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Seanad Éireann debate -
Thursday, 18 Jul 1968

Vol. 65 No. 16

An Bille um an Tríú Leasú ar an mBunreacht, 1968: An Dara Céim (Atógáil). Third Amendment of the Constitution Bill, 1968: Second Stage (Resumed).

D'atógadh an díospóireacht ar an leasú seo a leanas:
Debate resumed on the following amendment:
Go scriosfar na focail go léir i ndiaidh an fhocail "Go" agus go gcuirfear ina n-ionad:—
"ndiúltaíonn Seanad Éireann an Dara Léamh a thabhairt don Bhille um an Tríú Leasú ar an mBunreacht, 1968, ar an bhforas nach bhfuil aon éileamh ag an bpobal ar an togra atá sa Bhille agus nach bhfuil aon sásra sa Bhille chun teorannú dáilcheantar a chinneadh go neamhchlaon."
To delete all words after the word
"That" and to substitute:
"Seanad Éireann declines to give a Second Reading to the Third Amendment of the Constitution Bill, 1968, on the grounds that there has been no public demand for the proposal contained in the Bill and the Bill contains no machinery to decide impartially the delimitation of constituencies."—(Senator Dooge.)

Last evening I looked briefly at some other countries and at their systems. There are two others worthy of mention here, first of all, the State of Israel which was set up in 1947 and in the foundation of which Jews from many parts of the world played a great part. They had firsthand experience of living under various electoral systems. They had experienced the tyranny of Hitlerism; they had lived in the United States of America; many had come from England. Consequently, it is highly significant that when they chose an electoral system for their country, they chose proportional representation and took the whole country as a single electoral unit. They were concerned with the idea of fair play and the idea of giving all reasonable shades of opinion within the country an opportunity to express themselves in the National Parliament. They were confident that with this coming together and expressing themselves in a modern parliamentary system, with an adequate system of committees, they would be able, operating as intelligent human beings with a common purpose of developing the new State of Israel, to work together despite whatever Party labels they had, and provide efficient and stable government for the new State.

Their expectations have been realised in the fullest possible measure and, indeed, these expectations would not have been realised if there had been any opportunist politicians amongst them who would put Party aggrandisement and Party advancement before the co-operative development of Israel. We can learn from that success story and I commend Members of the House to study it.

At the other pole there is the performance in South Africa. Many people in this country and elsewhere are rightly concerned with the racialist policies being pursued there. The main factor in ensuring the continuance of the racialist policy there is the straight vote system wherein the country is divided into single-seat constituencies and where the present ruling Party is thereby able to exploit racialism to the fullest and to keep its hold on Parliament. The other more moderate Party, the United Party, has been prevented from developing and bringing in a middle-of-the-road policy due to the straitjacket imposed by the straight vote system on them.

There you get a classical study, much the same as that which I gave last night on Northern Ireland, of the safe seats where almost 20 per cent of the seats are safe and where the governing Party do not contest areas where they are not likely to get a good vote—they do not wish to expose their hand in these areas. Calculations made by distinguished political commentators show that the United Party there actually have a majority of the overall votes, allowing for those areas where they have a strong predominant vote. In the other areas where the straight vote hands over representation to the governing Party, the United Party have got considerable support, varying from one-third to 40 per cent; yet because of the straight vote system they have not got a single representative in these areas. We should stop and think when we see a system exploited in that way.

These are sufficient international comparisons, but, of course, in all cases we should take them with caution because our circumstances differ from those in every other country in major ways and consequently we must allow for that when we propose to make changes. It therefore becomes important to consider the system we have and which we know and which has given us the most stable government in Europe—so stable, indeed, that it encourages stagnation—and we should insist that that system should not be changed unnecessarily for another system—unknown here and which could produce the same glaring defects it has produced in South Africa and Northern Ireland.

We now turn to our present system, that of PR. Frankly I am shocked at the lack of knowledge of the system displayed by some Members on the opposite side of the House. It proves that the course in civics now being introduced into the schools is really needed because what is a very simple concept seems to be completely misunderstood. I have used successfully an illustration with some groups of young people to explain PR and I propose to give it here. We shall take a situation in which people are accustomed to dealing with money and therefore they are able to add, to subtract and to divide. Take the case of a constituency in which the quota has been calculated at 1,000 votes—a candidate, to be elected, must get 1,000 votes. For the sake of simplicity, we shall equate a vote to £1 so that the voters can see how to divide votes.

Take four candidates in this constituency and assume a candidate is elected when he gets 1,000 votes. In this constituency the voter looks on his vote as being £1—indeed, in a democracy, a vote is far more sacred but we will take it for illustration as being represented by £1. The voter registers his preference by giving £1 to his favourite candidate. One candidate receives 2,000 votes, or, £2,000 and he needs only 1,000 votes or £1,000 to be elected. Looking at that situation, what would any child do? The candidate has £2,000 and he needs only £1,000; therefore he hands back 10s to each of his supporters, which leaves him with the required £1,000 made up in 10s notes. The voters having got back 10s each, are then free to give their 10s notes to other candidates to help to bring their totals up to £1,000. The idea of proportion there, of portion of a vote being transferred, is a quite natural, ordinary process of the sharing money which even children of ten years of age are able to understand.

Pure codology.

The idea of the transferable vote cannot be the great evil that Fianna Fáil have suddenly discovered it to be. Is not the transferable vote enshrined in the Constitution for election to the highest post in the State, that is, of President? I quote from Article 12 (2):

The voting shall be by secret ballot and on the system of proportional representation by means of the single transferable vote.

In other words, the Presidency is on the single transferable vote and nobody has suggested that the Government have any intention of changing that system.

Again, we can turn to the election of Seanad Éireann, of which all Members are no doubt intimately aware. That is covered by Article 18 (5):

Every election of the elected Members of Seanad Éireann shall be held on the system of proportional representation by means of the single transferable vote.

Again, there is no clamour to get rid of that. Apparently Seanad Éireann is quite happy to continue to live in sin and enjoy its greatly increased emoluments. Surely, if the Senators opposite are serious about the evils of the transferable vote, they should be clamouring equally strongly in this referendum to change the system for Seanad Éireann and for the President?

Can the Senator not appreciate that there might be an advantage in having different systems of elections for the two Houses?

Senator Yeats cannot have his cake and eat it.

Many countries have a different system of election for the two Houses.

So apparently all the evils of PR and the single transferable vote do not apply to Seanad Éireann as long as Seanad Éireann continues to elect Senator Yeats and others to the House?

That is a childish remark, unworthy of the Senator.

There was reference to a lottery in the system of transferring surpluses. I suggest that Senators read in the Library the documents on Ireland which are put out from time to time by the Information Division of the Department of External Affairs. I take it Senators will accept that as an unbiased and authoritative source? In No. 1 of this series, they have given how the Dáil is elected and so on. On page 5 of this, they deal with the question of the transfer of surpluses, which caused Senator Dolan to make such criticisms yesterday. His criticisms do not find any support from this official document. It speaks of the transfer of surpluses and says:

There is an element of chance— more apparent than real—in the transfer of a surplus. Where the surplus arises out of original votes there is no element of chance as regards the number of papers to be distributed, but the papers are taken from the top of the parcel of second preferences. It may be that the number of third preferences for a candidate in the papers so taken may not be in the same proportion as in the whole parcel of papers from which the papers were taken. It is a virtual certainty, however, that where the number of papers is substantial, and the papers are thoroughly mixed before being sorted according to first preferences, any sub-parcel taken at random will be characteristic of the whole parcel.

That is the basic theory of random sampling. The Department of External Affairs have gone on record that they are quite happy this is so and that any parcel taken will reflect the characteristic——

Has the Senator ever been at a Dáil count?

I certainly have.

(Longford): You were not at the long count in Longford that had a different result each time.

When the number of vacancies is large in relation to the number of electors, that is, where the quota is less than 100 as in Seanad Éireann, an exact method of counting is essential. That is the method used in the elections to Seanad Éireann. The only reason that a slight short cut is taken at present in the distribution of surpluses at the third or fourth stage is purely the economic one; to save all the additional counting with the reasonable certainty, as given by statisticians and others, that when thoroughly mixed, the samples will be representative.

When are they thoroughly mixed?

There is an element of chance there, but shall we go one stage beyond that? Perhaps Senators have heard of the electronic computer? Perhaps they have heard of elections as they are carried out in the States at present—and as, I have no doubt, they will be carried out here in ten years—by means of computers. In ten years' time it will be regarded as pre-historic to see people counting as they do today.

The voting machine cannot be used with PR.

I will write a programme for the Senator that will do it.

I am not talking about computers. The American voting machine cannot be used here.

The voter simply either registers his vote directly on a type of teleprinter machine or, alternatively, he makes the appropriate marks on a card that are recognised by the computer as it "reads" the card. When such a system is introduced, as undoubtedly it will be in a very short time, the results will be available before Senator Yeats has his first cup of tea after the close of the count.

The American voting machine has two lists of candidates.

Any moderate speed computer would take at most ten minutes to complete the count in any constituency and can go to as many decimal places as desired. There will be no longer any need for what has been objected to by the Senators, that is, having to take for convenience a certain representative bundle. All the votes will be scanned and everything done in accordance with exact proportionality, just as is used in Seanad Éireann elections. That will probably be of great comfort to Senator Dolan, who distrusts the informed opinion of the Department of External Affairs and the judgment that the PR system, even though it takes a certain short cut when dealing with some of the higher surpluses, is perfectly fair, just and representative.

And, of course, they are afraid of the machine.

Also, this will relieve the Minister for Local Government who does not like those long counts. He will simply wait until the computers ticker-tape out the result——

Quite obviously the Senator does not know the American system.

It would probably take all the fun out of the counts and perhaps there are people who will regret that. However, that is progress and therefore we should quit asking childish questions that are only based on ignorance of modern technology and ignorance of what will, almost certainly, be the vote counting system here within ten years.

Not under the American system.

Perhaps I should deal now with the tolerance Bill, the Third Amendment Bill. I have a certain sympathy with the underlying reasons here but I cannot see that the Government's approach is the proper one. There is no point in giving arbitrary percentages of the number of those under 21 in various constituencies in an effort to suggest that the tolerance will simply be used to ensure that the number of adult voters——

Nobody said that.

——will be roughly the same in each constituency. If we want the election to be based on the electorate, why not say so and why not amend the Constitution and base tolerance and everything else on so many thousand electors? I do not altogether agree with that because that includes only those over 21 and I think all our young people, especially those in the secondary schools and upwards, would feel that they should count as much as any of the older generation in reckoning individuals in the constituency. Be that as it may, it is a question of deciding on the whole population or the population over the age of 14, leaving school—which might be a reasonable compromise—or the electorate. But that could be written in. There is no point in going through the maze of figures the Minister uses to suggest that this Bill might equate voters in Donegal and Dublin.

Tears are being shed over the breaching of county boundaries, or does the country really consist of 26 republics? Perhaps I should say 27, if North Tipperary and South Tipperary count as two. This was propounded by the Liberal candidate in the recent Limerick by-election who wanted a republic for Limerick! Now, apparently, we want 26 republics. However, if there is a genuine reason—I do not feel it is that important—for keeping counties in units, the proper approach is to bring in a Bill to amend the Constitution to provide specific Dáil representation for each county. It could be based roughly on the present population figure and let there be three, five or seven elected in whatever suitable divisions are made in a county. In Limerick you have two threes——

You have not.

No reasonable person in town or country would object to such an arrangement which would get away from this revision of the constituencies which must take place every 12 years under the Constitution. It would also get away from such grotesque gerrymandering as we have been subjected to in Cork city where one of the most populous and respected parts of the city, the Blackrock suburbs, were arbitrarily cut off and put into Mid-Cork while on the other side of the city the horns of the city constituency run out to grab voters in Carey's Pike and places like that.

Did the Cork Deputies not vote for that?

They did not vote against it.

Two of the sitting Cork Deputies at that time were actually in the area being cut off. Likewise, I know how the lines wriggle and weave in County Limerick. This is something we should not tolerate. It should not be left to arbitrary decisions of this kind. We should fix the lines once and for all. Consequently, I oppose the Bill as it is at present and I think we can only solve this problem on a broad basis by simply going ahead and fixing numbers for the county if we want to keep county boundaries. We could bring in a population tolerance so that if the population changed drastically in a region, there could be an adjustment of seats up or down, and as part of that adjustment, it is only right that the facility should be available for two-seater constituencies if these were required to make up the complement within a county.

(Longford): The Constitution says that the lowest number shall be three.

But we are changing the Constitution now and that is just a consequential change. If there were an agreed pattern of representation worked out——

(Longford): It would require a referendum.

I know that, but are we not putting a referendum to the country now and why not have another question on it? Obviously consequential adjustments must be made in the Constitution if a major principle is agreed on and if that principle were representation by counties, the necessary constitutional changes should be made. It would be far more acceptable and there would be far less questioning of it than there is of the present attempt which provides too many opportunities for gerrymandering, too many arbitrary adjustments, and, I believe, will not commend itself to any thinking voter. For that reason, I propose to vote against the Third Amendment Bill and to advise all I can to do likewise.

We knew that all along.

(Longford): The Senator will even vote against the tolerance, despite all his protestations?

There is only one consideration—Fianna Fáil brought it in.

(Longford): We would have some respect for the Senator if he said he would vote for the tolerance.

I will vote for a Bill amended on the lines I have suggested and I will support permanent representation on a county basis or on the basis of some two counties that have already been put together.

On the present figures of representation?

Irrespective of population.

Forecasts of what might happen under the straight vote system were given on Telefís Éireann by two very eminent authorities, Professor Chubb and Dr. Thornley and I am appalled to read what I can only describe as ignorant comment by the Minister when he classed them as the pseudo-scientific forecasts. I should have thought any responsible member of the Government would have had sufficient experience of dealing with specialists and would have accepted the bona fides——

They are not specialists.

——of the estimates given by specialists. Apparently he does not like the estimates, he proceeds like the Russians in a former era, to attack the specialists rather than accept the figures given. The epithet "pseudo-scientific" is unworthy of the Minister, and I have no doubt whatever that in Irish academic circles it will only increase the academic stature of the people who have been so unjustly attacked.

Any time anyone says anything to the Senator his stature is increased.

They know nothing whatever about the subject.

These experts in political science adopt the modern approach to their subject. They must of course make certain assumptions——

Their assumptions were wrong.

——and the forecast is made on the basis of these assumptions. I am quite certain the forecast would be accepted by any reasonably educated person as being the best that could be made at this stage.

I do not think their conclusions agreed with those of Fine Gael?

Within a couple of seats.

On the single-seat transferable vote?

Yes. They used a slightly different method, a slightly more sophisticated one.

Do without voters altogether. Let the specialists return the Dáil, the fellows with the long hair.

They said that for something less than 45 per cent of the electorate, Fianna Fáil would get about 70 per cent of the seats.

Less than 40 per cent is what they said.

That is better still.

That is more nonsensical. It has never happened in any country.

It is not nonsensical.

That a Party with less than 40 per cent of the votes could get 70 per cent of the seats? It has never happened.

The electorate need not vote at all. Let the specialists decide the issue.

It has happened. In England in 1918, the Conservatives got 35 per cent of the votes and 54 per cent of the seats; in England in 1922, the Conservatives got 39 per cent of the votes and 66 per cent of the seats.

It has never happened that a Party got 70 per cent of the seats with 40 per cent of the votes.

Nor has anybody said that it would.

You did.

Senator Quinlan, to continue.

They just took a number out of the air.

To take Senator Yeats's figures, getting 70 per cent of the seats with 40 per cent of the votes is manifestly unjust——

Manifestly impossible.

——and no amount of denial or protestation will convince the ordinary voter with a sense of fair play that this straight vote it is a system on which to base the development of Ireland in the 70s and the 80s. The argument has been trotted out again and again that the straight vote system will produce better candidates. That suggests that the candidates as selected by the conventions at present are not the best available, and, secondly, it suggests that the parties, in their wisdom, would be better able to select candidates than the voters have been, because in future only one candidate will be presented by any Party in any constituency. Therefore the elector who wishes to support the Party can vote only for that candidate and none other. In this modern age where a great deal of lip service has been paid to youth, a Party in selecting three candidates proceeds to select, more or less, as follows: No. 1 has been there almost all his life; No. 2 is in more or less a similar position; and No. 3 is put up as a new candidate. He is not expected to get in, but he gives a fresh look to the panel. The electors very often have voted for that No. 3 candidate, and rightly so. The result is that a young man may have an opportunity of displacing one of the two elders. Of course, that would not happen under the straight vote because such a young man's name would probably never get on the ballot paper. A little more explanation is obviously needed by the electors to convince them that better candidates will be produced under the straight vote! Better candidates will be produced if the Parties take steps to ensure some professional evaluation of the candidates, but I do not hear any plans for that. In any case, I went into the necessity for that on the recent Allowances to Members Bill.

The Senator has not the moral courage to join any Party. How can he speak about Parties?

What Party would take him?

I am here as an Independent and I can give my views without fear or favour. Whether I disagree with Senator Ó Maoláin or Senator FitzGerald or Senator Murphy, I give my views.

He knows nothing about Parties, so he should not pontificate upon the subject.

I have a distinguished electorate, and I am proud to represent an electorate which is larger than in most of the constituencies in the country.

The most gullible electorate in Ireland.

They are part and parcel of the Coalition.

On past occasions the university electorate have given their views on the efforts by the Government Party to get candidates elected on the official ticket. The universities have always been proud to send rugged Independents into this House.

Name one. You are Fine Gael but you have not got the guts to call yourself Fine Gael.

They have not got the guts to elect anyone but Fine Gael.

And the Senator is one of them.

He has not the honesty to call himself what he is.

The people outside the House have their own view on what weight to attach to statements made by Senator Ó Maoláin and the Minister. I am happy to allow my performance here to stand or fall on their judgment.

It is a good circus act all right.

The Minister says that in future Deputies will be able to give more time to their duties here, because they will not be driven by competition from other Deputies. Again that calls for a review of their role, for ensuring that when Members are elected, they recognise that their primary duty is to play their part as legislators, and that they are relieved of most of their messenger boy chores. This is an evil with which we have to cope. All Parties realise that the "messenger boy" evil could be coped with by a united approach; by all Parties bringing home to the electorate that they have their rights which they can get by applying in the usual way, and that it is wrong to feel that they can get those rights only if a TD intervenes. Our present system of paternalism by TDs is undignified, and is unworthy in view of the increased emphasis we are putting on education. We should make an effort to root out paternalism and try to develop a more educated electorate.

To sum up, in our approach to this, as in our approach to the modernisation of the salaries of Members of both Houses, and especially of this House, we have got our priorities all wrong. The whole parliamentary system should be modernised to provide us with a 20th century parliamentary system. We can learn from the successful small countries in Europe and elsewhere, where we see the development of a 20th century committee system. Our system should be in that mould. The Committee which inquired into the Constitution might have been a beginning, but unfortunately it was aborted. Its recommendations have been pigeonholed, and a Constitution change they did not make or consider is being rushed through. We cannot take pride in such a misuse of an inter-Party Committee.

No case has been made for this change. The electorate gave their views nine years ago and nothing has happened since then to justify changing from the system of PR. It has been suggested that it leads to a multiplicity of Parties and instability of government, but the reverse has been the case. We can take pride in the fact that the system we have has worked quite well and served us well. No case has been made to suggest that a new system would give us better candidates At the moment four candidates go forward and two are elected, and the electorate play a great part in selecting those two. If there is a change, the Party bosses will decide what two names will go before the electorate. Surely no thinking person believes that this will lead to the selection of better candidates? An educated electorate in Ireland today value the right to discriminate between candidates and value the weight they attach to their No. 1 preference, and the ability to give youth a chance under the PR system.

No case has been made to show that Deputies would be better in the sense of being better legislators because the present system does not give an efficient approach to legislation and does not provide the means for a Deputy to function as a real legislator. In other countries Deputies have regular contacts with civil servants and expert groups. Here civil servants are just the people we see behind the present Minister or any other Minister frantically trying to keep him on the rails. We have no real contacts with them. If television ever comes into the House, it will kill this farcical means of communicating with civil servants. The papers have voiced public opinion very strongly and they are to be complimented on the lead they have given on this question. They have been calling for a wider choice than is being presented. The single-seat with the transferable vote would not be as good at our present stage of development, and I do not think it could ever be as good, as the three-seat constituency and PR.

However, the electorate should be given the choice. There is no real legal difficulty about that. The Government do not wish to give the people the third choice of the single-seat with the transferable vote which I believe the electorate would probably favour. The electorate feel that our political institutions are not functioning properly, and that Deputies are not functioning as might be expected in a modern democracy. Some may be wrongly inclined to attribute part of that to our mode of election. I feel that the electorate today would probably opt for the third course. The Government are afraid they would, and therefore they do not want to put that alternative before them.

In our nation today we have made great strides in education. It is sad to think we are now trying to suggest that our people are so ignorant that they are unable to understand a simple system like proportionality, like fair play——

The Senator has said that several times already. Repetition is not in order.

