority, the adequate equipping and building of the existing colleges, including in the case of my own college the rapid completion of the Belfield site, where we now are equipped to cater for science and will soon be equipped to cover arts, subject to what I said earlier about the library, which I will not now repeat, but where we still have to have buildings for agriculture, engineering, medicine and architecture, subject to any redistribution of faculties that may take place as a result of the merger. It is a matter of urgency to complete this task, because if it is left too long what will happen will be that the Minister will not be able to justify the spending of money to establish new colleges in places like Limerick while the development of Belfield is incomplete. It would be impossible to justify heavy capital investment in any new college when you have not finished the ones that you have. It is important to complete Belfield quickly, because, if you do not, you postpone the time when you can establish other colleges which would relieve the pressure of numbers on Belfield. If Belfield is not completed fairly soon other colleges will not be established and the pressure on Belfield will grow beyond what is humanly accepable or workable.

I hope, therefore, that even now, when these present buildings are being planned and built, that the plans for the further stages of the Belfield project will be completed and that a timetable will be prepared. I hope the same will be done for Trinity College in respect of whatever is to be done for it, arising out of the merger, and for University College, Cork and for University College, Galway. I trust that, the timetable having been set, it will be adhered to, and, having been fixed, that the Government can then look forward to new university colleges at places such as Limerick or, as Senator Yeats suggested, Kilkenny. These new university colleges should be established from the mid-1970s onwards. Otherwise, there may be a growth of an elephantine character at Belfield and, indeed, at the other existing colleges, beyond their optimum sizes which might be smaller than that of the University in Dublin.

On new colleges Senator Alton spoke about the undesirability of planning on the basis of an overflow from the existing colleges, and diverting weaker students to the New Colleges. Senator Yeats suggested that from the start they would be damned as second-class institutions. Two Senators had something to say in favour of them although it must be stressed that both remarks were qualified. Senator Dooge said that the idea was to preserve standards, not to lower them. However, he said that many details of the proposals were objectionable. He did not agree with the proposal as introduced and proposed. He felt it could be adapted—implying that it was necessary that it should be. He stressed the need to have a real gap in entry standards so that the position would not be confused. He suggested that transfers from New Colleges to universities was undesirable although provision should be made for it in certain circumstances. He insisted, as did Senator Quinlan, that the New Colleges should not give degrees because of the effect on what an Irish degree would mean to the world if we down-graded our degrees. This I heartily endorse. Senator Dooge said we should undervalue rather than overvalue our degrees so that an Irish degree will be a bit better than one from elsewhere and to ensure that it is not a stage lower. Senator Quinlan also stressed the point with regard to diplomas. However, both Senators saw something in the proposal.

I am not entirely clear, when all these qualifications are taken into account, whether in fact what is left is a different kind of New College or almost a university college with a limited range of studies. I think it is a bit different. Whether or not it is different enough to warrant a separate type of institution I am not quite clear.

The idea of incorporating teacher training in the New Colleges was condemned all round by everybody—by Senator Brosnahan, speaking on behalf of the INTO, by Senator Alton, by Senator Dolan, by Senator Stanford and by Senator Dooge. Senator Quinlan also stressed the desirability of a university link for teacher training. This is tied up with the question of the unification of the teaching profession. Recently, the Government have set up a committee to deal with this question. I have always felt the teaching professions should be unified. A valuable part of the Fine Gael policy is the very carefully thought out proposal on this question of the teaching profession and teacher training. I urge the Minister to consider our proposal that teachers should all have a university education, after which primary teachers would then go for one year's specialised training in St. Patrick's Training College, having undergone some concurrent training and practice during their years at the College in the case of most of the students. This would have the advantage that the numbers of primary teachers we could produce would be doubled because St. Patrick's Training College would be a one-year rather than a two-year course. In view of the serious shortage of primary teachers, in view of the impending rise in the marriage and birth rates, this increase will be needed and there is no place we should be happier to see teachers emerging from than St. Patrick's Training College because of its high standing and excellent environment.

Senator O'Kennedy said the present system in relation to vocational teachers is undesirable. One might instance, for example, the appointment of headmasters without any qualification other than that he can speak Irish or teach through Irish. I think reform is required here. The whole system is unsatisfactory. Senator O'Kennedy is quite right to draw attention to it.

With regard to specialised professions, Senator Dooge and Senator Quinlan are quite unhappy with the proposal made by the Commission in relation, for instance, to agriculture. Senator Dooge said research was first taken from the university and given to the Institute and that then, and only then, was the principle of keeping teaching and research together invoked. This is a very sound analysis of the situation and it is clearly undesirable to take such a step. Senator Quinlan spoke of reopening the old battle which was successfully fought at the time the Agricultural Institute was established, although I do not think completely successfully. The case for the National College has not been adequately made.

Senator Quinlan made the case that agriculture should be transferred to Cork and Galway. I do not see anything in particular against this but I do not know enough about the circumstances of the faculty to pronounce on it one way or the other. A very large investment has gone into the Lyons Estate near Dublin by University College, Dublin, which is now nearing completion. It might not be very sensible for the Government to write it off and to commence again. I do not express any view in principle against this suggested move but certainly I think agriculture should continue to be associated with the university.