Our people will not be led away by any suggestions that you cannot get a grouping of Parties to provide a Government; in other words, that a coalition is not a proper and viable alternative to any other form of government. Coalitions are in operation in practically all countries in Europe today. Who are we to judge these——

We can judge by our own experience.

We can judge their performances, how they have developed their countries over the years. In that regard, I feel that we lag very considerably behind. Forty years of coalition rule in Denmark has certainly done something for that country. It is only in keeping with the general development of the co-operative movement as it has been developed in that country. Where there is a natural inclination to committee work, and to co-operation, then, co-operation at the highest level—co-operation in government between individuals dedicated to the welfare of the country and between Parties dedicated to the welfare of the country—is not only feasible but desirable.

For all those reasons, then, I have every confidence that the electorate will, in a much more resounding manner than on the last occasion, reject these Bills. I suggest, however, that their rejection and the whole process of putting them before the electorate damage our political image. I suggest the urgent task between us is to modernise. If Parnell came back today, he would not find any significant change here.

The Senator said that in the first hour of his speech last night.

He would find some change outside the House. But, within the House, he would find the procedures exactly the same as they were in his day. If that is progress, then those who claim it as progress are just simply saying they are not living in this century: they are away back in the 19th century.

Two hours and ten minutes.

It is seldom that one can invoke, in favour of one's arguments, the lares et penates of the Fine Gael Party, the great household gods from whom the tradition of the Party has developed. Indeed, I think Senator Yeats, earlier in this debate clearly indicated that, if we on this side of the House wished to invoke these, we should fairly be entitled to do so. My only reason for making this point is that if those great father-figures, those domestic gods of the Fine Gael Party, could make these absolute statements in an absolute fashion against the system of proportional representation in their time and speaking with tongues of truth and justice, according to themselves and their Party, it comes rather badly that, when the Fianna Fáil Party make the very same suggestions they themselves made in their time, the Fianna Fáil Party speak with tongues of wickedness and sometimes, it is even suggested, of corruption.

My reason for introducing that note at this stage is that I would hope that, far from the hysteria and the cries that have come from both Fine Gael and Labour, we could all consult and, indeed, on the subsequent campaign consider in a fair and objective fashion the balance of advantages to be got between these two systems. I must say that I think the Opposition's campaign so far has been based entirely on hysteria—entirely on it—and on unfair and unreasoned criticism.

Might I direct myself, in the first place, to the Labour Party who act like the Fine Gael Party, on occasion. It is the first time, I think, in this House that I have stood to criticise as strongly as I hope to do today the attitude of these Parties to any measure. In politics, it is a little tiresome to hear people claim for themselves the halo of virtue while adorning the other Party at all times with the horns of wickedness. I certainly will not accept the badge of wickedness pinned on us by the virtuous Members of Fine Gael or Labour.

The Labour Party have a motion before this House today to the effect that, in view of the opposition of the electorate in 1959, the latest attempt by the Government to change that decision is dictatorial and undemocratic—two very reasoned words; two words that arouse in no way anybody's emotions. To anybody who is in any way committed to the idea of representative government, the words "dictatorship" and "democracy" mean nothing at all—not by a long shot. The Labour Party are fully aware of the effect such cries could have on the electorate if the electorate failed to reason rather than to be affected by such evocative terms as these.

Let us have a look at the democracy element, first of all. If this system which we now have is the criterion of democracy, and the only criterion of democracy, then let us hear the democracies of the world—and, mind you, we may be surprised to hear where they are. One, we have had a long association with over a long number of years, because many of our great Fenians spent much of their lives in prison there, was known as Van Diemen's Land, now Tasmania. It has the system of proportional representation we have. The other two are not two that would immediately spring to mind and they are two, of course, that have had long association with the British Empire and Commonwealth, as indeed, Tasmania, and they are Malta and Gibraltar. This, then, is supposed to be the criterion of democracy, that, of all the democratic nations in the world, the only ones they can invoke in favour of this essential criterion are those three small and, one might say, almost unknown nations. We are being blamed as undemocratic for suggesting that we change a system which is hardly known to the democratic world.

You already had the democratic answer in 1959 and you are rejecting it.

Tell us how many countries have the proposed system.

I shall—and the countries that have it are far more significant than the ones that have our present system.

If not more numerous.

We come to the question of dictatorship. We are endeavouring here, to impose, á la Labour Party, dictatorship. If we are, we are following in strange company because the greatest democracies— some of them, at least—of the world are involved here. We all have various views about various democracies: there is a compromise involved in it. However, the recognised established democracies—the United States, Britain, New Zealand, Canada to a certain extent—have the same system. All of these nations, according to the Labour Party, are dictatorships. Now, they will have to “come clean” at some stage and clearly say to the people—if they want to use these terms—that these nations are dictatorships and that the only democracies are the small and almost unknown countries I have already indicated.

That is a misinterpretation of the resolution.

Indeed it is not.

It is; be honest.

It has been suggested both in this House and outside it that Fianna Fáil are launching themselves on a programme of dictatorship, that they are trying to get rid of democracy. I can refer to many of the references. There was such a suggestion from the Chairman of the Labour Party, from the Leader of the Labour Party and many such people. If they are not expected to stand over the statements of their own leaders, there can hardly be any reason in Party democracy at all. What do the Labour Party want?

We want PR and we will keep it.

The Party who want PR want it against the interests of democracy because their own Chairman, and I presume he has authority to speak, said that under this system they hoped to achieve the balance of power in Parliament. This Party who are so concerned about democracy sees the essence of democracy as being a balance of power government, a minority group who may hopefully increase their representation by four or five seats. That minority would dictate to a Party which is three times their size as to how they should implement policy. It is a very false cry to invoke democracy by a Party who as their Chairman and Leader have said, reject coalition and who said that their intention was to reach a stage in Dáil Éireann where for their Party interests they could maintain a balance of power and could say to either Party "Yes, go ahead and form your Government; we will not join you——

(Interruptions.)

Any reasonable person who considers the democratic process will immediately say that the Government should be representative in so far as possible of the majority views of the people and their policy should as far as possible be effected in the interests of the majority view. How can a minority group with a balance of power who can say: "Form your Government; we are with you as long as you support and implement policies that we are prepared to accept but on the first occasion on which you introduce a policy or legislation which we, the great minority, the people with the great balance of power, refuse to accept, then you are shipwrecked", be acceptable to the people? I do not think the Irish people want this. The Labour Party may want it but the people do not, and no democratic people would want it.

Could the Senator give us the reference? I think we are entitled to it.

Since the debate has turned to a serious level, perhaps the Senators will allow it to continue.

That is a very partial statement.

I do not think that the people can be asked to accept that their Government and their democratic institutions should be sacrificed to the power ambition of the Labour Party, which is legitimate—they may have more here in this House than another Party. Our institutions should not be used for this purpose if it is only to be a stepping stone along the way. Senator Fitzgerald said that it was the balance of power on the way to power and that is a fair enough indication of why the Labour Party want to retain PR, not for the nation but for the Labour Party.

What is wrong with an agreement——

I would appeal to Senators to allow the debate to continue without interruption.

The Labour Party may have fears enough from experience of the results of PR to justify their support for its retention. On a quick look through many of the constituencies, you will find that Labour Party candidates generally have been either the last or the second last to be elected, depending on whether you are dealing with a three- or a five-seat constituency. If I might give an example, take the constituency in which I live, North Tipperary, where on the last occasion the Labour Party's first preference vote was not half the Fianna Fáil first preferences. It was 1,000 less than half the Fianna Fáil first preference vote. Nonetheless that constituency is represented by one Labour Member and one Fianna Fáil Member. For more than twice the vote, 1,000 votes more than twice the vote, this divine system gives that type of representation.

We turn now for a moment to Fine Gael and I will endeavour to give my reasons for their attitude, which they can criticise later, in regard to the systems. I would like to give them some notion of our opinions about their selfish reasoning, if it is permitted to suggest that Fine Gael ever have selfish reasons. If they would invoke the same spirits to whom I referred in opening, they might be somewhat more realistic and more determined in the business of politics than they have shown themselves to be for a long time. Their offer of coalition has now been rejected and yet after every election, whether it is a local government election or a presidential election—and I for one cannot see that the last presidential election was related directly to Party politics and that it was fought on that basis but if Fine Gael can produce proof, I will accept it—we hear the pious hopes and the empty talk that "We will form a single Party Government". We have heard it so often, that under the system of PR they can form a single Party Government, and it has got to the stage that their supporters throughout the country feel frustrated and they are utterly unbelieving in this Party who can make such impossible and utterly unrealistic claims. No doubt before the next election, if it is under PR, they will still say: "We offer ourselves as an alternative Government", knowing in all honesty that this is an utter impossibility.

This is what PR holds for them, the opportunity to parade impossible and false promises before the electorate, the opportunity to boost themselves beyond the status and position which they really have at present. If they were really serious about the business of politics and about the possibility of taking up the responsibilities of government, then they would take this opportunity and face this challenge as so many of their full-time, hard-work-ing politicians have taken it and would be prepared to take it. I mention, if I may, the Leader of their Party and another man who is widely regarded as a full-time politician, Deputy Flanagan. They and numerous others are prepared to devote their full time and their full energies to the business of politics. Whether we can always agree with the manner in which they do it is another matter but they do devote their time to it and they are the ones who are in favour of the straight vote.

Where are the ones who are against the straight vote system, the part-timers, the ones who hardly know their constituencies, the ones who are on cliff-hanging majorities—they hardly need to be named—the ones who are concerned with entrenching themselves and not concerned with devoting time and energy to the business of opposing? If I may say again—I am sure that, for all the examples I can quote, others can be quoted against me—I have met many frustrated Fine Gael supporters, frustrated by the fact that their Party have not proved worthy of their support for so long, frustrated by the fact that their Party will not take the first realistic opportunity that is being given to them really to offer themselves as an alternative Government. Mark you, despite much of the prognostications and the prophecies of the experts, I think many of these frustrated Fine Gael supporters will express their view on the referendum in a fashion that will come as a major surprise to the Fine Gael Party.

Fine Gael have offered—strangely, not their leader; maybe not even a spokesman or appointed spokesman— an imploring hand for alms, a hand "to relieve me from my present misery", to the Labour Party, a hand of coalition so that one or other of us can gain some advantage; but I think, be it said to the credit of the Labour Party, the Labour Party have rejected the imploring hand, at least up to this point, and they are prepared to say: "If you want to effect your policy, if you want to achieve your aims, you had better learn to do it with your own energy and your own achievement", and not be in any way relying on the support of a Party who, in fact, must have, I expect, different fundamental policies. One could say to that same imploring hand: "withdraw your hand and put your hand under your posterior and push yourself up, stand on your own two feet and, at least, for once make a real effort, a determined effort, to offer an opposition and an alternative to a Fianna Fáil Government." I do not pretend nor suggest, for one moment here, that a Fianna Fáil Government is the only possible Government for this country, but that is something which, I think, the combined Opposition have for so long contrived to effect.

To come to the suggestion that Senator Sheehy Skeffington put to me a few moments ago that the electorate have already given their view on this nine years ago: as one of those who did not have an opportunity of giving a view on it nine years ago, I welcome the opportunity now and may I say that, in fact, I share this opportunity with more than 50 per cent of the present electorate? More than 50 per cent of the present electorate did not express a view on this on the last occasion.

Is the Senator sure they will express a view on this occasion?

I happen to be one of the 50 per cent and I welcome the opportunity on this occasion. If, then, nine years ago this decision was reached by less than 50 per cent of the present electorate, may I remind both Parties that the only possible alternative under the present system is coalition or inter-Party. But Senator Quinlan tells us that coalition has some type of wicked connotation that I was not previously aware of. The only alternative then has twice since been rejected by the same electorate and in more recent times. The only possible alternative to Fianna Fáil government at present is a coalition or inter-Party Government and that union since 1959 has been twice since rejected and surely it is only reasonable to assume that the electorate, if given another chance, would prove equally consistent and reject it for the third and fourth time. That is why this suggestion of its being dictatorial and undemocratic to ask the people to consider again, in view of the fact that the electorate has changed so much, does not, I think, stand up to any kind of reasoned examination.

If I might for a moment consider the position of coalition and the nature of coalition which, as I say, and I affirm in so far as one can from recent experience and from normal observation, this is the only alternative to Fianna Fáil at present, I have scarcely heard its problems better expressed than in this quotation from a learned and distinguished Member of this House, Senator Garret FitzGerald, when he said that former coalition governments gave rise to "papering over of wide political differences between Fine Gael and its left-wing partners and it led to weak governments susceptible to pressure from too many different angles". There are the ipsissima verba of Senator Garret FitzGerald at a time when, I think, he was not a fully active member of the Fine Gael Party or, if he was, he was not promoting the fact that he was. If that was true then, it is still true now: “weak governments susceptible to pressure from too many different angles”, and I must say I wholeheartedly agree with his observation then. Whether or not he has had any reason to change that in the meantime I will be pleased to hear.

Surely if even now a coalition is to be offered as a reasonable alternative to the electorate, presumably under the PR system, the electors are entitled to know how that coalition will effect its policy, how they intend to compromise on each of their different policies. This, of course, is again on the assumption, for the purpose of this argument, that the Labour Party will change their mind. If that should be so, I should like to hear the Labour Party's views on, for instance, Deputy Cosgrave's farm policy. Equally, I should like to hear the Fine Gael supporters being asked to accept Dr. Browne's nationalisation programme.

When the Labour Party accept, we might, if that day ever arises.

Are we now being told these policy statements are just straws in the wind? Anybody can say anything on either of these policies and we are not expected to commit them to them. If the vice-chairman——

He was not the vice-chairman at the time he made the statement. That is not true.

He was the official spokesman of Labour.

That was misstated on Telefís Éireann.

He was the official spokesman.

Do not be too sure of that.

I am prepared to accept that he was not vice-chairman, for some reason or other.

Was Fianna Fáil bound by the statement by the Minister for Education that 1916 was a mistake? People will make wild statements. Are you bound by that?

The Minister for Education did not say that 1916 was a mistake. If he had, I would certainly disagree strongly.

We all know he is impetuous and irresponsible.

He was chided by the Daily Telegraph for saying that 1916 was a mistake. That is a great humiliation.

We could continue this exercise for quite a while in every field from social welfare to foreign affairs but I should like to keep to the electoral system and what may result from it, if I may. I am just simply saying that if this only alternative to PR is to be worked, then, in fairness, both Parties who would operate it must come to the electorate and say: "We will compromise on this aspect of our policy. We will accept that part of their policy to effect this what we might call electoral policy, that is, electoral coalition policy, we ask you to support as against the policy of the other Party, Fianna Fáil who ask you to support a different policy."

That is fair comment.

I am prepared, whatever its merits or otherwise, to say that if we are going to talk in terms of coalition, we must at least inform the electorate, who will make the choice, of this decision rather than combining subsequently, having to a certain extent duped the electorate into thinking that they were voting for different Parties with different aims, after the electorate had been duped to effect an end of which that electorate had never been informed.

Taking a brief look at coalition situations throughout European countries, taking, first of all, West Germany, you find you have what most people will agree is a most unnatural alliance, if one can say there can be an unnatural alliance in politics, that is, between the Christian Democrats and the Socialists. The only two major Parties in the Bundestag are, in fact, combined together, two opposing Parties with entirely opposite policies, combined together to keep out the minority groups such as the NPD—the neo-Nazi Party.

On a recent visit to Germany I was perfectly convinced by members of both of these Parties that they thought this was a most unnatural coalition, a most unhappy one, and the only thing that was keeping them together was the common fear of the neo-Nazi Party and, in fact, they went further—again these are individual views and I do not take them as absolute truths—and said that this was due to the system of election which was a list system of election, a form of PR, which was imposed on them, possibly for justifiable and enlightened reasons, after the last war, by the major Powers, but I can assure you now that the German people themselves, and particularly the two major Parties, are very anxious to change their system of election so that they will have a system akin to the one which we are now proposing to the people in this country so that from herein they will not have to combine together in this unnatural political alliance to offset the danger of the minorities having any effective say in the government, particularly what they might regard as being undesirable minorities, because none of us, I suppose, can presume to say that such minorities are entitled to spokesmen in the House or that these minorities are not entitled to spokesmen in the House. I would suppose that the neo-Nazis in Germany feel that they represent in many ways the views of the essential Germany just as much as other minorities, Socialist and others, feel that they represent the essential views of their nation.

I had two days ago the experience of giving a lift to a German student who is over here on holidays. Many a German student coming to Ireland would introduce himself, as this one did to me, as being a personal friend of Rudi Dschuke, setting himself up, first of all, as being a man with whom you could discuss and get very intimate details of the recent German student demonstrations. He, a member of the Socialist Student Movement, as you call it, said—in heavier and more deliberate tones, of course—there is now no difference between the Socialist Party and the Christian Democrat Party; it is just a farce; they are not any longer different Parties and we students feel no part of either one of them because they have been obliged to join in this unnatural coalition.

The students here say the same about Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael.

Then they have the Labour Party to turn to but they have nobody to turn to in Germany by virtue of the coalition system over there.

I do not think I need dwell very long on coalitions nor do I intend to go into the history of inter-Party Governments in this country, but if one just looks at the problems that have arisen for a long number of years in Europe, in Italy, Belgium, in France up to de Gaulle's time and now in Germany, we will see immediately that certainly the coalition is the least desirable from of Government, second only to the balance of power Government of which the Labour Party are so enamoured.

So much then for the hopes and aspirations of the Opposition Parties who have criticised Fianna Fáil so strongly for what they intend to effect under this proposal. If we just look at the Fianna Fáil situation for the moment and see what advantages accrue to them from the present system, the immediate advantage that occurs to anybody is that every electorate over the last number of years has known that there is no single alternative to Fianna Fáil.

Alas, maybe, as Senator Sheehy Skeffington says, and I am prepared to accept that many share his view. For that reason I would suggest that there may have been people who, if there had been a single alternative to Fianna Fáil, would have voted for that alternative who, in the absence of such single alternative, have voted and will continue to vote for Fianna Fáil. It is because of this absence of alternative, amongst many other factors, that the dual Opposition Parties have remained weak and Fianna Fáil have remained strong. Therefore, surely, it would be in the Fianna Fáil interest to maintain a system whereby you will encourage and foster to a certain stage of growth at least—because apparently they are not going to grow beyond a certain stage—two different Parties both of whom will prevent each other from gaining an overall majority, thereby leaving the only alternative of Fianna Fáil.

Would we not be in a worse position then than the German student? He has no Party to vote for. Now you want to confine it here to two Parties.

No. His two Parties are combined together to effect a common policy in coalition but if he had two different Parties, one in Government and the other in Opposition, then I think he would not have been worried.

He wants to join Fianna Fáil.

Not at all, but anybody who wishes is welcome.

Is the Senator opposed to the principle of mergers?

To unnatural mergers.

Universities and their problems I do not wish to discuss at this stage. Whatever be the complications and the complexities of ordinary Government and legislative business, I do not presume to know anything about the problems and complications, as of now, of the university system.

Clearly the Minister for Education does not either.

I am speaking of the personal problems involving both sides.

Of the value of having a choice, an alternative?

We had a little of that yesterday. I was referring to the advantages to Fianna Fáil of maintaining PR and the facts have shown that, during 32 out of the past 36 years, the electors have maintained Fianna Fáil in office. They have voted for the Party almost all of the time—the Party to which there has been no alternative. I cannot see how anybody who belongs to the other Parties can really be politically serious if he expresses the belief that some day, if they want to sit on these benches rather than on those benches, they can be against these proposals instead of accepting that chance now.

Another loss Fianna Fáil would suffer by the abolition of PR is that, being in Government, many of the Fianna Fáil political figures are probably better known to the community at large than those of the Opposition. The only reason I say this is that Fianna Fáil have the advantage of being in Government and also the advantage of being judged on their merits, on their work. Accordingly, one quick look at election results shows that almost all Fianna Fáil Ministers have succeeded in bringing in at least one other Fianna Fáil candidate under the PR system—ministerial surpluses throughout the country have been very effective for Fianna Fáil—and in changing from this system Fianna Fáil are taking the risk of losing that beneficial effect because under the straight vote system each candidate must stand on his own feet.

Take the case of a Minister, any Minister, who will have a large surplus under the straight vote system. No matter what happens he will have elected himself only, and the surplus will not be transferred or effect the election of any other candidate. Fianna Fáil or otherwise. This is something Fianna Fáil considered seriously in assessing whether it was to their disadvantage to get rid of PR. There may be some Fianna Fáil people who think we might have 85 or 90 seats under the straight vote system and there may be some Fianna Fáil people who think we have introduced this because it is good for Fianna Fáil. I must confess I believe that if the straight vote system was introduced as of now, in the next election we probably would get as many as 85 or 90 seats.

You agree with Professor Chubb, then?

Reasonably so, but I was not commenting on Professor Chubb, though the Minister commented on his argument as being pseudo-scientific, which was not a comment on his personality. However, that would probably be the outcome of the next election.

Definitely to be hoped for by the Party.

It is my personal view. However, it is not at all so secure in the election after the next one and nobody can offer any suggestion or any prophecy, not even the specialists to whom Senator Quinlan has referred, as to what will happen in the following election. In the light of the experience of 32 years during which Fianna Fáil have been in power almost unchallenged, surely it does not seem to be unduly selfish or impossible to suppose they will be there the next time, but to go on and say that they will not be there unless they still have the support of the people is to offer an opportunity that all Opposition Parties should grasp. But they do not. As a member of Fianna Fáil, I will fight determinedly to see that they will be there the time after the next election, but it is the business of the Opposition to fight equally strongly to see we shall not be there, but this opportunity they are not grasping.

Deputy Lemass said there will always be a Fianna Fáil Government.

He may well think so, and in the present situation, what he said is probably true.

You want to make sure of that.

Fine Gael are not prepared to accept the position that that situation will change. Are their shoulders strong enough to bear the burdens of office or have they time from their personal activities to devote to the assumption of government?

A distasteful challenge.

All Minister have to accept the interference which ministerial responsibility involves—interference with their own domestic affairs, their private lives. That is something that each man, when he takes up the challenge of politics, has to evaluate. He cannot compromise or say: "Better leave it to somebody else". He cannot depend on the two sides of a river to steer him straight in the middle channel: he must steer in the channel and devote all his energies to the determination of what he considers worth while in that channel.

The British situation has shown that with any swing, any change of favour, even as small a percentage as five, there can be a change of Government. I notice Senator FitzGerald preparing and amassing loads of figures—I have not the same aptitude for figures—and I trust he will be able to tell us what percentage swing we would need to change from 85 Fianna Fáil seats to 75 Fine Gael seats. He might make some comment. I do not think it would be a big percentage.

Five or six.

You have an economist over there, too.

Senator Quinlan last night made the strongest possible argument in favour of the British voting system and he longed for the day when he could hear Fianna Fáil backbenchers get up, with courage and positive criticism, to criticise their own Government. I share the longing with him but may I tell him at the same time that he has a poor view of the Irish character if he thinks it is only because they are too puny or cowardly that they do not do so? It is no such thing. One of the significant factors here is the size of the Government majority and naturally there is room for rebels in a majority which is reasonably strong. There is room for positive criticism, which sometimes does not come from the Opposition Party, of Government policies and programmes in a majority which is strong. There is hardly any such room, and Senator Quinlan knows this well, in a Party which must rely on a majority of two or three seats.

Parnell said——

This is where I disagree with Senator Quinlan. I have never yet met an Irishman not prepared to differ and disagree. The fact of entry into politics, far from limiting that virtue, increases enthusiasm for it. If Senator Quinlan is so anxious to have the day when we will have objective criticism from the Government back benches, such as they have in England and the United States, he should get up on his bicycle and campaign as hard as possible for the straight vote.

Before going on to consider the balance of advantages, might I consider a query put to me by Senator Sheehy Skeffington when I interrupted another speaker. He asked me for my view of the single-seat alternative vote. I am entirely opposed to it, even more so than I am to PR. In this country you will have a situation, with three Parties, where the two Opposition Parties for the time being will combine to campaign and support each other in their preferences against the Government Party for the time being. The result would be that you would have almost a change of Government after each election, something I am not prepared to consider because I feel it would not be in the best interests of the community. There must be some continuity and the straight vote system will give that, provided the Party in Government deserve and continue to have the full support of the electorate.

Let us consider now the straight vote as against PR. It is important to relate the voting system to the normal experience of people either in their business or home life. Our expression of choice here should merely be an extension of our expression of choice in other aspects of life. On one occasion I sought the views of a person who had long experience counting votes as to how a particular surplus would be transferred because I was very much concerned in my personal interest. He replied: "How could you expect me to know? I only count the votes." How right he was. There was a man with long experience who did not know how the surplus could be transferred in this particular instance.

The straight vote is a determination of choice between one, two, or three possibilities. It is the type of situation one meets every day in life, whether in the home or business or otherwise. You choose one and adhere to it. If it is wrong, you change from it and adopt the other.

Did you never back a horse?

I am talking about the ordinary experience of virtuous men. I am afraid I do not have the fund of experience Senator McHugh attributed to me yesterday. Most housewives do not engage in the frivolity of backing horses, whatever else they may do. We apply this principle of one choice in life and why can we not apply it in politics? We do not say in life: "I shall buy that bullock, but if I cannot buy the old bullock, I will buy a pig and if I cannot get a pig, I will buy a sheep."

That is the Fianna Fáil list of candidates you are discussing.

I am talking about the PR system. In ordinary life you make your choice and stick by it. If you are wrong in buying the bullock, you sell him and come back six months later and buy the pig. Surely, to extend the ordinary experience of life to politics is something entirely logical and something which the people themselves would more readily understand?

Another aspect of the straight vote and the single seat is that you can have representation for every single area in every constituency. Senators must be aware that there are many areas throughout the country that have not had representation for a long number of years and possibly never had it in the Dáil. Certainly, there is one such area in North Tipperary and there is another area which has always been represented by two. Surely it is not unreasonable for people in any area to expect that they should have representation the same as any other? This cannot be guaranteed under PR—there is no gainsaying that—but it can under the single-seat system being proposed. The people will support it for that reason.

I hope I have cleared the air of the hysteria and emotion at the start and the appropriate thing now is to consider the systems. Under the straight vote system the electorate know fully beforehand what policy each Party has —or at least they should if the Parties can express themselves. They know that if they vote for that Party they are voting for that policy. It is very desirable that they should be given the opportunity of expressing their choice for a Government and a policy. This is clearly effected under the straight vote system where they have an opportunity of knowing and evaluating policies. This they do not have as clearly, if at all, under the PR system.

But no choice of individual?

I am prepared to accept no choice of individual. I do not think on this earth we will get a system which will meet all our hopes. The electorate are entitled to express their choice in respect of the Government and the policy they wish to support. Clearly, they can do this under the straight vote system but cannot under PR.

Let us look at the effects of PR on the business of Deputies themselves. I do not wish to be critical of any individual Deputy. That would be wrong of me. I do not want any of these comments to be taken as subjective criticism from somebody who thinks he knows better. I think PR lends itself to producing the type of Deputy more concerned with maintaining himself in the House than with effecting policy. It certainly lends itself to that rather than to doing the real job of policy. Many Deputies are very expert in maintaining themselves. I am just querying whether or not their contribution—I am expressing no view; the public can express their own views— is more or less valuable because their energies are devoted to maintaining themselves. This is one of the creatures and infants of the PR system because of the competition aroused while a single candidate, representing a single constituency, will not be forced to become involved in this kind of competition and certainly will not justify himself by maintaining himself. He can only justify himself by the positive work he does because there are no other standards by which to judge him than the work he does in the House. When you have a single representative you cannot say: "He is not as good at getting a job done as Deputy So-and-so." That will not be the test the electorate will apply. Their test will be: "Is he doing his job or not?" There may be some who will say that he is not as good at getting a job done as somebody else but that he is a good man at his work in the House. I hope this will be one of the effective results of the introduction of the new system.

I do not wish to repeat arguments ad nauseam but this competition which arises between Deputies even in the same Party will be abolished. It will mean—this is very significant—a great saving of time and energy in the Civil Service where frequently four or five different letters, if there happen to be that number of seats in the constituency, must be written to all the different Deputies. Civil servants suffer this obligation and fulfil it. Surely we should be very much concerned about that? No one Deputy can be blamed for taking up the cudgels when asked to do so. He is not aware possibly that the other four have been asked and the only people who are aware of it are the civil servants who could be using their time more gainfully than in writing five different letters to five individual Deputies. This often happens. The removal of practices that are wasteful such as writing multiple letters should be welcomed by all. I suggest the retention of PR will only maintain and increase that tendency while its removal will speed the day when people will be judged on their performance.

It has been said that PR is much fairer than the straight vote, that it is the only fair system. Senator Ryan indicated in a very significant way that if it is as fair as people say it is, the preferences of every candidate should be counted. There is a system of election called the Borda list system of election which evaluates the preferences of candidates as expressed so that a No. 1 vote counts as one, a No. 2 as a half and No. 3 as a third or thereabouts and so on. I suggested this particular system with its clear evaluation in counting No. 2 votes as a half is preferable to PR which makes a No. 2 equal to a No. 1 or a No. 3 equal to a No. 1. I certainly would not accept that. But evaluation votes according to the Borda system, when I suggested it, aroused no enthusiasm among any Fine Gael people to whom I mentioned it. If they are so concerned with a fair system, they might have considered this system. It was a personal notion of mine and not one that I have any authority to suggest but it is an electoral system. There was no enthusiasm for it among the Fine Gael people to whom I spoke. I did mention it to one or two in my own Party and they were prepared to accept——

Then perhaps we should have a committee to look into it.

One of the committees of which the Senator is so enamoured. I am merely concerned with people who say that PR is the only fair system. How fair is it? As Senator Yeats clearly indicated, a system which haphazardly takes a bunch of surplus votes from the top of the votes of an elected candidate can hardly be described as fair. Mark you, I was surprised that it satisfied Senator Sheehy Skeffington who said that, by and large, it works out all right considering that he is a man who likes precision in determining universal justice. I was surprised that he was prepared to accept that one candidate might be unjustly sacrificed, no matter to which Party he belongs, so long as another candidate somewhere else would be elected and balance up the position so far as the Party is concerned. That is what happens under PR.

Are we to be satisfied with such a system when you have, as happened on the last occasion, a difference of four or five or six votes between candidates and when you can be sure that if these votes were counted in a different order, your result could be entirely different? How can we say this is a realistic system of election? It is anything but that. It is certainly not a fair system all the time nor accurate any of the time, and is not exclusive in its selection of candidates. It is a haphazard and capricious system.

Here I want to contradict what Deputy Fitzpatrick said on television. I wish people, if they are going to use figures, would use figures based on experience or accuracy. Deputy Fitzpatrick said on television that Fianna Fáil wanted to get 65 per cent of the seats with 35 per cent of the votes. He repeated this ad nauseam to such an extent that I suppose some viewers who did not know better would believe this had happened. I wish I had an opportunity of sharing the platform with him on that occasion. I would have asked him where he got the 65 per cent of the seats for 35 per cent of the votes because Fianna Fáil, for a long number of years, certainly not since they became the Government, did not get anything like as little as 35 per cent of the votes. There is no prospect, however dearly Deputy Fitzpatrick and his colleagues might wish it, that Fianna Fáil will have as little as 35 per cent of the votes. That is a position which is possibly more familiar to his own Party. There is no sign of its being familiar to us and I have no doubt that will continue to be the case so long as the Opposition Parties behave as they do.

I wish people would try to be accurate and I wish Deputy Treacy on the same occasion could have given one concrete fact as an evaluation of the system instead of saying that our people would man the barricades and that our people would fight for democracy. Which barricades? And which people? Churchill on the shores of Europe could not have spoken with more ponderous solemnity. Certainly he would have expressed more ideas than we had from Deputy Treacy who had not a single idea but spoke about people and barricades. One would think we were out in France again in the Great War.

If we are to discuss these things let us be factual and realistic and forget the hysteria and the "our people" references. If anybody can talk about "our people", certainly Fianna Fáil, with their representation, can claim that much more than the Labour Party. In fact, our experience has been that in ten out of 15 elections held since 1930 the most successful Party got less than 50 per cent of the votes. We are then told that the proposed straight vote system will mean that the most successful Party will not represent the majority view and this is said in the clear light of the fact that even under the existing system the most successful Party on two-thirds of the occasions got less than 50 per cent of the votes.

It has only once got over 50 per cent.

I believe one would get better candidates, more determined candidates who will stand on their own two feet, under the straight vote system than under the existing system. We must take cognisance of human nature and the considerations that affect established political figures. This is an experience that the Labour Party have never had because they put up only one candidate anyway, and Fine Gael have experienced it to a lesser extent, but it is something Fianna Fáil, being the major Party, have been faced with on many occasions. If an established political figure sees emerging a promising young figure, or a not-so-young figure—age does not matter— with potentially strong support in the Party, I would not criticise him too strongly if he tried to place a few barriers in his rival's way and if he supported the selection of a weaker running mate rather than that of a strong running mate. I am not saying it is desirable this should be so but we must take human nature into account. I would say: "Get that bright young man as a running mate rather than the other person who may not be so strong", but nobody knows what he would do in such circumstances unless he was perfectly sure of his position. There have been many young men and many parties that have been frustrated in their efforts to place a programme before the electorate, and I am convinced that the present system is responsible for that frustration. We will not get the best candidates under PR, unless we are able to work the miracle of changing human nature, a miracle which I do not think can be worked in this life. Under the straight vote—and this is not a criticism of the Members of this House—you will get people, by and large, who are selected because of their ability and achievement, and surely this is what we want to get.

Another problem that arises very often is that of minorities. In this small country each individual Irishman is a minority. Therefore there is nothing sacred about minorities. I often feel myself I belong to the minority. What we must do is learn to blend our minority views with those of the majority in a particular group. It is not the business of Government to pander to or to accommodate minority views or the views of small sectional groups who have special causes to plead. It is the business of these groups to integrate themselves into the structure of the parties as they stand, to express their minority views and try to effect a change in the policies of those parties by expressing such views. My view is that minorities do not exist in Ireland, but if they do, there must be one million minorities or three and a half million minorities, the total population of the country. The fundamental object in a democracy must surely be to promote common aims and benefits and not to underline differences, as PR does. We must realise that there may be other ideas which are at least as well informed as our own, to compromise and, let us be honest, to learn from those other ideas.

It has been said on this issue of the electoral system that there is no demand for a change, and that the Government have decided to do something before the people actually want it. Let it be clearly said that the Government are not doing anything finally in this matter. It is the people who will do it. Possibly there is no demand to man Deputy Treacy's barricades, but there is a necessity for what we are proposing. There is a clear indication, particularly in the line of the Labour Party to which I have referred earlier, that they are working strongly towards the achievement of a system where they will have their little balance of power. Three or four more seats will do it, possibly at the expense of the Government Party—not that I am pessimistic enough to think they can do it, but it is not an impossible situation. We should not wait until that chaotic situation arises, when the Labour Party would have that balance of power, to seek to remedy it. I am not prepared to wait for the illness to suggest the remedy. Before the onset of the illness one should suggest a remedy, and that is what the Government are doing.

I hope that from now on in this discussion we shall hear expressed the issues and not the reasons why all of us devils on this side of the House are suggesting for corrupt power reasons abolition of PR, while all the angels and saints and blessed ones on the other side are proposing its retention for entirely divine reasons. From now on I should like to hear factual issues being discussed. Let us talk about what we are trying to do. Perhaps it is not in the interests of the Opposition to do this, but if it is done, they may be very surprised at the decision of the people.

That is why they are not prepared to do it.

I do not intend to delay on the other aspects of the Third Amendment of the Constitution Bill, because Senator Ryan has covered every aspect of that that I could hope to refer to. May I just say on this question of tolerance, as the Minister indicated in opening, that the rural vote will become approximately equal to the urban vote. I do not think anybody can challenge that.

Senator Garret FitzGerald is going to mesmerise us with figures, but I say that generally the rural vote will have the same effect as the urban vote, because, as has been said here so often, the Constitution does not relate the constituencies to the electorate but to the population, and, of course. the population is far removed from the electorate. That is where the discrepancy arises. If Fine Gael and Labour are not prepared to give the rural vote the same value as the urban vote, let them say so clearly. Many people forget that there is a constituency in Dublin which is the most highly represented constituency in the country. It has more TDs per electors, so far as I know, than any other constituency, with the exception of one, but that is forgotten. It is Dublin South-Central or Dublin North-Central, I think. If the Government were proposing, which they are not, to make the rural vote of more value than the urban vote, they would be in fairly good company. Many of the people so beloved by Senator Quinlan with established democratic institutions, and particularly nations that have a society structure similar to our own, based on an urban society with a large rural hinterland, such as Denmark, Norway, Sweden, Great Britain, Australia, Canada, New Zealand——

South Africa and the southern States.

—— all have enshrined in their Constitutions and their electoral systems a balance of tolerance in favour of the rural areas. In some cases the tolerance is based not on population but on the electorate. They make the rural vote much more valuable than the urban vote. If they have done so, it is in our interest to do so also.

I am sure we will get detailed criticism of these proposals from the Senators who follow, but I hope they will not confine those criticisms to the Government Party. Let them not search their hearts' for the reasons they think Fianna Fáil have introduced this proposal, but let them say what they think they are about when they refuse to look into their own hearts for the reasons they are opposing these suggestions.

I should like, first of all, to congratulate Senator O'Kennedy on an excellent speech in defence of these proposals. It was an honest speech. Even though he was partial in his selection of arguments, the only place where he was not speaking fairly and honestly was in the last few minutes of his speech dealing with the question of tolerance.

I am subject to correction.

If he had prepared that part of his speech in the same way as he prepared the earlier parts, he might not have commented quite in the terms he did.

I welcome the opportunity of speaking on this Bill. The last time the referendum was held I was not involved in politics and I felt a certain amount of frustration at the time, although I did get the opportunity of speaking on certain platforms of a non-political nature. I am glad to have the opportunity now to speak on both these Bills, and try to put across some of the facts and figures which have tended to be overlooked because of the over-generalised approach not only by the Government but also by the Opposition. We are dealing with matters of facts and figures, although there are also certain general principles at stake. The first is the principle of one man, one vote, although the other side will vary in their interpretation of whether one man is an elector or a person. There are certain principles of fair representation. But what is involved is mainly a practical exercise in figures. A good deal of what has been said would be true if the figures were different, but they are not. We cannot get away from the arithmetic.

I am speaking now from personal conviction. I am glad that the policy adopted by my Party corresponds with my conviction. Had it not done so, I might have been in a dilemma. I want to put forward what I have felt for the past ten years as a result of a fair amount of study of some of the problems, a study which for a long time was carried out in an impartial atmosphere outside of politics. My first contact with this question of tolerance was when I was at a meeting in 1959 and Deputy Declan Costello came in with a piece of green paper in his hand. It was the Bill proposing the distribution of the constituencies which was subsequently invalidated by Mr. Justice Budd in the High Court. I asked Deputy Costello was this the Bill whose publication had been announced and he said it was. I asked to see it, and within a matter of three or four minutes after taking it in my hand, I said: "This Bill is certainly unconstitutional." I felt that there was no doubt that if someone took it to the High Court as Mr. John O'Donovan did on his own personal responsibility and at his own financial risk—it was a remarkable thing for any man to have done; it showed a sense of public spirit; I was not prepared to take that risk myself—that it would be invalidated, as it was, in the High Court.

Let us examine this business of tolerance more closely. The whole purpose of this Bill is to enable some areas of the country to have 40 per cent more Dáil representation than others. Lest someone should say the figure is 16? per cent, let me point out that that figure of 16? per cent is upwards and downwards. A five-seat constituency can range between 87,000 and 117,000 population. This means that 117,000 people in one part of the country can be represented by five Deputies, and in another by seven. Seven is 40 per cent more than five. The purpose of the Bill is to enable some parts of the country to have 40 per cent more representation in the Dáil than others. The question is whether that is an excessive or a proper tolerance. Obviously some tolerance is required.

When this proposition was before Mr. Justice Budd in the High Court, a tolerance of 17.2 per cent in the maximum case was involved, 17.2 per cent on either side. That is a tolerance of over 40 per cent. That was a proposal that some parts of the country would have over 40 per cent more representation than others. He ruled that to be unconstitutional. A subsequent court decision ruled that five per cent tolerance was constitutional. We do not know with certainly between those two figures what tolerance might be acceptable under the present Constitution. We know that the proposal to give some areas 40 per cent more representation is unconstitutional. We do not know what the constitutional limit is. That is something which can be tested only when a particular proposition comes before the courts. It would not be proper for the courts to lay down a particular percentage. Each proposition has to be considered on its merits.

The Minister put forward a number of arguments in favour of the proposition to give some parts of the country 40 per cent more representation than others. He said that the constituencies should be based on local communities. We would all be agreed that, so far as it is practicable, that should be done, but I doubt whether the preservation of the county boundaries at all costs is of such importance as to warrant a gross departure from equitable representation in parliament.

Secondly, the Minister said that much of the Deputy's work relates to matters within the competence of the county council and that, therefore, the county council boundary should be respected for the convenience of the Deputy. Many arguments running through this whole question both of tolerance and of proportional representation versus the single seat have been related to the convenience of the Deputy. I mean no disrespect to Deputies when I say that this country should not be run for their convenience. The idea that an electoral system should be designed to convenience Deputies may commend itself to the 144 Deputies in Dáil Éireann but it does not commend itself to the 2,900,000 people outside. It is an argument to which we should pay little attention. It is an argument that may have received undue attention in the Dáil but it is an argument that should receive little attention here, particularly as our electorate is even wider. All of us have had to travel 20 odd counties in order to get here in the first instance.

Business suspended at 1.5 p.m. and resumed at 2.15 p.m.