Senator Alton spoke of the link between veterinary medicine and medicine. We had a very useful seminar in the University College Dublin Staff Association which covered this point. Many of the veterinary staff were most unhappy with the idea that the faculty was to be sent into exile with the faculty of agriculture. They pointed out that veterinary medicine is only partly connected with agriculture, and the idea that they should be treated as an appendage of the agricultural faculty did not invoke much enthusiasm. The link is a strong and important one between veterinary medicine and medicine, perhaps more so than between veterinary medicine and agriculture, and the veterinary faculty should not automatically be thrown in with agriculture in a new National College.

On technology, Senator Dooge had much to say but not enough. I should like to have heard him further on several aspects of the proposal. I cannot follow how the Technological Authority is to undertake a role in relation to the finances of technological teaching in the universities, how this role is to be related to that of the Commission on Higher Education. I think, perhaps, he might have dealt with this and have explained whether he understands this. He also might have said something of the relationship between the universities and the technological colleges. It is one which is not satisfactory and one which should be looked at. However, as it is getting late and I am not equipped to deal with this matter, I shall leave it.

On medicine, Senator Alton and Senator Jessop clearly welcomed the merger. There has been much discussion at universities on the different aspects of the merger. My impression is that the proposal for a medical merger is welcome. I must say I was somewhat surprised at this. The feeling that exists between doctors about those hospitals is very strong. It is sometimes said that there are three kinds of politics in Ireland — party politics which are quite friendly, university politics which are somewhat tougher and hospital politics which are lethal! In the light of that background it is remarkable that there does seem to be such unanimity in favour of a single medical school from which Senator Alton and Senator Jessop see great things emerging.

Senator Alton also stressed the need to bring in the College of Surgeons. Otherwise hospital unity would not be achieved. He said that TCD was the most central site for the single medical faculty, even though this conflicts with the traditional loyalties of our college. He also stressed the need for adequate facilities in Cork and Galway. He suggested that treatment centres for different ailments might emerge as a result of the merger, not always in Dublin but in some cases in Cork and Galway.

Senator Jessop said that the merger would make clinical treatment easier. He hoped to see the students who hitherto have been confined to one hospital moving around and benefiting from the various specialist activities in the different hospitals. These comments were helpful and this is one of the encouraging features of the situation — this new thinking in relation to medicine, and I look forward to this medical merger coming to a successful conclusion.

Another matter I want to deal with is law. Senator O'Kennedy felt that law students should take a general degree and not a law degree which, he said, involves the same lectures as the professional courses. I thought this had been rationalised although there is still a timetable problem. I met a girl the other day who was studying law. She has to attend at 9 o'clock at the Four Courts where a lecture is given by a practitioner who is part-time, and at 10 o'clock in UCD for a lecture by another part-time legal lecturer. She said "This is all right with me because I know boys who will give me lifts but this is not so good for other girls who don't".

There is something to be said for the idea of a general degree for law students but I am not necessarily convinced by Senator O'Kennedy's idea that it is a mistake for them to take a legal degree. In many cases it is proper for them to take a non-legal degree, but I should not like to be dogmatic about this.

The final point I want to make deals with the question of overseas students. It has been referred to earlier but I should like to say another word about it, and not only in the context of the merger. These overseas students have been declining in the last couple of years. In the College of Surgeons there has been no decline in the total numbers but a shift involving a big increase in the number from developed countries. Thus there are 61 from Norway and a reduction in the number from developing countries. In Trinity there has, I think, been a fall this year.

There has been a fall.

In UCD there has been a fall and it has been the same in UCC and in Galway. I wonder why. The Minister should look into this. In the debate which took place recently in the House of Commons — a year ago, towards the end of February, 1967 — the Secretary of State for Education gave figures showing a continuing rapid increase in the number of overseas students from developing countries. Similar figures were quoted in the debate for overseas students in Sweden and West Germany and Italy. There is a similar calculation in Open Doors, an American publication, which shows that the foreign student enrolments are continuing to increase and a PEP survey in 1965 pointed out that there would be a continuing increase in these numbers despite the establishment of educational facilities in these countries.

Yet, these students are declining here. Are we turning them away? Is it that we have not got places for them? Is it that they have been so frustrated in trying to get places that they do not look for places here any more? It would appear that we are failing in our duty in this matter. I should like the Minister to look into this question to see what the problem is. I should like him to provide a positive policy to ensure that these students get the facilities they should get for coming here. Because we are a small country many of our problems are akin to theirs and we have something special to offer them. It is disturbing that this decline is occurring. I should like the Minister to look into this and see that there is not some measure or university policy working against these students.

With that I conclude my remarks. I should like to say how grateful I am to the House for the debate which we, including Senator Quinlan and others, initiated. I believe it will influence the Minister as, indeed, I feel that he is openminded with regard to the formulation of university policy.

Motion, by leave, withdrawn.
Motions Nos. 4 and 7 not moved.
The Seanad adjourned at 8.10 p.m.sine die.
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