When business was suspended I was dealing with some of the arguments put forward by the Minister in defence of the so-called tolerance system. The second of these arguments related to the fact that, in his opinion, much of a Deputy's work relates to matters within the competence of the county council and therefore for him to have an area involving more than one county council and under the present system in one case, even three county councils, is to impose on him an unfair burden. I have already said, in the context of another objection of the Minister's that I do not believe that the electoral system should be geared to the private and personal needs and the convenience of Deputies. I particularly do not believe that it should be geared to their work in connection with county councils. I would remind the House of the judgment of Mr. Justice Budd on this particular issue, in which he laid it down that: "Most important functions are positively assigned to Deputies by the Constitution, the paramount duty being that of making laws for the country. The Constitution did not anywhere in the Articles relating to the functions of Deputies recognise or sanction their intervention in administrative affairs." That, laid down at the national level, is a fortiori all the more true at the local level.

The third objection made by the Minister—it is even more ludicrous— was that the work of registration of electors and the holding of elections is geared to counties and it is inconvenient for county registrars. It is bad enough that we should be told that the electoral system should be geared to the convenience of Deputies but, when it reaches the stage of being told that we must abandon the principle of one man, one vote to suit the convenience of county registrars, then at that stage we must call a halt. That argument is as inept and as bad as the argument that proportional representation is bad because it takes a long time to count the votes.

The Minister's fourth argument was that in the light of this five per cent tolerance that emerged from the Supreme Court decision—we do not know that this is the maximum tolerance allowable and I suspect it could be exceeded in certain circumstances— it was doubtful if any constituency could remain intact in future elections. The Taoiseach made a somewhat similar statement in the Dáil when he talked about the country being divided up into small fractions, or words to that effect. These allegations are simply not true. The fact is that, with a country such as ours, with 26 counties, 144 seats and three- to five-seat constituencies, I suspect there is quite possibly a mathematical law which determines that, in order to achieve the division of these constituencies with a five per cent tolerance, the number of cases in which parts of a county have to be transferred into other adjoining counties is around six or seven.

That emerged in the 1961 division and an examination of the 1966 population figures shows that, once again, the allocation of six or seven pieces of counties to other counties would achieve the result required within the terms of the five per cent tolerance. if that is, in fact, the maximum tolerance. The suggestion that the position will get worse at each election and that, before long, every county will be chopped up, is one for which there is no justification. There is nothing in the situation to make it get worse. There is a changing pattern of population as a result of which it will be necessary to vary the cases of counties which have to be chopped up from time to time so that, in each revision scheme, different counties may be affected in this way and counties which were previously divided may be restored to their territorial integrity.

In the light of the 1966 population statistics the fact is that the amount of subdivision required in this way is almost identical with that in the previous revision based on the 1956 election. Only six counties in fact will need to be affected this time as against seven the last time, although in one case two separate pieces of a county would need to be associated with other counties, but it is effectively the same amount of subdivision.

The Minister must know this because the Minister has able advisers who must have gone into all the possibilities. Again, they cannot have overlooked the fact that division can be managed in this way within the terms of the five per cent tolerance. Let us look first at the last election. The counties affected were Wexford, Louth, Meath, Westmeath, Waterford, Leitrim and Roscommon. Pieces of these were attached to other counties. The counties to which pieces were added were Monaghan, Carlow, Kildare, Tipperary, Sligo, Mayo and again Roscommon. Roscommon lost a piece to Mayo but gained a piece also; it was affected in both directions. Two counties were indirectly affected, Kilkenny and Longford through being attached to counties that were directly affected. In all 15 counties were affected. The Minister said 16. I am always doubtful about alleging inaccuracy in cases like this because Ministers are well advised, and perhaps I have overlooked something —perhaps there is a sixteenth county which I have overlooked, but I can find only 15. But of these 15 counties involved there are only actually seven counties, parts of which have to be allocated to other counties. The effect upon the remaining counties is that something is added to them, not that a part of that county is chopped up and allocated elsewhere. That is what was done on the last occasion. Parts of seven counties were allocated to other counties.

On this occasion on the basis of the 1966 census and this five per cent tolerance, the job can be done affecting one less county although one county would be affected in two directions. There is no increase in the amount of chopping up required and the allegations to that effect are simply incorrect and less than honest.

The counties affected in this way would be, as before, Waterford and Tipperary. Whether you add a bit of Waterford to Tipperary or vice versa is something that is open; the job could be managed in either way, but the same problem exists in that area as existed on the last occasion. It would be necessary to add part of Kildare to Carlow-Kilkenny, a piece of Louth to Meath or vice versa, a small piece of Cork to Kerry, parts of Galway to Clare, and to Roscommon-Leitrim and a piece of Donegal to Sligo.

There are other possible divisions. I do not advocate this particular division any more than I would advocate the division the Minister implemented the last time. It is a matter for the Minister to decide on the one that causes the least inconvenience. I am merely saying that the one I am suggesting would achieve the required result, causing no more disturbance than on the last occasion. The Minister may say that he has a better way of doing it and I am quite willing to consider any other solution, but he cannot say that he cannot do this job without causing more disturbance of the operation of county boundaries than was required on the last occasion. Statements to that effect by himself and the Taoiseach are, in fact, untrue. If the Minister wishes to challenge that, he can do so in the course of his reply.

The Minister has said also that the one-sixth tolerance proposed is the smallest deviation which would, in general, enable the breaching of county boundaries to be avoided. This is also untrue. Again, looking at the actual position of the 1966 population statistics, the tolerance of 16? per cent is not needed in order "in general, to enable the breaching of county boundaries to be avoided" for, in fact, an 11 per cent tolerance would achieve this result in every case except one— Louth-Meath—and the Minister in using the words "in general" clearly meant to imply that there could be individual exceptions. This has always been the case. I recall as a child the constituency of Athlone-Longford. Part of Westmeath-Athlone was added to Longford. There was another case which eludes me. Throughout the history of the State there have been such cases, even when much more than a five per cent tolerance was employed. It would be possible, with an 11 per cent tolerance, to make only one exception—Louth-Meath. To say that 16? per cent tolerance is the minimum required in order, in general, to enable breaching of county boundaries to be avoided is as untrue as the Minister's other statement that the whole country would have to be chopped up if we stuck to the five per cent tolerance.

As I have said, I suspect—and if Senator Quinlan were here, I should like to hear his views on it as he is a mathematician of some competence— that in all probability, there is a mathematical law involved here. If one takes the actual figures of 144 seats and three- to five-seat constituencies and five per cent tolerance, I suspect statistically you would arrive on any given occasion at a subdivision involving the order of seven counties, pieces of which would have to be attached to other counties. That is probably a stable figure and there is no reason why it should increase with the years.

The Minister went on to say that a deviation of this order would be necessary for the purpose, irrespective of whether representation was based on population or on electorate. This, as I shall also show in a moment, is an untrue statement. He said, moreover:

...the overall results of the operation of a divergence within these limits, confined to taking account of the factors mentioned in the Bill, will do no more than in general equate the value of a rural vote to that of an urban vote—if it even does that.

I will show that this is untrue and that, in fact, it has three times as much effect. He went on to say that the percentage of electorate to population was not the same in rural and urban areas, that the electorate as a percentage of the population was appreciably higher in rural areas than in city areas. There is, indeed, some general truth in this although it is not uniformly the case. Donegal and Dublin North-West are the two extreme examples of divergence between the electorate and population. They are, in fact, quite exceptional. In almost every other case the divergence is substantially less than in these two cases.

The Minister went on to say that under the present Constitution there is definite discrimination against areas outside the larger cities and boroughs and expressed the hope that Senators would endorse the principle of one-man-one-vote of equal value, which is inherent in the proposals in the Bill.

These statements are untrue or misleading in various ways. It is good to challenge them because they have not been adequately challenged so far. In this House we should get at the facts of the case.

First of all, on this question of remedying the population-electorate variation, and the suggestion that this is the purpose of the Bill—this is patently dishonest, for two reasons. First of all, if this were, in fact, the purpose or even a purpose of the Bill, then it would be written into the Bill that one of the grounds on which the tolerance would be used would be to enable this to be achieved. In fact, no such reference occurs in the Bill and, if I read the Bill correctly, it would be illegal to take into account this difference between population and electorate in employing the tolerance for the purpose of fixing constituency boundaries. To claim that the purpose of the Bill is to do something which the Bill omits to do, and which this omission renders illegal, is to go beyond the bounds of permissible parliamentary hyperbole.

And nobody said it but the Senator.

I am quoting what the Minister said.

You are inventing.

May I quote?—

...the overall results of the operation of a divergence within these limits, confined to taking account of the factors mentioned in the Bill, will do no more than in general equate the value of a rural vote to that of an urban vote—if it even does that.

That is not what you said one minute ago. What you said was a lie.

The Minister should allow me to finish. The Bill does not permit one, in fact, to achieve this result. It is, of course, possible, in doing some of the things the Bill permits one to do that one may achieve this result, or the opposite result, and in certain constituencies the application of the criteria in the Bill would, in fact, achieve the opposite result. But the Bill does not permit the Minister to set out to achieve this result of basing the distribution of Deputies on electorate rather than population. It is something he might achieve by applying the criteria in the Bill, but only accidentally. To set out to do it would be illegal and not by any means a necessary consequence of the application of the criteria in the Bill.

The one-sixth tolerance that he provides for is three times as great as the tolerance required to achieve the result he claims he wants to achieve. The fact is that if one examines the constituencies to see where there is a divergence between electorate and population, one finds that in a number of western constituencies there is such divergence to their disadvantage. The Minister is correct in stating that a problem exists. I shall name the cases, in fact, county by county and the number of seats—they are of course decimal points of seats—affected.

In the case of Donegal, the operation of the population principle gives Donegal 0.5 less of a seat than it would get if seats were allocated on an electorate basis. It is 0.5 in Donegal; in Sligo-Leitrim-Roscommon together it is 0.55; in Mayo it is .2, in Clare it is 0.35, in Kerry it is 0.2, and in Cavan it is .2. There are no other cases of significance, where the divergence is in any way substantial. The sum total represents 2.05 seats. The fact is that under our Constitution, which: the Minister does not propose to amend in this respect, the application of the population principle as against the electorate principle gives to the western counties two fewer seats—leads to under-representation of the West by two seats. It is undesirable this should be the case and, as I have said, I will be perfectly happy, and my Party will be perfectly happy, to substitute the electoral basis for the population basis——

The Senator knows no such thing.

We will be more than happy to do it.

The Senator knows no such thing.

It is arguable which basis one could make the better case for, but we are prepared to put into the Bill the application of one principle rather than the other if this is to the advantage of the West. I have no reservations on that and my Party have not any, and if the Minister is prepared to put into the Bill that the electorate basis shall be chosen rather than the population basis, he will have the support of my Party. He has not done so because he does not want to, and I do not think he will do it. He has not inserted the electorate basis rather than the population basis as a basis for the distribution of constituencies. Nothing could have been further from his mind than to do anything about this divergence which is to the disadvantage of the West——

Nobody but the Senator has said it is.

If the Minister wants to do it, he will have the support of this side of the House. What he has done is to give himself the right to use a tolerance up to one-sixth for the purpose of enabling him to give to the West, if that is the area he chooses to favour, one-sixth more seats. In the counties I have named, there are now 30 seats and the application of this principle would enable that part of the country to be given 35 seats—one-sixth more than 30—and the Minister's statement in this respect, which I have already quoted, to the effect that this tolerance will do no more than in general equate the value of a rural vote to that of an urban vote is not only untrue but it is grossly untrue. The effect of the tolerance is to make possible a divergence 2½ times greater than that required to overcome the point about the electorate. In making that statement, not only has the Minister misled Members on this side of the House but also those on the other side, because I think I am right in saying that Senator E. Ryan, who is about to sit down, was misled in his remarks, because apparently he made the mistake of believing what the Minister said without checking it. I acquit Senator Ryan of being dishonest but not of carelessness in taking the words of the Minister without checking them, something I would never do myself.

I have nailed three or four untruths in this matter which go to the root of the whole issue. I accept, of course, that there is a valid point in favour of the electorate system, though accepting that the case in favour of the population basis is quite strong. Some people favour a slight weighting of the system in favour of areas involving people with families and this does not seem to be objectionable, but the electorate basis does weigh slightly marginally in favour of the West, and my Party are prepared to accept that. However, the Minister has no intention of accepting the argument in favour of the electorate basis. He has no intention of substituting that term in the Bill for the determination of the constituencies.

If he repents even at this late stage and shows his intention to amend the Bill in this respect, he will have our support, although he might have a slightly irritated Dáil, being recalled for this purpose, if he agrees to substitute as the basis of the division of the country the electorate basis instead of the population basis. The effect would be to reduce the tolerance required, in order to achieve substantially the maintenance of county boundaries, to eight per cent, half the tolerance which he proposes in the Bill. If he permitted this tolerance to be substituted it is something we would be quite happy about because it would be a reasonable tolerance so long as it was used only for the purpose of maintaining county boundaries and not for the purpose of creating a bias in favour of one area against another—it would maintain county boundaries except those of Louth-Meath and Waterford-Tipperary.

I suspect that if the Minister, instead of introducing the Third Amendment of the Constitution Bill and giving us all the trouble of debating it here and giving the country all the bother of voting on it, had drawn up his constituencies and allowed himself such a tolerance as I have been suggesting, it would have been found to be constitutional. To get the tolerance down to eight per cent from 16? per cent is of great importance. This would meet all the points the Minister has made about county boundaries and about the electorate and it would not leave room for suggestions about gerrymandering of the country which the Minister's proposal in the Bill leaves open.

The Minister referred to tolerance arrangements in other countries and I am unconvinced by these references. They have many practices in other countries which I regard as objectionable and undemocratic and there is no reason on earth why we should copy them. We are fortunate in having a Constitution which I regard as being very good. Every time I say anything in favour of it people on the other side get prickly.

Not prickly, just amused.

It is a prickly kind of amusement. I regard our Constitution in most respects as excellent. In any event, it gives security for democratic representation. It has only slightly amended the provisions of the original Constitution of 1922 that provided us with a guarantee that some of the things which happen in South Africa and in some of the Southern States in the US cannot happen here. The concept in certain countries of favouring one section more than others is one which is alien to any reasonable democratic approach. It is an abuse of democracy and it has been applied most effectively in South Africa to get a particular Party into power and in the Southern States of the US.

The Supreme Court in the US has found unconstitutional the efforts in those States in America to keep the negroes in those parts of the US from securing their rights as citizens—it has found the tolerance there to be unconstitutional.

The tolerance there was up to 200 per cent.

That system has now been found to be unconstitutional, as Mr. Justice Budd found it unconstitutional here. No one reading his judgment could be in any doubt as to what he meant or intended when he said that all this led to the conclusion that any construction of the sub-clause which would have the effect of destroying the dominant preamble of the Constitution that all citizens had equal political rights, should be rejected.

That was the issue: the question of equal political rights for the citizen wherever he may choose to live. That was indicated in that case, as anybody who understood the purpose of the Constitution of 1937 knew it would be. The present Government are now trying to subvert this by a change in the Constitution with a view to depriving part of the people of their rights. It is something which should at this stage in our constitutional history arouse our suspicions and our hackles and should create strong opposition to a Government who undertake such a proposal.

The arguments put forward are from first to last dishonest. The argument about chopping counties is dishonest in that the number of counties which would be chopped up would remain at the small number of six or seven. There is no question of the whole country having to be subdivided. The tolerance of one-sixth is not necessary and goes far beyond what is necessary to avoid the subdivision of counties— and is almost three times as much as would be needed to ensure an equitable distribution of constituencies on the basis of electorate.

I have been very glad to see that on this issue there is a clear division between the Parties. Obviously, this is an issue which could cut across Party politics. Obviously, people who live in parts of the country which would benefit from an unfair and inequitable re-distribution of seats must be tempted to support this proposal. It would not be surprising if there were in all Parties those who would support this because of their interest in their own area and in view of the strong local loyalties we have in Ireland which may transcend attachment to the democratic principle. Nevertheless, despite the possible attractions of such a proposal and its attraction to people in such areas, despite the danger of a stand on democratic principles being misrepresented, our Party has had no hesitation in standing firm in this.

It would have been easy for Fine Gael to let this proposal pass. The Party would, in fact, have benefited. The Fourth Amendment of the Constitution will, as we know, be defeated when it comes before the people in October. If Fine Gael had not opposed the Third Amendment, it is quite possible it would have been passed. As Fine Gael draws their strength disproportionately from those parts of the country, having in Connacht 11 of the 23 seats there, the effect of the Third Amendment alone being passed would be to benefit Fine Gael by increasing the proportion of seats in the part of the country where they are strongest. If the Fourth Amendment were also passed, Fine Gael would, of course, lose because the effect of the Fourth Amendment would be to change representation in Connacht very much to the advantage of Fianna Fáil. As, however, Fine Gael know and believe—as indeed Fianna Fáil know and believe—that the Fourth Amendment will be defeated, the effect of the Third Amendment would have been to benefit Fine Gael, not enormously but by a seat or two. Despite that fact and despite the fact it is always difficult to oppose something that can be misrepresented against you in certain parts of the country, we stood firm on this principle, because it is a democratic principle, that we are not prepared to trade. I am glad we did so.

It was not a principle nine years ago apparently?

Fianna Fáil oscillate between telling us that we were in favour of this proposal nine years ago and that we sabotaged it by taking a case to the High Court. Which horse are they backing?

I now turn to the Fourth Amendment Bill, having dealt adequately with the Third Amendment. The Fourth Amendment raises some issues of principle also, although less important in this case, I think, where important practical issues are, however, involved. There are widely varying views on it within each Party. I am not sure whether in Fianna Fáil the Party ever allowed a vote to be taken on the matter. I am not sure whether we know what the strength of the feeling is in that Party. However, there are divergent views in both Parties. There are people in Fianna Fáil who worked very hard against this proposal and who have expressed great disappointment at the results of their efforts. There are also among those who are against the proposal, different nuances of attitude. On the side of those who favour retaining the existing system, there are those who do so on very strong grounds of principle, those who have an attachment in principle to PR because of its fairness and equity. There are others who do not attach the same degree of importance to this, but who have other grounds, and they are important practical grounds, for feeling that the system is better than the system it is proposed to subsitute for it.

I have never been a dedicated or fervent supporter of PR as a system. But I think as between the two systems now proposed, it would be very difficult for anybody who studied them sufficiently and who understood the implications of them, to do other than support PR. This is not because PR is all virtue but because with all its defects—they are many, and I am conscious of them—it is in the Irish context at this stage of our history superior in its results for the country to the system proposed in its stead.

I am not putting forward the thesis as some of my colleagues are, particularly in the Labour Party—and they are perfectly entitled to do this—that we must have PR at all costs, for ever, regardless. It has great advantages, which one should be very slow to get rid of. The onus of proof is on anybody who proposes to change a system which is fair and equitable in the representation it gives to the different interests in the country. But there may be practical reasons for departing in some measure from the principle of equitable representation in order to achieve more effective government. I do not deny that. Indeed, I have always asserted it. But the onus is on the people who, like those on the other side—and like myself on other occasions—have suggested that there may be a reason for departing from it. The onus is on those of us who have said that to prove our point.

It is a heavy onus for anybody to bear to seek to change a system which is fair and equitable. I think, however, that it has defects. The multi-seat constituency has certain disadvantages which have been outlined at great length. In certain respects the single-seat constituency has advantages, if you could look at it in isolation and if you did not concern yourself with its impact on the whole electoral and parliamentary system. If it yielded the same results as the multi-seat constituency in terms of the number of seats the various Parties would get, the case in favour of it would be very strong. Nevertheless, the single-seat constituency does involve a departure from the proportionality of representation which is a feature of our present system and which guarantees equity. One should be slow to depart from it. It would be necessary to see that any departure from it would not distort or would not undermine to any excessive degree the principle of proportionality and equitable representation and that the outcome of the change would be a system which would be clearly more beneficial than the existing system.

These are things which have not been shown and cannot be shown as regards the new system now proposed to us. For that reason I oppose it. In 1959, when I had nothing to do with politics, I opposed it most strongly because I had studied it in some depth then, perhaps in more depth than many of the people who are now proposing the change without clearly understanding the implications of it. It is from that standpoint that I approach this debate, not from an ideological standpoint—though I accept the depth of feeling underlying the ideological arguments made by supporters of PR. I respect their feelings and would be slow to press them away from their position unless I could be sure that what I was proposing was something better in a clearcut way than the present system.

Let us consider what is now proposed. It is a system which involves the person who secures most votes in an area being elected. It is a fact that Fianna Fáil are, and have been for some decades, the largest Party in the country as a whole. They are also the Party which secures most votes in most constituencies. Were the country to be divided into 40 constituencies and were there 40 Members in the Dáil—if the existing constituencies were used to elect 40 Members to the Dáil—it is very clear that 36, 37 or 38 of those would be Fianna Fáil and two or three or four would be Opposition Deputies. Some people might, in an oversimplified way, assume that one could derive a picture of what way 144 seats would be distributed by extrapolating from that base and saying that if Fianna Fáil get 37 out of 40, then clearly they would get all but ten out of 144. This does not follow. It would be a gross oversimplification and an unfair comment on the measure because divergences between the patterns of voting in different areas within constituencies can be quite marked. It is not simply a case of splitting up a three- or four-seat constituency into three or four or single-seat areas and of assuming that all of them will elect somebody representing the Party, which if you had taken the constituency as a whole, as a guide, would be at the head of the poll. There will be significant divergences from this pattern in many constituencies.

Therefore, in an attempt to asses what the consequences of the change would be at this point in our history, one cannot adopt that approach. One must look behind the figures for Dáil elections and see how the preferences are distributed and see how the political allegiances vary throughout the constituencies. In looking for such information, we have one valid source, subject to some minor qualifications, the local elections held last year. Senator Dooge has explained how he carried out a calculation on this basis and I want to go over the ground briefly, adopting a slightly different approach. What in fact was done when these calculations were made was to use the local election results as a guide or index to the distribution of Party allegiances within the constituencies so as not to get an oversimplified result and to discover whether in fact Party allegiances within the area are as evenly distributed as would appear superficially to be the case or whether they are unevenly divided, so that although Fianna Fáil headed the poll in certain five-seat constituencies, there were certain areas where Fine Gael had the advantage and would head the poll if the area were a single-seat constituency. The local electoral areas provide a guide for this purpose. They are, on average, not dissimilar in population to that which a single-seat constituency would have, although the average varies a good deal. There are many which are very small and many very large but, on average, the difference is not very great.

There are several approaches that may be made to this matter. One which I regard as somewhat crude, but which I think is adequate for the purpose of the calculation, is the approach of taking all the electoral areas and seeing who headed the poll in each, and as there are 144 of them in the county as a whole approximately, relating them to the single-seat constituencies. This I regard as unduly crude. It was, in fact, the first basis of the Chubb-Thornley calculation. However, having done that and then, taking account of the fact that the average rural electoral area is larger than the urban electoral area, by grossing up the urban results and grossing down the rural results, they got a balanced pattern. The result they got was reasonably valid, but I thought the approach was a bit crude.

I thought it would be better to attempt the operation in somewhat greater depth and to examine in each constituency the electoral areas in some detail, with a view to seeing how they might be divided into single-seat constituencies or their equivalents. These county electoral areas were randomly selected regardless of existing political allegiances. They were devised long ago and bear no relationship to the pattern of support for the Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael or Labour Parties. They represent a random selection averaging something approximating to what a single-seat constituency would be. In the calculations which Senator Dooge and I carried out quite separately—although my calculation was confined to the alternative vote and did not extend to the spot or straight vote, as the Minister likes to call it—we looked at these constituencies and devised single-seat constituencies, in some cases breaking up very large electoral areas and in some cases combining smaller ones together to get the best simulation we could of what the pattern of voting would be likely to be in a single-seat constituency.

We did this separately and compared results afterwards. We used a slightly different technique in the city of Dublin where there are special problems and got slightly different results from each other in this area. But the overall result in regard to the alternative vote in my calculation is within three of Senator Dooge's result and is also within two or three of the results achieved by Professor Chubb and Dr. Thornley. There are three independent operations and these calculations were carried out simply in order to get an answer and not for propaganda purposes. They were carried out before this issue arose as a public issue simply to see what the alternative results would be and to obtain a result for our own internal guidance. Certainly, we did not wish to mislead ourselves as to what the results of the system would be. We wished the information to be available to our colleagues to enables them to make a decision in this matter and guide them towards a decision.

You got the answer you wanted.

We were not looking for any result except one that would enables the Fine Gael Party to take a decision on what the effects of a change of this kind would be. Any question of bias is ruled out.

So long as the Senator is making their decisions, we are all right.

Similarly, in the case of Professor Chubb and Dr. Thornley, they adopted a purely scientific approach and were similarly unbiased. The effect of the three calculations was to produce very similar results. The Thornley-Chubb approach, because of their rather crude method of handling the Dublin rural area divergence, led to a slight underassessment of the Fianna Fáil seats that would be secured at this stage in the electoral situation envisaged. They got a figure of 93 and Senator Dooge got 98. I would have expected some such divergence because of the particular methods adopted. Substantially, the results derived are similar within a very few seats. We have three independent checks for this purpose.

The result did not surprise me very much because in 1959 I carried out an exercise of a similar kind myself. There was no political angle to it whatever. I was just concerned to know something of the working of the political electoral system. The result was very similar in character although based on completely different material related to the 1950s, whereas we now have information from the 1965 general election and the 1967 local elections. The result I got was similar and it showed this very high figure of seats for a relatively small figure of votes in the range around 40 per cent.

On the basis of a large number of candidates in each area.

No. I do not think the Senator was present when Senator Dooge explained that the Independent votes were discounted for this purpose, an action which he validated——

Were what?

Were discounted for his purpose. Senator Dooge explained that he validated his caculation in relation to Cork where it was shown that the Independent votes balance out and did not affect the overall results.

I give up at this stage.

I am very sorry if Senator Yeats gives up. It is a pity he was not here when Senator Dooge explained——

He would not have understood.

He showed that the Independent votes spread pretty evenly over the Parties and do not affect the ultimate result. Therefore, we have a measure of the likely result of this system at certain different levels in the political spectrum. We have figures for Labour, Fine Gael, and Fianna Fáil. In votes Labour are around the 15 per cent mark; Fine Gael are around the 35 per cent mark; and Fianna Fáil are around the 45 per cent mark. The exact figures I shall come to later. Taking the figures one gets from these three independent studies, one gets a curve of relationship between seats and votes.

I have also, in the course of studying this matter, examined the election results in Britain since 1935. I have gone back further, but the earlier ones, because of the different Party structure, are not relevant to our present situation. If one takes the results of elections in Britain since 1935, except two in the 50s where the Liberal vote was so small that it is not a true representation of the three-Party system, one can plot a curve of the relationship between seats and votes in that country. In fact, the various points one gets all fall very closely on the curve line. We also know from our own experience the relationship between seats and votes under PR. It is possible, therefore, to plot all four curves, the British curve with the straight vote, the Irish curve with the straight vote, the Irish curve with the alternative vote, single-seat constituencies, and the Irish curve with PR, and to compare the results. That is something I have done in considerable detail, and I have certain figures to which I shall come and which I am prepared to place in the Library of the House for inspection by anyone who wishes to examine and to validate them or invalidate them by checks and tests.

The results show an extraordinarily high ratio of changeover of seats to votes, particularly in the range from 35 to 45 per cent. This is something which is to be expected on a priori grounds because the British system is known to be extremely unstable, and any spot vote system is liable to be unstable in this way because of the first past the post element. The British system we know to be unstable and we would except that an election under this system in Ireland would yield even more distorted results for the reason that Ireland, unlike Britian, does not have the phenomenon of the safe seat. It is characteristic of certain areas in Britian, where political allegiance is so class-orientated, to have these safe seats, and in fact right through hundreds of years the Party system has been maintained there because of these local strengths.

I have examined these historically, and I think one will find — and I direct the Minister's attention particularly to this; I am sure he will be increased—— if one studies the political situation in England around 1641, the period of the civil war, and compares it with today, one finds there was a Royalist-Roundhead break-up of England similar to the Tory-Labour break-up of England today. In other words, there is a deep-rooted geographical division going back far into history, to the 17th century and even earlier than that, to the Puritan-Anglican division of the 16th century and, possibly, to the Lollards in the 14th century. The fact that this division is there means that at any moment in time the Party against whom the political tide has turned will retain substantial representation in Parliament. The pendulum swings widely, and even wildly under the spot vote system, but it never swings too far because of these safe seats. There will be at least 100,but is usually around 150.

It was down to 61 in 1931.

Yes, but that result was complicated by the fact generally speaking, this figure for safe seats would be around 150. In Ireland we do not have this. There are areas, it is true, particularly Clare and, perhaps, Donegal, where Fianna Fáil are strong and are unlikely to be dislodged easily in the future. These areas are relatively few in mumber. There is no compaison between Ireland and Britain in this respect. The division within the Republic is not geographical; although it is in the island as a whole. In these circumstances, it is inevitable that the political pendulum will swing very widely under the straight vote, much more than in Britain. As I have said, one would except, on a priori grounds, that this wopuld be the result, and that is what emerges from my own independent study in 1959, when I had no political axe to grind, from the studies Senator Dooge and I carried out to guide Fine Gael, and from the study carried ou independently by Professor Chubb and Dr. Thornely. These studies have been undertaken on four separate occasions, and one can take the results as representing the true position, and no amount of argument or laughter will easily discredit them.

This, therefore, is the position, that we are asked to adopt an electoral system which is known to be extremely unstable in its home country, Britian. I should like the House to consider why it is that the British electoral system, which is the simplest and most obvious electoral system, the first system devised, does not operate in any part of the world except in Britian, Canada, the United States and, for certain purposes only, in Australia. There is a very good reason for this, because the system is inherently so unstable as to be in most countries totally unworkable. It began to operate in very abnormal circumstances in the country in which democracy originated, Britian, a country in which religious and political divisions were of such a character that this simple system was able to work when the Party system evolved. The idea of a single seat and people putting in an X after the name when the could not write wa something which, as it happened, did work in the country in which denocracy originated. It was then exported to other countries. It has worked in the United States because the United States is a federal community in which there are deep political divisions, Democrats in the South and Republicans in parts of the North, and so on. It has worked also in Canada because it is a federal country with deep political/geographical divisions, with the Conservatives and the Liberals deeply entrenched in different areas. In every other country it had to be abandoned, because in other countries where political allegiances are fairly evenly distributed the system is totally unworkable. In different countries they employ different techniques. In a number of countries they employ a list system rather than a system of voting for individuals. In France, they have the system of the second ballot.

I thought we were not supposed to consider other countries, that we were to make up our own minds.

When we were looking at other countries the Senator said we should not do this.

I am looking behind the scenes at the figures Fianna Fáil were giving. It is of value to consider other countries as long as we demonstrate exactly what happens there. I am concerned to establish that apart from America and Canada, every other country has had to abondon the simple, straightforward straight vote electoral vote system. It would not have been abondoned if there was not something wrong with it. The reason it had to be abandoned was that it was unworkable, that it would create such enormous swings and vast majorities, as to undermine and endanger democracy. So we have the list system in Europe, and we have the list system in Europe, and we have the French with two ballots, so that for any area where one does not get an overall majority on the first ballot, there is a second ballot, and certain people pull out and different alliances are formed, and have the PR system in one or two other countries, in Ireland, for instance, in Malta, Gibraltar, Tasmania, and in certain cases in Australia.

I am not saying that PR is the best solution. I think it has great merits. It is an equitable system. If it is working, I do not see why we should be in a hurry to depart from it, although a case could be made for departing from it. It may be that some other system would be better. I have an open mind on that, and I am quite prepared to hear arguments on it. But the British system is one which happened to originate in a cpountry where it happens to work becuse there are deep religious, political and geographical divisions. They exportes it successfully to a couple of other areas which were colonised in different ways and which developed into federal communities but elsewhere is has been replaced with a system which mitigated its appaling effcts. This has not been stated adequately either in this House or in the 1959 debate——

It is working badly in Britain today.

I do not defend it in Britain, but in Britain it does not wipe out the Opposition. It does not lead to intolerable swings in which half of the House disappears at one blow. At least there is some kind of an Opposition in Parliament to protect democracy. In this country the Opposition—and whether it is Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael or Labour does not matter—would be decimated under that system. Fianna Fáil do not talk about the dangers of that system. They talk about the weaknesses of PR, but they are not entitled to foist on this country a system which is unworkable except in abnormal circumstances, a system which would yield total political instability, a system under which a fall or rise of eight, ten or 12 per cent in the votes could lead to a loss of 30, 35, 40 or 50 seats for one Party, and similar gains for another, a situation in which Fianna Fáil at their weakest since 1932 would get 98 seats——

That is nonsense.

——at their weakest. Let us face facts. At the moment Fianna Fáil have probably 44 per cent of the votes. I think the figure wa down to 43 per cent on only one occasion. There was a swing against them in the recent local elections and in the by-elections since 1965.

What by-elections?

I am quite prepared to talk about the by-elections. It might be no harm to face the facts and consider why this proposal is put forward at this point in time. This proposal willshift the point above which a majority can be gained by Fianna Fáil. The Fianna Fáil share of the vote has dropped. At the moment it is probably 43 or 44 per cent, and it has moved down into the area where Fianna Fáil cannot get a majority under PR. It is not a coincidence that at this point in time a new electoral system is proposed.

Let us examine the figures which show the decline in Fianna Fáil strength. Let us look at the figures of the election results over the past ten years. They were published in the papers a year or so ago.

Are these the figures that ignores the Independents?

I do not know what the Senator means.

He ignores anything he wants to.

These figures show the percentage of the Party votes.

Ignoring the Independents.

For this purpose, the Independents are not included. I am quite prepared to compare the figures for the local elections together and the general elections together, but I am concerned to show the relationship between the three political Parties at all recent elections. These figures show the relative position of the three Parties vis-á-vis each other. The Fianna Fáil figures are: at the 1957 general election, 57 per cent; at the 1960 local elections, 51 per cent; at the 1961 general election, 50 per cent.

Not of the total votes.

Of the total votes for the three Parties. The total votes including Independents show an identical trend for the general elections together and the local elections together, but I am showing the relative position of the Parties vis-á-vis each other.

You get a completely distorted result.

There is an identical trend for the general elections and for the local elections. I will start again: the 1957 general election, 57 per cent; the 1960 local elections, 51 per cent; the 1961 general election, 50 per cent.

What was the percentage?

Surely the Senator is entitled to speak without these interruptions?

I did not hear the figure.

How could the senator hear when he was interrupting?

I am sorry if I did not speak loudly enough to be heard over the interruptions: 1957 general election, 57 per cent; 1960 local elections, 51 per cent; 1961 general election, 50 per cent; 1965 general election 49 per cent; and 1967 local elections, 45½ per cent. The Fine Gael figures were: 1957 general election, 32 per cent; 1960 local elections, 35 per cent; 1961 general election, 36½ per cent; 1965 general election, 35 per cent after a slight dip; and 1967 local elections, 38 per cent. The Labour figures were: 1957 general election, 11 per cent; 1960 local elections, 14 per cent; 1961 general election, 13½ per cent; 1965 general election, 16 per cent; and 1967 general election, 16½ per cent.

Those are the figures of the Party votes and I am quite prepared to produce the figures for the general elections together and the local elections together, including the Independents, and they all show the same downward trend. Ww are considering here the Party vote and this downward trend which has perturbed Fianna Fáil. There was a drop of from 49 per cent to 45½ per cent in their share of the Party votes between 1965 and 1967.

I want to give the figure now for the four sets of by-elections we have had since the 1965 gerneral election. In the Waterford-South Kerry batch, the swing in the vote, that is, the fall in the Fianna Fáil share of the total vote, was six per cent. It fell from 47 per cent to 44.2 per cent, a drop of 2.8 points which is six per cent of 47. In the West Limerick and Cork by-elections, the swing against Fianna Fáil in the same terms was 7½ per cen. In the Clare and Wicklow by-elections, the swing was 15 per cent. In the Limerick by-election, the swing was 17 per cent. These are the best com,parisons that can be made. To show the care with which they have been carried out, in the case of the South Kerry result, it is a comparison of the first count of the by-election with the second count of the general election, after the elimination of Mr. Courtney, so you get a fair comparison between the three Party figures rather than a distorted picture. In each case, they are the best comparison that can be made. If you have Independents in one election and not in another, you get a complete distortion of the percentages. That is the trend of the Fianna Fáil votes— a sharp down-turn between the general election and the local elections of 1967; a sharp decline accelerating at each by-election in the four sets of by-elections we have had.

I do not suggest by-elections are necessarily representative. It is not the experience in this or other countries that a general election held shortly after a by-election yields exactly the same swing against the Government. It is normal for the swing to be somewhat exaggerated in by-elections. I do not suggest a general election would necessarily show a swing of 17 per cent against Fianna Fáil just because that is the Limerick by-election result: it could well be less than that. Nevertheless, there has been an accelerating swing against the Government throughout these four by-elections and local elections.

No Impartial observer within the Fianna Fáil Party or outside it, if such there be in Fianna Fáil—I am sure there are such when it affects the interests of their own Party—could but be perturbed by that situation. The logical consequence is a change to a system of election in which the crucial point to secure a majority is not 46 per cent or, indeed, by an unfortunate quirk for Fianna Fáil the last time, 47½ per cent, in order to get 50 per cent of the seats—that was just an abnormality—but about 40 to 41 per cent: for anything above that they will get a majority.

It is a sound calculation that the swing against Fianna Fáil has probably not reached such proprotions as to push their share of the poll below 41 per cent. Allowing for the natural exaggeration in by-elections, the swing against Fianna Fáil at the moment is probably ten per cent, plus or minus a couple of points. As they got 47½ per cent last time, they would probably now get 43 per cent and, with luck, perhaps 44 per cent. That is a figure which could not give them a majority under the present system but it would give them a nice fat majority under the proposed system. If they got 44 per cent of the votes under the proposed system, they would get 98 seats, as is shown by the studies we carried out. I think the figure of 98 seats is probably marginally more accurate than the Chubb-Thornely 93 seats. If they got 43 per cent, they would probably get about 90 seats. This is a very comfortable result in contrast to the uncomfortable position of something in the sixties in a Dáil of 144 seats— which is where Fianna Fáil willstand in the next general election after being defeated in the referendum, except that the defeat in the referendum may accelerate the trend against Fianna Fáil and their share may fall below the 43 per cent or 44 per cent. such, I think, would be the calculation of much political commentators at the present time. This is the position that faces us.

The Government, seeing their position slipping consistently, and at an accelerating rate, propose to change the electoral system to one which will secure for them the largest number of seats they have ever had—far beyond anything they ever had in this state— with the smallest proportion of the vote they have ever had in this State. That is the proposal we are faced with. The voices from the Finna Fáil benches and from the Ministers of the Government call on us to accept this attractive proposal with the bait that Fine Gael might be in office with an enormous majority under the new electoral system and they tell us——

We tell you to follow your Leader.

——in soft and attractive terms that this is a device for the benefit of Fine Gael. The honest ones among them—Senator O'Kennedy and some others—admit that the effect at the next general election will be to put Fianna Fáil in power with 85 to 90 seats. I think it would be over 90 seats: he thinks it wouls be under. I will accept his figure for the purpose. It is a reasonable figure. It is enough for the sake of my argument. Senator O'Kennedy says we should accept Fianna Fáil in power the next time because who knows what might happen the next time? Who knows what the future of this country would be if, after 17 years of Fianna Fáil rule—as it then would be—the Government were in office with 85 to 90 seats, with the Fine Gael Party reduced to the 30s and the Labour Party reduced to perhaps ten seats. After five more years of Fianna Fáil rule with a majority far larger than they would ever have under our present electoral system, we are told, in effect that there would be a wonderful swing to Fine Gael; that Fine Gael would be in office on its own; that Labour would disappear, and that people would then vote for either of the two Parties, Fianna Fáil or Fine Gael. We are expected to fall for that kind of talk. They think we are suckers.

Mr. Ryan

Then your Leader is a sucker.

We are neither suckers nor dishonest nor are we prepared to endanger the future of this country for that kind of calculation. The proposed electoral system involves such an enormous turnover of seats to votes that it would endanger the working of the democratic system. How many people would be as keen to enter public life—regrettably not enough are —if they had to face a typical election swing against the Party which would normally lead to a loss or gain of between 30 and 50 seats —that, in fact, it would be quite normal for the Party to lose half its Dep[uties at a general election? This is what would happen. If we examine the swings in general elections back to 1948, I know of no case where the swing has been less than six per cent. On several occasions, the swing has been 12 per cent and once it was eight per cent. Typically, the swing is about ten per cent.

A ten per cent swing over the critical range of 40 to 45 per cent of the votes will yield a loss of 40 seats. A 12 per cent swing in votes—it happened twice in the past 20 years—would eliminate 50 seats over this range. How many people would be prepared to go into politics when the odds are almost evens that, at every election, they would be out on their ear—which, mathematically, would be the result? I do not think that would be good for Irish politics. What kind of system would it be where the larger Opposition Party would, quite normally, be reduced to 30 seats and the smaller Opposition Party to about ten seats? What sort of alternative Government would it be able to form? How could it hold itself out to the electorate as capable of forming an alternative Government. With 30-odd seats, how many people of Cabinet rank would there be, considering the difficulty the present Government have found, to find a Government out of 74 seats. They have been forced to resort in some cases to the scrapings at the bottom of the barrel. What sort of alternative Government would the larger Opposition Party be able to form, even if they managed to attract a bettr calibre of Deputy than the present Government with about 30-odd seats? We are told that, at the second-next election, people will swing to Fine Gael and throw out Fianna Fáil. That is said by Fianna Fáil as if their one great hope in life is that Fianna Fáil will be wiped out of office in 1975. But for whom would the people then vote? Will they vote for the Fine Gael Party which would be reduced to 30-odd seats and with perhapos one-half or one-third of its present front bench eliminated in that election?

We are frequently told by Fianna Fáil that we do not look like an alternative Government. It is legitimate for any Government to say that to an Opposition. I trust we shall be saying it to Fianna Fáil in a few years time. How much more force would there be in that taunt when the larger Opposition Party would be reduced to such a small scale? With a Government already showing signs of arrogance and authoritarianism with miniscule majorities or no majority at all, what would it be like with a Government which had a majority of th proportions forecast under the proposed electoral system? Is ther anything in the farming community to reasure us? Is there anything in the Government's handling of Radio Telefís Éireann to reassure us? Is there anything in the Government's mishandling of advertising for The Irish Farmers' Journal to reassure us? Is there anything to reassure us in the Government's attempt to use Government advertising to force a newspaper to adopt a particular line? Is there anything in the new Criminal Justice Bill to reassure us, and so on? Is there anything in the Government's handling of public matters at present to encourage people to hand to a Fianna Fáil Government 95 seats in the Dáil so that they would be ruled by strong Fianna Fáil government? We know what “weak” Fianna Fáil government means and the farmers know what it means, and would they thank Fine Gael for handing them over to a strong Government at this stage because we are told that in 1975 we might hope to sweep in with a similar majority and be in a position to do to others what they have done to us?

This is something I am prepared to support. I am not committed to the present electoral system and I am open to conviction that there amy be a better system. I see many defects in the system and i have criticised it publicly in the past and I will do so again. However, I am not prepared to get rid of a reasonably livable-with devil for a devil we do not know but the delineation of which we can at least see, and it is not attractive. I am not prepared to recommend that to my Party or to the country. Whatever defects there are in PR, we must stand firm on it. We must at all costs reject this proposal to introduce a system which is unworkable in other countries, except in a small handful of countries which have a particular geographical basis or structure. We must avoid the introduction of such a system in politically homogenous country. We must reject it because it is a bad system and because it would give this Government with their declining support another five years in office some 12 years in office already.

It must be rejected also because one of the objectives of the proposal is to wipe out the Labour Party and because that Party have something to offer the country, something of a special character which we of the other Parties do not offer in quite the same way. They represent in a particular way in which we cannot, with our broader national basis, the working people. We know that they only get the support of a proportion of the working class vote at the moment, as most of it is shared by the larger Parties, but nevertheless because of their particular dedication to the interests of this group, they have an important function to perform. It is proposed that this Party should be wiped out by rigging the electoral system against them and that we in Fine Gael should co-operate in this. It is suggested to us that we should engage in this dishonourable deal at the expense of the Labour Party. On that count alone, I would be aginst it.

The Labour Party have a vital role to play and their extinction would be disastrous in many ways. They play a positive and useful role, representing as they do in a particular way the interests of a section of the community, and this proposal would force out of Parliament the particular, peculiar, representatives of the working people. I mean "peculiar" in the sense that they represent them in a way peculair to them, and that no one else represents them in quite the same way. I mean nothing objectionable

It was a proper use of the word.

I am not prepared to support any such proposal. I can think of nothing more calculated to stir up the always latent dissatisfaction of a people with a parliamentary system in any country, and particularly in this country where we have a long tradition of opposition to our parliamentary system, a country which moreover is so strongly middle-class. To rig the electoral system so that the one Party which particularly represents the interests of these people would be pushed out, is not the way to secure restraint and political peace. Would this secure respect for our parliamentary institutions? Would it ensure political stability? I think not. I think that while one can see defects in PR, while there is case for limiting proportionality of the system to give it a little bias which would give us slightly larger majorities, there is no case for the wholesale removal of the system, for wiping out one Party and leaving one important section without representation which they seek and secure through the Labour Party. That is another reason why I will not engage in this dishonourable deal.

Is your leader dishonourable?

While he may not believe that PR is the best system, he is not prepared to engage in a dishonourable deal to do down the Labour Party and foist on the people the proposed systm which would have that effect.

(Interruptions.)

I see defects in the present system and I see that there is a possibility of improving it, but not in this way. Any change which is to be made must be made by agreement amongst all Parties and it must not be directed to doing down one Party. By the aggreement of all Parties, it mast be carefully considered and calculated to see that it will in fact achieve an improvement and that it is not foisted on us without adequate consideration and study. I should like to ask the Minister what study has he carried out into the defects of this system? Will he put before the House his figures and shown us the basis of his calculations in the same detail as I have done and as Senator Dooge, Professor Chubb and Dr. Thornely have done? What is your expectation? Where are your calculations? Have you made any?

I am not an idiot.

No calculations—so we are asked to accept an electoral system——

(Interruptions.)

Have you or have you not studied it? Do you know or do you not know the results it would be likely to produce.

(Interruptions.)

The senator, without interruption.

The Senator is conducting his speech on the basis of cross-examination and directing questions to me.

Acting Chairman

The Senator——

I suggest that if the Chair wants to be fair, he should ask the Senator——

Acting Chairman

I resent the imputation that the Chair is being unfair. In due course, the Minister will have the opportunity to reply. Senator FitzGerald, without interruption.

I should like to apologise for posing rhetorical questions. They do arise out of rhetoric, and at times because of rhetoric, one forgets oneself. Let us consider what has happened in Britain with this system, even with their strong geographical basis for their politics. Earlier Senator Yeats challenged: were there any Parties in Britain with a minority vote——

With less than 40 per cent of the vote.

I know that. In 1918——

Senator Dooge said that with 40 per cent, Fianna Fáil will get 98 seats. I say that is ridiculous.

I am sorry; let me explain. I think Senator Yeats has got Senator Dooge slightly wrong. Senator Dooge's calculations were on the basis of the local election figures in which Fianna Fáil got just under 40 per cent of the votes and the probability is that, on the basis of those figures, Fianna Fáil would get in a general election about 44 per cent of the votes. I want to get the record straight, in case there was any misunderstanding in connection with the presentation of the figures. There is no claim made here that in a general election, Fianna Fáil, with less than 44 per cent of the votes, would get 70 per cent of the seats. If Senator Dooge did not make himself clear, then I apologise on behalf of Senator Dooge in absentia. Because of the large number of Independents standing, the votes for all three Parties were depressed in the local elections. Using these figures as a basis for calculating the distribution of votes within constituencies, one arrives at the conclusion that Fianna Fáil, with 44 per cent of the votes, would obtain in a general election 68 per cent of the seats. That is the only claim we make and, if there is any misunderstanding, I apologise to Senator Yeats. It is important that we should not let ourselves be confused.

In Britain, where the system works less viciously, in 1918 35 per cent of the votes secured 54 per cent of the seats for the Conservatives. Although the British system is not as extreme, 47 per cent of the votes in 1924 secured 67 per cent of the seats. That instance is somewhat similar to our own situation. I am anxious Senator Yeats should get the full force of my remarks, because he is particularly interested.

I am sorry.

In 1924, 47 per cent of the votes gave the Conservatives 67 per cent of the seats. That is quite close to our situation here. It is not quite as extreme because the variation will be somewhat greater here. In 1945, 48 per cent of the votes gave Labour 62 per cent of the seats. Because of the concentration of its votes in the urban areas, Labour cannot mobilise and use its votes adequately and, for that reason, they benefit less from the system than do the Conservatives. In 1951, there was an interesting result; the Labour Party secured 48.8 per cent of the votes and the Conservatives secured 48.0 per cent, but the Conservatives won the election.

(Interruptions.)

Acting Chairman

Will Senator Yeats please desist?

These remarks are addressed to me; the Senator, specifically said so.

I was not seeking a running commentary from Senator Yeats and, if he thought I was, I apologise for misleading him. The British system can produce the most extraordinary results. Senator Yeats will, I am sure, recall the election of 1923 in which the Conservatives lost only one per cent—I want to check— I think 39 per cent of the votes gave the Conservatives 56 per cent of the seats in 1922, but in 1923 they lost one per cent of the votes, they got 38 per cent of the votes in 1923, but they got only 42 per cent of the seats.

Let us consider briefly some of the objections made to proportional representation—briefly because I do not think this is the crucial issue. I have, I think, dealt with the real issue in this debate. "The multiple constituency is a disadvantage". It is. There are disadvantages in it. All things being equal, the single seat would be preferable, but it is arguable that the loss of proportionality this would entail outweighs the disadvantages of the single-seat constituency as against the multiple seat constituency. That is arguable and my convictions in this regard are not as strong as those of other people.

There are some contradictions in the Minister's approach because, in speaking about the Fourth Amendment, he talked about the undesirable feature of a TD being too concerned in constituency matters, but the Third Amendment is specifically designed to enable a TD to be concerned in constituency matters. The Minister should reconcile these two contradictions. There is, then, the objection to the large number of names on the ballot paper. I am not at all convinced that this is a disadvantage. All these arguments are falsified by the extraordinarily intelligent way in which our people have consistently used PR. "Intelligent" does not mean voting for either Fianna Fáil or Fine Gael; it may mean voting No. 1 Fianna Fáil and No. 2 Fine Gael. People have done that for very good reasons. They are entitled to do it.

In Dublin North-East in 1957, I noticed a great many people voted in what I regarded as a most intelligent manner, in that they knew what they wanted to achieve and they achieved it. They put the Sinn Féin candidate No. 14. A number voted alphabetically for the rest. This showed a suitable disinterest in the finer nuances as between Fianna Fáil, Labour and Fine Gael. They kept Sinn Féin out. They wanted to keep Sinn Féin out and they voted intelligently to do so. Some voters start at the bottom and vote up, putting the man they like least last. I have done that myself in university Senate elections. That is another way of voting intelligently.

The people understand the system and all this talk of the system being too complicated is so much nonsense. The complications involved are a matter for the people doing the counting. The argument that we may have to change the system because we have to wait a long time for the result is just ludicrous. Indeed, so many of the arguments are ludicrous that it is sufficient to mention them in order to dismiss them. The point about some lower preferences not being counted is a nice debating point. We are not looking for mathematical perfection. We are looking for a system which is fair and equitable, which represents the various interests of the country, and which is likely to result in a Government with a reasonable majority. Whether every fourth preference counts, or does not count, is something the Minister may worry about, but not many other people worry about it.

There is just one other point I should like to clarify, in case there should be any doubts about how the single seat spot vote system may yield in this country such extraordinary results. If one takes three of four constituencies, which I shall name, one can demonstrate what will happen. In Donegal at the moment, there are four Fianna Fáil and two Fine Gael Deputies. If one examines the local election areas, one finds that in every electoral area, without exception, there is a Fianna Fáil majority of not less than 1,000 over Fine Gael, who, in each case, were the next Party in line. Unless, therefore, one gets a very large swing indeed, a swing of 25 per cent against Fianna Fáil, the result of any election there under the spot vote single-seat system means that every seat goes to Fianna Fáil, whereas, at the moment, four go to Fianna Fáil and two to Fine Gael.

Again, in Meath, all the seats would go to Fianna Fáil because they have a majority in all the electoral areas. No matter how one chops up the areas and no matter how one distributes County Meath, the representation will be, under the spot vote single-seat system, Fianna Fáil three seats and none for anybody else. In Waterford, a similar situation would arise. In all the rural areas of the county Fianna Fáil have a clear majority. They also have a clear majority in two of the three city wards. Fine Gael and Labour lead in one ward by a couple of hundred, but that is insufficient if that ward is linked, as it will have to be, with some neighbouring area to form a single-seat constituency. No matter how you chop it up, and without bothering to gerrymander at all, Waterford becomes three Fianna Fáil, instead of one, one and one.

The same position will arise in Clare. Other Parties have representation there now but, under the proposed system, Clare will become an entirely Fianna Fáil stronghold. That is because the distribution of the votes is fairly even. They are not strongholds of particular Parties in many cases, and constituencies, at present represented by three Parties, will, under this system, become represented solely by Fianna Fáil. That is the reason why you get this extraordinary change over to something like 98 seats.

These are the points I wanted to make. In conclusion, I should like again to appeal to the House and to anybody in the House who is uncommitted, if there be some, and to the people, that, whatever they may feel about the defects of PR and they may share my doubts as to its perfection, they in no circumstances adopt a system which hardly any other country has been able to work, a system which would lead to a political instability we have never known and hope we never will know. I hope that the Irish people will in October next reject this proposal. After that, we shall see where we stand under PR at the next general election.

So much has been said on this matter over a number of weeks in both this House and the other House that I am seriously tempted to emulate the late President Coolidge who is reported as having said after he came back from church and his wife asked him what the sermon was about, "sin", and when she asked what the preacher had to say about it, replied after some thought: "He was against it." If I were really merciful, I would think at this stage I would just say that I am against the present system and sit down but I do not see why I should do so. Therefore, I propose to say something about the proposal before us and give, more or less, again, the views I gave nine years ago. To many people, I am sure, it is a surprise to know that I did speak nine years ago. This is one of the results of the system of censorship which is in polite circles called editing.

The choice before us and, later on, the people, is between the multi-member constituency with the transferable vote and the single-member constituency with the straight vote, or whatever other name anyone likes to put on it—the relative majority, I believe, is the official title. It may seem a bit oversimplified to mention this at this stage, but there has been such a spate of oratory which appeared to me to bring in almost everything else, that I thought it would be no harm to say that it is on this proposal I am speaking.

So far, listening to the protagonists for the various Parties, it strikes me that each of them is more concerned as to how this will affect the Party than as to how it will affect the country. There is this odd point of view that nothing will really change the electorate, that the electorate are fixed in their opinions one way or the other and all we have to do is to find a system which gives so many percentages in this way and so many percentages that way that one's own Party will profit by it.

I think it was unkind for Senator FitzGerald to relegate the Labour Party to the odd tail at the end of things and limit them just to represent some decent working people, implying that it would be quite impossible for the Labour Party to produce a programme which would have a wider interest. It is reasonably certain that in Great Britain the Labour Party programme appeals to more than the humble workingman. I do not see any reason why the same thing should not happen here, so that it is not very kind, if I may say so. It sometimes strikes me that Fine Gael are in a bit of a cleft stick. They are never quite sure whether in competing for the anti-Fianna Fáil vote they ought to kick Labour in the teeth or, hoping for some measure of support, ought to placate them in some way. I hope in saying this I will be recognised as being reasonably objective. I know it is very difficult for people to believe that a nominated Member of the Seanad is objective. May I say, in order to counterbalance this, when I may be disposed to give my opinion, that I have no political ambitions at all. I will be quite honest. I could not care less whether whatever system of election is chosen by the people helps Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael or Labour. All I am interested in is that there should be a system which will be clear, simple and will produce a good Parliament. What happens the various Parties is to me a matter of no importance whatsoever. What is really confusing the country at the present moment is the complete inability to distinguish between the two major Parties. This, of course, will probably disappear in time.

If I may turn now to the question of the single-member seat as against the multi-member seat, by this time a great many people, apparently, who in 1959 disapproved completely of the single-member constituency are now beginning to tend towards it, not altogether, possibly, but there is not nearly as much disagreement with the suggestion that the single-member constituency is a good one as there was then. However, I should just like briefly to say that I think the single-member constituency is good. Senator FitzGerald, I think, said that from the Government point of view it had been stated that this was because it would be convenient for Deputies. I do not know whether it was said or not. I am not interested whether it is or not. I think it is more convenient for the constituents and this is to me what matters.

A relatively small area represented by one person gives a great many benefits to the people in that area. For one thing, they will be saved the awful trouble of running to three or four Deputies, making representations on whatever they want to talk about. Apart from that, one of the benefits I would like to see coming from it and which I believe would—this may shock the Party people—is safe seats for one Party or the other because I believe that one of the very important things that must come—and I agree with Senator Quinlan on this—is that much greater use should be made of committees dealing with the complexities of modern life which more and more demand greater specialisation.

Senator Quinlan and I would probably disagree on the type of committee. I should like to see more committees which would be of the same type as the Public Accounts Committee of the Dáil and the Statutory Instruments Committee of the Seanad which operate with the minimum of day to day publicity. Their findings and all the evidence brought before them are produced in a report, so that no one can say that it is an entirely secret affair and that the public are not informed as to what is going on, but it does have the effect that the members of the Committee can devote their attention to the business in hands without looking over their shoulders to see if the press are reporting what they are doing, which frequently, I think, influences what a man may say.

This type of committee is the sort I should like to see used more. I should not like to see the American committee system here because if anything their committees are more publicised than the meetings of either House of Congress. A great many Americans in the administration would be glad to see these publicised committees getting on with their jobs quicker and not spending so much time cutting public figures.

However, that is by the way. Another point of importance is the question of the type of candidate. It is all very well to say that a change to the single-member constituency will not affect the type of candidate. I think it will. I do not think the present system which allows several candidates from one Party to be put forward—the theory is that it gives the voter a choice of various people from the one Party— in practice, and after 18 years of experience in the Dáil as a candidate on six occasions, it is reasonably clear to me and to anybody involved that a great many of those put up as second, third and fourth strings are put up as stooges, to collect the local vote. We are very neighbourly-minded; the Party are known well; and if they have not a candidate their Party vote would go to the other Party. It is a thoroughly bad system which has led to the trouble which everybody seems to agree we are in from a parliamentary viewpoint.

It ends up in people having less and less respect for Parliament.

That is my opinion.

The votes are transferred.

Yes, but why were they cast in the first place?

For sound local reasons, apparently.

I doubt it very much. I am not keen on the "sound local reasons" as being the right way to determine parliamentary matters.

It is the basis of democracy.

I disagree profoundly. What is wrong with politics is that it is still parish pump.

Parish pump is the basis of democracy, not Dublin.

I disagree. I should like to see people becoming more broadminded, to see them looking at their country as a whole and not minding the little local fiddle-de-dees. There are local councils to deal with that kind of thing. I would agree if Senator Sheehy Skeffington made the case that our local government be greatly improved to take care of these parish pump matters. There is far too much emphasis here put on parish pump matters and not nearly enough on national politics—not nearly enough time given by legislators to legislation, too much of their time being taken up with other matters. We can agree to disagree on that.

In relation to what would be a good Parliament, some people think the present Dáil is too big, that there is no necessity for representation on the basis of one member per 20,000 electors, whereas in other countries it is one per 80,000 or 90,000. At the same time as this comment is made, it is quite obvious that in the countries with very large constituencies, there is a good deal of feeling that Parliament and the people are becoming further apart. A contributory factor is the utter impossibility of any single representative being adequately in touch with the constituency of 80,000 or 90,000 which he represents.

From that point of view, I think the size of the Dáil is about right. When you take account of the Members of the Government and Parliamentary Secretaries, you are not left with too many for other uses. Basically, therefore, the objection to change boils down to the system of voting—whether it should be by transferable vote or straight vote. As long as you have multi-member constituencies, the transferable vote is inevitable. Its relationship to PR is reasonably vague from the point of view of regarding PR as a kind of religion. It might apply if the country were one big constituency but when it comes down to the relationship between the system and PR, the appropriateness becomes less and less and I do not propose to talk about PR in that context. I will talk about the present system. I think people have come round more and more to considering the single-member constituency, and the most important matter to consider therefore is how the single-member should be elected. The absurdity of using the transferable vote in this situation is that it gives an undue preponderance to those people who select the least popular candidates because, having had their shot at having a different person elected, the voters now have a second go and are entitled to decide between those ahead of them.

For instance, I cannot see the logic of a Labour voter being put in the odd position of deciding between Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil—why the Labour voter should prefer one to the other is beyond me, they are so similar in outlook. It does not arise from a practical viewpoint. To begin with, there could be confusion. Such a voter might for some odd reason prefer one Party to the other, but what happens if the persons he chooses between are in a reverse position? There are so many anomalies that I do not propose to speak about them. Senator Sheehy Skeffington made some reference to horse racing. If a horse race were run under the system he likes, it would mean that the jockey who rode the horse which finished first would have to have a chat with the jockey on the horse which finished third to see if the chap who passed the post first should be declared the winner. This is more or less what the single transferable vote would do.

You would get quarter the odds on an each way bet.

I yield to the Senator's better knowledge of that matter. What I am discussing is that there are three horses and that only one of them can win.

Three can be placed.

Only one can win in a single-seat constituency.

There is nobody placed in a single-seat constituency.

That is the point I was making. Now, a great many people are in favour of single-seat constituencies and the question is how to pick out the constituencies. My reference to its relationship to horse racing was in an effort to suggest that if this is fair in elections, it should also be a fair system in horse racing.

That was not the point I made. The point I made is that the ordinary Irish voter has the capacity to make selection on a preferential basis. What I said has nothing to do with the fairness of horse racing. It just displays the native wit of the ordinary Irish punter. He is not such a fool as Senator Yeats seemed to suggest.

A few weeks ago when I ventured to interrupt him, Senator Sheehy Skeffington got very indignant.

He did. However, I am not greatly interested in the Senator's interest in horse racing, but it brought the stray thought into my mind that the one could be related to the other. It is not a very good argument, but it was not I who started it.

The thought strayed too much.

One of the curious things about this whole discussion has been that most people seem to be more worried about the effect on their Parties and themselves than anything else. Another oddity is that the very same people who accuse Fianna Fáil of looking for a system that will benefit them, think it virtuous of the Labour Party to fight for a system that benefits them. I cannot see either of these being very virtuous, but certainly it is a contradiction to put the blame on one Party for seeking its advantage and not to blame the other for seeking its advantage. But this type of inconsistency in political comment is by no means rare.

A good deal of reference has been made to what happens in other countries. In the long run, it is not so much a system that determines a country's Government as the will of the people. If Fianna Fáil believe that by changing the system, they are going to be there forever, they are codding themselves because they are assuming that, no matter how they govern, the people will keep on electing them. I see no validity in the type of argument that it is inevitable that this or that will happen. In the long run, it is the will of the people that will decide. Whatever Government are in power under whatever circumstances, if they go too far against the will of the people, they will be thrown out—and I think they will be thrown out more quickly and effectively under the single-seat straight vote. That would be an advantage.

The straight vote certainly did not preserve the Liberal Party, who swept the country in 1906, from being swept into oblivion in the end. It did not prevent the Labour Party, which started only 60 years ago, from becoming a major Party. At the moment I do not believe the straight vote would necessarily save the Labour Party if there were a sudden election in England, although they are in an overwhelming position at the moment. The question of performanence in parliamentary life is one better avoided.

It has been suggested that there would be sudden swings and great instability with rapid changes of Government. This might or might not happen. I do not think it necessarily would, but it would be a very great advantage in the long run to have different Parties in power. It would be a good idea that the Front Bench of the various Parties be given the job of running the country. It would give them experience of such matters. There would not be quite so much jealousy and quite so much comment as from a Front Bench which had never had to assume office, comment which very often is quite uninformed. Whatever swings might or might not take place, it would be to the country's advantage in the long run that a better opportunity be given the various Parties to be in office.

I referred earlier to inconsistencies of argument. I admit most of the inconsistencies do not come from within either House, although at the moment the most glaring one does, that is, this curious motion which is being taken in conjunction with these Bills. I hope I am not being unfair, but it appears to me that basically what it says is that a referendum is undemocratic. I admit that may not be the intention of those who worded the motion, but it looks curiously like that. The suggestion, I take it, is that nine years is too short a time to elapse?

I produce these figures with a certain amount of hesitancy and, if they are shown to be wrong, I will withdraw the whole argument. On a rough calculation, in the nine years which have elapsed, somewhere around 400,000 young people here have attained the right to vote. One of the prepondering arguments in the world at the moment is that young people could be more involved in national life. It seems odd that anyone should attempt to suggest that the opinion of all these people who have attained the vote should not be taken into account, because the electorate in 1959 settled the matter. If my figure is anywhere near right, these people who have attained the vote since 1959 represent somewhere between one-quarter and one-fifth of the electorate. It is highly desirable that their opinion should be taken into account.

Will their opinion be taken into account in another nine years if they vote for the retention of PR on this occasion?

That, I trust, will be for the Labour Government of the day to decide. I am sure the Senator is as optimistic as I am on this matter. Another oddity is the decent oblivion into which the Press have allowed this odd proposal to remain. The Press are not always as kind to parliamentary absurdities, but on this occasion they have been kind and very little notice has been taken of this odd proposal.

Reference has been made to the intelligence of the electorate in using the present system. I hope it will not be suggested that I have been prejudiced against the present system by something which happened in my first election. There were four seats and 13 candidates. I was asked to meet an old lady who had gone in to vote. She had mentioned to my man that she was a great friend of my family and that she was going to vote for me. When she came out we had a short conversation. She explained her friendship with my uncle and went on to add that she had done the best she could for me by saying she had given me 13 votes and Blaney only one.

That was a fair evaluation.

I admit she was entitled to her choice. If that is the way it worked, then I had far more voters than the result showed, because the father of the present Minister for Agriculture and Fisheries came out at the head of the poll. All I could hope was that he was getting the No. Is intended for me. A fair amount of mixing up of voters does take place. If I vote for a candidate who reaches the quota, my choice as regards other candidates is barred. Although a great many people look at the constituency and give you three names, of the three, if they are elected, they elect only one. There is this reservation, that if the most successful candidate got a sufficiently large vote and a surplus, my second choice might help someone else and, if by chance my vote got into the right parcel, I might even influence the fate of somebody else. If I really wish to exercise a good deal of voting in an election, I should take the least favoured candidate, and when he is eliminated, my second choice is as good as the first of anybody else, and if I give my second choice to the next least favoured candidate, the same applies until at some stage my vote disappears.

The Senator does not suggest that the captain of a football team would select a man who got three votes out of 12 on the first count?

(Interruptions.)

Senator Sheldon will note that a merger has already taken place over there.

There are hidden depths in universities. I wonder how many voters understand what is really happening or even how many Senators even realise what happens on the 19th count just because somebody did or did not put down certain figures.

I intended to say more about the effect of the non-transferable vote in single-seat constituencies but I think I have said enough to show that it would put far too much power in the hands of small minorities. The nearer the two major candidates are in a three-corner contest, the more power there would be in the hands of a very tiny minority. There has been a good deal of talk about minorities and their right to representation. Unless a minority is geographically reasonably centred, under the present system they cannot get direct representation. Even a much larger minority scattered over the country has no hope of direct representation so that changing over to single-member constituencies with single non-transferable votes would not have any effect.

It will reduce their chances.

Not really. It is only a minority that is concentrated in a particular area that has any chance of direct representation. I trust I have made my position reasonably clear. I do not pretend to be more logical than anybody else. Possibly, I have some advantage over some of the Senators in that I have had experience of the present system and from my point of view, these experiences were successful. I have learned a great deal from my 25 years experience in public life and this is not some sudden decision on my part. I was of the same opinion nine years ago; although it is unlikely that a great many people would know that. One of the things that happen in public life is that very often one is speaking in camera. I should like to assure Senators who may be disturbed that I do not agree with their point of view, that they need not worry, seeing that nine years ago I spoke for an hour and five minutes on this issue and as far as the Press were concerned, it was not recorded that I had spoken at all. I do not want to appear bitter about this, but I do remember the time when I politely pointed out that the Irish Times did not refer to the fact that I had spoken. I was told that I had begun to speak at 10 o'clock in the evening and that nobody could be expected to be reported at that hour in the Irish Times. Strangely, or perhaps things have changed, Senator Quinlan who spoke after 10 o'clock until 11 p.m. the other night was reported in the Irish Times.

Perhaps the times have changed.

When Governments do this, it is known as censorship, but when a newspaper does it, it is merely editing. In this connection I was interested in a TV feature a few weeks ago, "Tomorrow's People", and a number of young journalists were being interviewed. Two of them hit the nail on the head when they said that as far as Irish newspapers were concerned, there was not enough political news and too much political comment. I thought that was fair comment. I do not object to comment by somebody who puts his name down, but there are too many faceless men in editorial sancta who are always complaining about the faceless men in the corridors of power. I may say, if I am not taking this too far away——

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

The Senator is—just a little.

——the public should know the opinion of people in public life. How can they know if these people in public life are not reported? Think of the devastating effect on the Irish public if Senator Sheehy Skeffington were not reported.

Tá sé soiléir gur conspóid é seo idir na dreamanna éagsúla politíochta agus sin é an fáth gur cuí agus gur cóir liomsa páirt a ghlachadh sa dhíospóireacht seo mar má thagann tráth vótála amach anseo, ba mhaith liom go mbeadh a fhios ag an saol céard a thug orm dul ar thaobh amháin nó ar thaobh eile sa vótáil sin. Tá mo chuid féin smaointiúcháin déanta agam ar an scéal agus, murab ionann agus furmhór mór an Tí seo, níl aon lasc ná aon cheangal orm mo vóta a chaitheamh ar bhealach amháin ná ar bhealach eile. Tá a fhios againn roimh ré, dá fheabhas na hargóintí a luaifear i bhfábhar PR, go vótálfaidh an mhuintir ar m'aghaidh amach ina coinne agus mar a chéile, dá fheabhas na hargóintí a luaifear i gcoinne PR, tá a fhios againn roimh ré i dtaobh na ndaoine ar an taobh seo den Teach, cés moite díom féin agus b'fhéidir duine nó beirt eile, go vótálfaidh siad ar a son. Agus is eol dúinn roimh ré chomh maith cén toradh a bhéas ar an vótáil sin.

B'fhéidir go dtuigfí as sin gur am amú againne bheith ag cur is ag cúiteamh anseo, á lua seo is á lua siúd nuair atá an rud go léir socair roimh ré. Ach ní mar sin atá mar is iad muintir na tíre amuigh a thabharfaidh an bhreith dheiridh ar an scéal agus má tá ceangal ar fhurmhór na Seanadóirí anseo, níl aon cheangal ar an muintir amuigh.

Má gheibheann siad an caoi.

Táim ag teacht go dtí sin. Ba mhaith liom a rá gur ceart mar sin gach gné den cheist a phlé go mion chun muintir na tíre a chur ar an eolas agus chun go mbeidh siadsan in ann breith chóir fhírinneach a dhéanamh agus, chun na críche sin, ba cheart an phlé anseo a fhoilsiú go fóirleathan í measc na ndaoine. Nuair a bhí mise ag iarraidh teacht ar réiteach le mo choinsias féin faoin tairiscint seo mar chonachtas an scéal dom.

Tá dhá phríomh-phrionsabal ann agus dhá mhór-cheist le freagairt dá réir: (1) an fearr agus an féiliúnaí Ionadaíocht Chionmhar nó a mhalairt; agus (2) an fearr agus an féiliúnaí Dáilcheantar aonTeachta nó Dáilcheantar il-Theachta? D'fhéadfadh duine freagra dearfa a thabhairt ar an dá cheist sin agus sin díreach mar d'fhreagróinn féin iad. Tar éis a bhfuil léite agus cloiste agam faoin scéal is é mo bharúil láidir gur fearr agus gur féiliúnaí mar chóras vótála an ionadaíocht chionmhar ná a mhalairt, an vóta díreach mar atá á thabhairt air, agus gur fearr i bhfad agus gur féiliúnaí mar chóras toghchánaíochta an Dáilcheantar aonair ná an Dáilcheantar il-Theachta. Agus creidim go láidir gur mar sin ab fhearr le tromlach na tíre é, ach, de réir na reachtaíochta atá ós ár gcomhair anois, sin rud nach gceadaítear dóibh a bheith acu.

Le linn don Seanadóir Eoin Ó Riain a bheith ag caint inné dúirt sé go raibh sé de cheart ag muintir na tíre a rá cén córas toghchánaíochta is fearr leo agus tagaim leis go hiomlán. Ach, dar liomsa, tá an ceart sin á shéanadh orthu. Níl ach aon rogha caol amháin á thairiscint dóibh, rogha idir ionadaíocht chionmhar plus Dáilcheantair il-Theachta ar thaobh amháin agus an vóta díreach plus Dáilcheantair aonair ar an taobh eile. An bhfuil sé de cheart ag an Rialtas gach rogha eile a shéanadh orthu nó an bhfuil sé thar acmhainn an duine páipéar reifrinn nó páipéar vótála a cheapadh a chuirfeadh ar chumas an vótálaí an dara rogha a dhéanamh, nó an tríú rogha má tá an tríú ceann ann?

Mar atá an scéal, taimíd taobh le aon rogha amháin agus do dhuine mar mise, ar bhfearr leis ionadaíocht chionmhar a choinneáil agus Dáilcheantair aonair a thabhairt isteach, agus nach féidir an dá cheann a bheith aige, ní mór do an dá cheann a chur sa mheá agus teacht ar réiteach eatarthu. Tar éis mo mhachnamh a dhéanamh ar an scéal, tá titim na meá de bheagán, dar liomsa, i bhfábhar an Dáilcheantair aonair. Creidim gur mó de mhaith a dhéanfadh sé sin do chúrsaí parlaiminte agus do chúrsaí riaracháin na tíre ná an mhaith a thiocfadh as an ionadaíocht chionmhar a choinneáil. Mar sin, dá mbéinn sásta gur idir an dá chúrsa sin amháin a bhí bealach ár leasa, ní bheadh deacracht ar bith agam. Rachainn leis an Rialtas sa vótáil. Ach níl mé sásta gur mar sin atá. Níl mé sásta go bhfuil seans á thabhairt san reachtaíocht seo do mhuintir na tíre a rogha córas toghchánaíochta a roghnú. Is mar a chéile é agus a rá le duine atá ag ceannach gluaisteáin: "Tig leat do rogha dath a bheith agat ach é bheith gorm". Mar sin, caithfidh mé teacht ar an intinn gur fearr gan an tairiscint seo a chur faoi bhreith an phobail sa riocht ina bhfuil sé faoi láthair. Muran féidir ag an bpointe seo an rogha a leathnú do réir mar tá léirithe agam ní féidir liom go coinsiasach vótáil ar a shon.

Sa chás go rithfear an reachtaíocht seo mar atá sé faoi láthair agus go gcuirfear faoi bhráid an phobail é sa riocht ina bhfuil sé, beidh an fhadhb chéanna díreach le réiteach ag an gnáth-vótálaí amuigh agus atá agamsa anseo sa Seanad. Tá na mílte daoine, ar ndóigh, a leanfaidh pé treoir a tugtar dóibh do réir mar tá siad báúil le pairtí amháin nó le pairtí eile, ach tá na céadta míle ann mar mé féin a bhéas ag iarraidh a gcoinsias a shlánú agus a chaithfidh diúltú don tairiscint toisc nach bhfuil an rogha is mian leo á thairiscint dóibh.

Cheapas ar feadh nóiméad go raibh tú linn.

Go drugallach, mar a dubhras, táim in bhur naghaidh.

Cén fá nach féidir leis an Seanadóir vótáil ar a son?

Mar nach cóir é a chur sa riocht so. Nílim ag déanamh rogha anso. Táim ag iarraidh an reachtaíocht is féiliúnaí agus an rogha is leithne a chur ós comhair an phobail.

Nuair a chuirfear é cad a thárlóidh?

Sin scéal eile. Tá sé raite agam nach bhfuil rogha á dhéanamh agam anso.

Bíodh misneach agat.

Acting Chairman

An Seanadóir Ó Conalláin.

Sílim go bhfuil sé reásúnta rogha sóiléir a chur fé bhreith na tíre. Caithfear rogha a dhéanamh ansin idir an dá rud a cuirfear, agus ní cheart go mbéimís taobh le haon rogha amháin. Ní ceart roghá cúng mar seo a bhrú ar dhaoine.

Má tá i ndán is go n-éireoidh leis an mbeartas seo agus go nglacfaidh an pobal leis an vóta díreach i gcoitinne mar chóras vótála, ba mhaith liom a fháil amach céard tá beartaithe ag an Aire mar chóras toghcháin don Seanad. Tá sé furasta go leor an tír a roinnt ar bhun tíreolach chun Dáilcheantair aonair a sholáthar ach ní fheicim gur indéanta an córas céanna a chur i bhfeidhm ar an Seanad agus go háirithe ar ionadaíocht na nollscoileanna sa Seanad. B'fhéidir nár mhiste leis an Aire i ndeireadh na díospóireachta seo dhá rud a nochtadh dúinn: an bhfuil aon seans fós ann go leathnófar an rogha a chuirfear os comhair an phobail agus céard tá beartaithe aige do thóghchán an tSeanaid faoin gcóras nua má ghlactar leis san fhómhar.

I am grateful for the opportunity to say something on the Third and Fourth Amendment of the Constitution Bills and the motion. I am supporting the Amendments and will vote against the motion. The Third Amendment of the Constitution Bill deals with the tolerance issue. We must not lose sight of the fact that a decision on this amendment is really forced on us at the present time as a result of a High Court decision. Therefore, it is imperative that there must be a recasting of the constituencies. Consequently, if the constituencies are to be recast, and if there is to be a referendum, it is the most natural thing that the Government should bring up again, and offer for the consideration of the people of the country, the question of what system we should operate in elections in the future.

I have been a good listener in this House. It is only on rare occasions that I have been exasperated to the extent of interrupting anyone or interjecting a remark when someone was speaking. I should like to follow critically some of the things said by Senator Dooge in a speech lasting two hours and ten minutes. He said that the county boundaries were of no consequence, that they existed since the time of King John and were not created by Cumann Luithchleas Gaedheal and were perpetuated since then. I have operated in a county for many years as a public official and I know the importance of the county boundaries and county divisions. I cannot stress too highly the importance of sticking as far as possible in this and in any administrative legislation to the existing county boundaries. When they are breached, we have pockets and town-lands in which people vote for the county council in one county and Dáil Deputies in another. It is my experience that it is absolutely imperative that for better administration, the county and Dáil boundaries should coincide as far as possible.

Since a recasting of the constituencies must be carried out now, it is important that the rearrangement should be in the interests of the people. I was very glad that Senator Sheldon mentioned that. The interests of the people seem to have been lost to a great extent in the consideration of the interests of the political Parties. In the distribution of the constituencies, I am particularly anxious to see that so far as possible the present representation in the west of Ireland is maintained. Senator FitzGerald said that the purpose of the Third Amendment of the Constitution Bill is to give further representation to the West, two extra seats as far as I remember. I understood he meant that it was possible that as a result of the tolerance issue the west of Ireland would get two extra seats.

I said that on the basis of the electorate, they could get two extra seats, but the Bill would enable them to be given five extra seats.

We do not want any extra seats. We are quite satisfied with the representation we have and we will jealously guard that representation.

Extra seats over and above what they are entitled to on the basis of population, not extra to the number they now have.

Not extra to the number we now have but extra to our entitlement.

In proportion to the population.

In fact, the present number of Deputies is more or less unfair. I hate this catchcry which has been going around the country for some months past, to "save the West". I would love if these people who are meddling in the west would keep away from us. All we want in the west is a fair deal. We want a reasonable way of living. Our area, as everyone knows, is not adapted to large industries. Our land is not able to maintain in modern comfort a high density of population. The very nature of our countryside presents many problems unknown to the eastern and better-off counties. We are not begging; we are not unreasonable, when we highlight our problems. The only way we can seek redress is through our county councils, our committees at local levels, and our public representatives in the Dáil and Seanad at national level.

When Senator Dooge drew a comparison at great length between Dublin County and South Mayo, he was not being exactly fair. Senator Dooge knows a considerable amount about Dublin County because at one time he was Chairman of Dublin County Council, but I submit he knows very little about the problems of the west. If he did, he would not have taken those two counties for comparison. Dublin County has a population of 146,000—74,600 electors—which is 29,181 of the population per Deputy, which is 9,153 or 45.07 per cent above the national average. According to the latest figure, South Mayo has a population of 67,798—41,857 electors—which 16,950 of the population per Deputy, or 15.37 of the population per Deputy below the national average. Comparing those two districts and their populations, Senator Dooge made no allowance for hospitals, boarding schools, tourists, visitors, hotels, holiday camps, large housing estates, Dublin Airport, factories, etc., all of which influence the number of people in a particular area.

If on the other side we take into account the number of electors per Deputy, we get a different picture. In Dublin we have 14,920 electors per Deputy, which is 3,021 above the national average—a big difference—or 25 per cent as against something over 40: 25 per cent of electors as against 45 per cent of population. In South Mayo, we have 10,464 electors per Deputy which is 1,435 electors or 12.06 below the national average. Therefore, you will see that the comparison of electors per Deputy is a more realistic figure than that of population per Deputy. I am not saying that, now, because it is in our favour but it is a fact.

The next consideration would be the difficulties or the problems which arise in the two constituencies which were offered here for consideration. The northern portion of Dublin county could be covered. Dún Laoghaire and Rathdown, I understand, covers a large portion of the rural area of South Dublin. North Dublin could in fact be covered by an active Deputy on a push bicycle. The people are generally well-off. They live in good houses, on the best of land. All services are available in most cases. Roads present no problem. Hospitals and schools are on the doorstep. Every requirement for the household is within easy distance. Employment is good and available to all who wish to seek and use it.

County Mayo stretches from Tallaghbawn, which is 30 miles west of Westport, through Westport, Castlebar, Kiltimagh, Kilkelly, Charlestown and Ballaghaderreen, a length of 80 miles approximately with three-fifths of County Mayo stretching to the south for an average of 25 miles but, in some areas, stretching to the south for a distance of 35 miles. One finds every conceivable type of problem which is met with in a rural area and, in an isolated west of Ireland area, it has to be met with and dealt with by Dáil Deputies and Senators in that area. Roads, housing, hospital services, education, scholarships, piers, harbours, water and sewerage extensions, extensions of ESB to out-of-the-way areas, land acquisition and division, turbary and bog plots, drainage, social services, telephone and ESB extensions—in fact, every conceivable form of demand and request for help is made to Deputies and Senators by people in those areas —and that is the purpose they are elected to serve. Although many people would stress that they are legislators, we must bear in mind, at the same time, the constituency limits and the number of Deputies who were agreed on unanimously in the Dáil by all Parties—but not in the Seanad—in 1959.

The present arrangement of constituencies would have been quite acceptable and would not be under consideration now, were it not for the High Court decision of Mr. Justice Budd and on that decision and on his terms, the review of constituencies must now take place. If we have a review now—and we must—is it not the most natural and economic decision to put the full facts before the electorate, to tell them the changes the Government recommend, to set out those changes as clearly as human intelligence can devise on the ballot paper and to leave the decision with the people? I cannot see anything more reasonable and I ask the Opposition if they would now have raised the tolerance question, were it not for Mr. Justice Budd's decision.

The present position, as I have stated, is that Dublin County has 3,021 or 25.09 above the national average per Deputy, South Mayo has 1,435 persons or 12.06 below the average. All that is asked for in the Third Amendment of the Constitution Bill is that a possible variation of one-sixth above the national average and one-sixth below the national average should be written into an Act amending the Constitution.

With regard to population, the national average per Deputy is 20,028. To add one-sixth to that brings a maximum figure which we want to write in now and pass in this legislation. The maximum figure per Deputy would be 23,366 and the minimum would be 16,690. If we examine the present figures per Deputy in the reply given by the Minister for Local Government in the Dáil we shall find that, at present, there are just four constituencies where the number of population per Deputy exceeds that which is proposed in this Bill. These four constituencies are Dublin North-East, Dublin North-West, Dublin County, Dún Laoghaire-Rathdown.

There is at present no constituency, not even in the worst area in the west of Ireland, where the number of population per Deputy is below the figure proposed, but there are four under 17,000. The figure proposed is 16,690. Actually, there are four under 17,000 —North Mayo, South Mayo, Roscommon and Sligo-Leitrim—and there are four more under 18,000—Cork South-West, Donegal South-West, Galway East and Monaghan. All we want, as far as the amendment is concerned, is that our position in the west of Ireland will be at least stabilised at its present membership until the matter has to come up for consideration again in 12 years time. When we take into account the representation we have had, I should like to point out that, in very many cases in the west and south of Ireland, the Senators have to come along and assist and do a lot of work where the Dáil Deputies are unable to do it.

What is the position with regard to representation in the Seanad? If one examines the list of 60 members of the Seanad, one will find that, of the 60, 14 are living in Dublin city; seven are living in Dublin county and 13 in the rest of Leinster, so that the province of Leinster has resident in it 34 Members of Seanad Éireann and the province of Munster has 13 Members of Seanad Éireann. Three counties of Ulster have eight Members of Seanad Éireann and the province of Connacht has five.

If you add 34 Senators to assist Deputies in Leinster, then anybody who wants to have a problem aired or who seeks advice or information would only have to travel ten miles to the nearest Deputy or Senator. However, in Connacht thousands and thousands of people have never seen a Dáil Deputy, except possibly at election times, and Dáil Deputies are not available to them because of the extent of the district. In South Mayo, we have four Deputies and two of them are resident in Dublin because they are Ministers and two live in the county. However, it does not make the slightest difference. The two Fine Gael Deputies in the county are men for whom I have the highest regard and I sincerely hope they will be returned for many years to serve the interests of their people. As far as they are concerned, the problems with which they deal are the problems of people of every political persuasion. In the same way anybody who comes to me gets the greatest possible help, no matter what Party he supports.

I ask the House, and Senator O'Quigley in particular, would they stand for any opposition to the amendment of the Constitution which tends to place that representation for our province and our county in jeopardy? I cannot believe that the Senator will. If we are left with our present representation, then we can tell a number of those busybodies who are going around to leave the west alone. If, on the other hand, we have Labour and Fine Gael joining to defeat that proposal, let them take as their slogan not "Save the West" but "To Hell or to Connacht".

Another thing which is being said quite dishonestly, something which I want to have corrected, is that an effort is being made to have more Dáil Deputies as a result of these measures. Taking the figures which are proposed in the amendments to the Constitution, it is absolutely truthful to say that no provision is made for a single extra Deputy. I hope that that untruthful and unjust propaganda will not be continued. Undoubtedly the Fourth Amendment which deals with the straight vote and single-seat constituency would be of great advantage to the electorate. Many times every day, and most of all on Sundays, Deputies and Senators are approached by constituents in regard to their problems, people seeking help and seeking advice, some of whom may travel 40 miles to see their representative. The Deputies barely know anything about these people, their families, their backgrounds, and so on, but in all cases those people are met with sympathy and dealt with as fairly as possible. What an immense improvement there would be in the service available to local people if they had a Deputy in their own area, if the constituencies were small, single-member constituencies?

The point has been made that we would get better representatives, and I agree, and when I say that, I do not mean that which was stressed here today; I mean representatives who would be better and who would be in a better position to give a better service to the people they represent. As I said, the background and so on of people who travel long distances to see their representatives are not known to the Deputy or Senator and he can only get advice about them through the county council or in some roundabout way. Long ago it used be the national teacher but, of course, no national teachers are living in the country now; they are all living in the towns, and they are no longer available to give the people advice or help. Long ago they were regarded as the people's guides, philosophers and friends. Now they are not available to be consulted by the people or by Deputies or Senators.

In rural areas a change to the single-member constituency is a must. It would be a tremendous advantage to the constituents and also to the public representative, whether he is a Deputy or a Senator. So far as by-elections are concerned, when they take place, it will be within a small limited area where the candidates will be selected for the appeal they make to the local constituents, for the service they have been giving, for the example they have been setting and because of the usefulness of their lives in their particular areas. All these things will be taken into consideration. Only people of the highest integrity, of really worthwhile character, will be offered as candidates. In that way, and I have no hesitation in saying this, the standard of representation in the Dáil will be greatly improved.

Where are all these splendid people now?

There are some of them noticeably absent from this House. There are some in this House in high positions who have not yet learned manners. I have never interrupted the Senator and I object to the Senator interrupting me. Coming from a university professor, I think it shows a very poor standard and poor quality.

The question is awkward, but it is legitimate.

He is the ex-Supreme Knight and he does not like Trinity.

Would Senator O'Quigley please remain within the bounds of decency?

The Senator is not now talking to the members of Mayo County Council, as he did long ago, when he was known as the "Great Dictator".

Consider by-elections in which you will have men of high character, respected in their districts, and, for that reason, they will be put up as candidates. Such men are to be found in the Fianna Fáil ranks, in the Labour ranks and in the Fine Gael ranks in every constituency. Personality and the capacity to serve will be the deciding factor and the Party machine will have very much less influence than it has at present with the electorate.

Service will have its reward. By-elections will not be won by the Party machine, by organisation, by money. They will be won by the wisdom of the people voting for their own man in their own areas and in their own interests. I am very glad Senator Mrs. Connolly O'Brien is here because in one part of her very excellent speech she mentioned that she had been converted from some of the Opposition by the speech of Senator Yeats.

What I said was that Senator Yeats's speech spiked some of my guns. He did what I hoped other people would do but had not done; he said some of the things I wanted to say.

I would like to suggest for Members of this House consideration for the necessity for change, change, in the first place, to the single-member constituency and, in the second place, change as far as the method of election is concerned. I sincerely hope that change will not result in the wholesale wiping out of some of the very excellent Deputies we have in other Parties. Personally, I do not wish to wipe out any Deputy. I pay tribute to the work of the Deputies in South Mayo, who have been very liberal with help and advice to their constituents. I fervently hope that in any redistribution of seats there will be a fair and equitable distribution. Some people have criticised the boundaries of constituencies because they run in a zig-zag fashion. If one follows townland boundaries or electoral areas, one will find greater irregularities. If one cuts across a townland boundary or an electoral area, one is accused of gerrymandering. It is as simple as that. Change is necessary and I hope all Parties will share in the responsibility of recasting constituencies in the best interests of the people. I believe the Commission will be fair to everybody and I hope the Commission will have the co-operation of all Parties.

The forecasts in regard to results following on the passing of these measures may have been a very useful exercise. They may have been a study in depth. They were made for a very specific purpose and that was to prejudice people, to prejudice the electors and to create a scare by suggesting that an ultra-strong Government would result and that Government would use its powers arbitrarily, not for the benefit of the people but for the persecution and destruction of the people.

Is the Senator casting reflections on Radio Telefís Éireann and on the Political Science Department of TCD?

I said they appeared to me to be put out with an ulterior motive.

Then the Senator is casting such a reflection.

These forecasts and calculations were an idle exercise, an exercise carried out before those indulging in the exercise had any knowledge of what the constituencies' shape, size or form would be. I believe the people have seen through that and I believe these calculations and forecasts will have no influence whatsoever on the people from the point of view of their endorsing the single-member constituencies.

Senator Mrs. Connolly O'Brien said that proportional representation has served us well and she sees no need for change.

We have proposals for a change in our health services. We have proposals for a change in our educational system. Proposals are under consideration for improving our social services. We have proposals under consideration for a change in taxation. All these services have served us well for a number of years. In lighter vein, we have proposals for changes in fashion and, in more serious vein, we have proposals for change in the Catholic Church. It is only reasonable then that we should consider changes in our electoral system, if these changes are in the interests of the people. It is only fair the people should be given an opportunity to decide, because, remember, we did not always have a majority when we were arriving at decisions and taking serious steps. I will bring a very personal occasion to mind for Senator Mrs. Connolly O'Brien—1916. When the people who went out in 1916 decided to sacrifice their lives in the interests of the people, the very papers who are now condemning the efforts of the Government in proposing these Amendments to the Constitution are the papers which condemned the men of 1916 who went out and achieved the freedom which we now enjoy, and I mention them by name—the Irish Independent and the Irish Press——

And the Minister for Education.

I mean the Irish Times: The Irish Press was not in existence at that time.

The Minister for Education was not in existence at that time, either.

There is every reason why we should change our system if the majority of the people are convinced that it is in their best interests and the best interests of the country. As I said, everything we have in this country, our freedom, resulted from a decision to act in the best interests of the country and in the best interests of the people. The members of Fianna Fáil are no less interested in the best interests of the country now. They fought opposition, disappointment, frustration, in the pursuit of their policies in the interests of the people and in the interests of the country, and they have been proved right and, having been returned to power, as we have heard here, have been in power for 30 years. The people have confirmed their confidence in Fianna Fáil in six out of seven by-elections fought since the Government publicly announced their decision to bring in these Amendments of the Constitution. The results in the by-elections must have been influenced by the Government's decision which had been made known.

It is a fact that there are many variations of PR which could be tried but the one that has been forced on this country and tried in this country is not foolproof. Senator FitzGerald and many other people testified to the many defects in the system. Where you take multi-seat constituencies, the vast majority of votes cast are never examined for second preference or for subsequent preference. It is true that PR seems to influence elections more in multi-seat rather than in single-seat constituencies but in every case it is the tail wagging the dog.

I will give you some figures. In North Mayo in the last general election, 21,899 votes were cast and 16,020 of those votes were never examined for second preference, that is, 73.2 per cent; 5,789 or 26.8 per cent were examined for second preference and of these, seven per cent did not have a second preference—they were plumpers. I will not go through all of them but I have the seven by-election figures here. In the Wicklow by-election, which was the by-election won by Fine Gael, 67.7 per cent of the votes cast were never examined for second preference.

Why should they be.

I will tell you why they might have been. Thirty-two per cent were examined for second preference and 19.4 per cent of those were non-transferable but you go down to the other end of the scale and the lowest vote cast was 191, which was 0.7 per cent of the total votes cast and that vote could have been counted, as explained here before by Senator Sheldon, five times. A vote for a person who got 0.7 per cent of the total votes cast could, if lucky, have passed right up until it came into the final reckoning and count as five No. 1 votes.

Counted five times as a No. 1 vote. The first lowest candidate got 191 votes. The second lowest candidate got 509 votes, so that his votes would count there as another No. 1. It could go up to the third last. It would count as a third No. 1 up to the fourth candidate and eventually decide the issue as a No. 5.

In the final result, only one person benefits from that vote. It passes on only if the candidate is eliminated.

That is one of the defects, that one vote could decide between two people which should be eliminated.

Perfectly fair.

In the seven by-elections—I will not go through the figures but I have them if I am asked for them—taking the total figures, 80.3 per cent of the votes cast were never taken into account for a second preference. In those seven by-elections, the final result was influenced unduly, as has been pointed out, by the 19.7 per cent of people—you can call them irresponsible as some did; you can call them what you will—in any case, 19.7 per cent had the final influence where 80.3 per cent were never examined for second preference.

Because the first preference was counted and somebody got in on it.

Taken at random.

Where does the one man, one vote come in? That was mentioned by only one Senator, Senator McAuliffe. The really responsible electors have only one vote which counts towards a result, that is, the people who vote responsibly for the candidates who belong to a Party who can form a Government, that is, Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael or Labour. Could anything be more ridiculous than that the people who vote No. 1 for the candidate who gets 100,200 or 300 votes will have his vote go right along until in the end it can be multiplied five times? If preferences were carried forward as surpluses are divided, in proportion, not in the easy way that Senator Quinlan gave out the £1,000 today——

Why not let the computer do it?

The Senator made a profit. He had 4,000 votes, the quota was 1,000; the man who got the 1,000 kept the 1,000 for himself and divided the 3,000 amongst the others.

No: Two thousand.

The Senator divided the 3,000 at 10s, so that he made a profit that was not accounted for.

There were more candidates than one.

However, if in the tail-end the votes were transferred as the fraction which they constituted of the total poll cast, everything would be reasonable, but that only happens in a non-transferable surplus and does not happen in an elimination count, which is quite wrong. It has been contended that we are taking up the time of the House discussing this. I have not taken more than my share and I do not often intrude myself. This question is primarily one for the people. Fianna Fáil find themselves in a position in which they have to take a decision. They are strong enough at the present time to be able to face the electors on this issue, to put the issue before them. In that, they are not acting entirely in the interests of their own Party. Ultimately it may be in the interests of their own Party——

At the next election.

Ultimately, at the next election.

That is a rather short "ultimately".

——but if the decisions go against Fianna Fáil, then every Senator on that side will agree that Fianna Fáil will have put their heads in the noose. At the same time, Fianna Fáil have not ever put the Party before the country and they are not doing it now. They are giving the electors of the country a chance and they are not influenced by the S O S which was sent out by a very prominent Fine Gael Deputy to try to form a coalition with Labour. I do not interpret "S O S" as "Save our Souls" but as "Save Oliver's Surplus". In this matter we are pressing our view with the greatest vehemence—we are putting the case fairly and squarely before the people—and if the people mark X before the word "Yes" in the ballot papers, it is not a sign of ignorance. I assure you it is a sign of great intelligence and I am satisfied the people will show their intelligence and that there will be quite a number of Senators and Members of the Dáil who will be gravely disappointed.

I am satisfied that when the people get an opportunity to pass judgment on these proposals, they will, as in 1959, show their intelligence. These Bills are before us in very strange circumstances, and a remarkable thing about the debate in this House as compared with 1959 is that no senior Minister has been delegated to pilot these Bills through in the same way as happened in 1959. It is remarkable that on this occasion the Taoiseach has not thought it worth his while or has not found time to come to the Seanad——

Or has not been let.

——or allowed to come in to pilot these Bills in the Seanad in the way his predecessor did in 1959, and God knows—I say it sincerely and with charity—he was under a much greater disability, as we all know now, in bringing his proposals here in 1959 than his much younger successor, but it is significant that the Taoiseach has not come to the House to put these Bills before us. It is probably fair to say that at this stage the reports coming in from the Fianna Fáil Party all over the country have left the Taoiseach and many others in his Party dispirited about these proposals and the only person who has stuck it out the whole time in the Dáil and who has been given the job of dealing with it here is the Minister for Local Government, significantly enough, the godchild of the Taoiseach who introduced the referendum proposals in 1959.

There is no doubt that when one looks at the many problems that confront the country in 1968, and the lack of resources to deal with these problems—the high rate of emigration and all the difficulties we face in the future — we are wasting public time and money and losing most valuable time in debating proposals settled by the people in 1959. If it is logical to say that the electorate has changed since 1959, it would be equally logical to say that the whole Constitution should be changed—that we should ask do we still want a Seanad, do we still want a President, do we still want Irish as the first official language? I do not doubt that the reason why that has not been done is that these things in the Constitution do no affect the fortunes of Fianna Fáil in the same way as the system of election does.

The Senator's Party worked hard against the Constitution.

That is the reason why we are held up now as in 1959, wasting public time and money, losing valuable time which could be devoted to trying to meet the competition we have to meet from other countries, debating useless measures which even the Fianna Fáil Party——

Why not let it out, therefore, to be tried?

We have to discharge our duties, and, God knows, we are paid enough for it.

But you are conniving in the waste of time.

What is important is that Government Ministers, instead of bringing their minds to bear on such matters as the introduction of the new health scheme and the finding of a solution to the depopulation of the west, are spending their time dealing with the useless proposals contained in this Bill.

It is interesting to see how the wheel turns a full circle, how the Fianna Fáil Party, who because of expediency in 1937 changed the Constitution, because of expediency are now trying to change a system they do not like. Under the 1922 Constitution, all that was required was that the "Members of the Dáil shall be elected on principles of PR".

That was of British origin.

Senator O'Kennedy spoke earlier about cattle and sheep and pigs. I will say no more. The 1922 Constitution was enacted by the people of this country after a committee of experts, who had examined Constitutions throughout the world——

It was published on the morning of the poll and the people had no chance to read it.

The 1922 Constitution was enacted by the people of Ireland——

It was published on the morning of the poll.

——and during the following five years it was capable of being amended by Act of Parliament——

By permission of the British Government.

Not by permission of the British Government.

Go back and read it.

We got rid of the Oath and of the Governor General. However, the Fianna Fáil Party did not think fit in 1937 to get rid of the clause which said that Members of the Dáil shall be elected on principles of PR. That was all right in 1922; it was all right in 1927; it was all right in 1932; it was all right in 1935; and then the great mathematician himself, Mr. Eamon de Valera——

Leave him out.

He is an integral part, unfortunately, of Irish history.

The President is above politics and the Senator ought to have a little respect.

He was President of the Executive Council.

On a point of order, if the Senator is not debarred from abusing the President, he is bound to be interrupted. I ask that he be——

He said he was President of the Executive Council.

Senator O'Quigley is looking for trouble. If he wants that sort of debate, we will be happy to give it to him.

I will come to that in my time, and very quickly. The Constitution could have been amended at any time from 1932 by Act of Parliament. But it was not done by the then President of the Executive Council or by the Fianna Fáil Party. The then President of the Executive Council was a mathematician and he wanted a nice, neat formula. He devised that for his own purposes and put it into the 1937 Constitution, with the aid and assistance of the entire Fianna Fáil Party. It was a particular form of proportional representation with the minimum number of seats in a constituency fixed at three. If he had left the 1922 Constitution—of course, he did not like it because he said it was dictated by the British and this was continued to be said by Fianna Fáil—and had forgotten about his prejudices, he could at all times have used the Constitution to introduce a different kind of proportional representation. But, since that was not done, the system of proportional representation we have since then has become part of Irish political life. It is for that reason, it being basic to our political system, that we will not change it and the people will not change it.

The then President said in 1937 concerning proportional representation:

The system we have we know; the people know it. On the whole it has worked pretty well. I think we have a good deal to be thankful for in the country: we have to be very grateful that we have had the system of PR here. It gives a certain amount of stability, and on this system of the single transferable vote you have fair representation of Parties.

Are you going to throw out President de Valera with that statement of his?

He also said that if we want to change, we can do it by a referendum.

We can. You tried to do it in 1959 but the people would not have it. Now you are trying to do it again at a time when it is quite irrelevant to the needs of the country. We might as well put a Bill to the people tomorrow asking them to get rid of the Dáil. That would be a silly proposal, and this one is just as silly. President de Valera was not always wrong. The cardio-visual approach he had to the Irish people enabled him sometimes to express a point of view. He expressed it well in 1937 when he put it into the Constitution. I have always said, and Senator Garret FitzGerald said this evening, that this Constitution of 1937 is a splendid document, because it is a reproduction of the 1922 Constitution. In regard to the fundamental system of government, the method of election, the bi-cameral system, it differs nothing.

In its Oath of Allegiance?

That was all part of a developing State.

Senator O'Quigley should be allowed to continue without interruption.

I want to deal with the kind of things Fianna Fáil could have done at any time by an Act of Parliament when they had a big majority. In 1935 they were called upon, in pursuance of the provisions of the Constitution, to revise the constituencies. They did it by the Electoral Act of 1935. They had got into power on a number of dishonest promises, one of which was that there should not be more than 100 Deputies in the Dáil. We had the pitiful excuses of the late President O'Kelly, then Minister for Local Government, and Deputy Lemass when the Electoral Bill was going through that, when they had gone into Government and learned something about the art of politics, they could not do with 100 seats and that the best they could do to redeem their promise was a Dáil of 136 seats compared with 152 up to that time.

Again, on the basis of expediency and to bring their Dáil representation down to what they considered would be a favourable number of Deputies at that time, they butchered every county, or nearly every county, in order to get their 136 Deputies. In those days they had not the slightest concern about breaching the geographical boundaries of administrative counties. They forgot about lakes, rivers, streams and all the other beauties of nature that mark out our different counties. We have 11 constituencies out of 34 with parts of other constituencies tacked on. In those days they had not the slightest concern about administrative boundaries because it was necessary in the interests of political expediency to redeem the promise to reduce the Dáil to the lowest number they could get it down to.

This is not the findings of one man or the views expressed by one or two people. This was a vote of the entire Fianna Fáil Party. The Schedule to the 1935 Act shows what they did. The constituency of Meath-Westmeath consisted of the administrative county of Meath and the administrative county of Westmeath except the portion comprised in the county constituency of Athlone-Longford. To that constituency they gave five seats. Then they had this new constituency of Athlone-Longford, which consisted of the administrative county of Longford and certain district electoral divisions of Westmeath as well as certain places in Roscommon. That had three seats. Roscommon was the administrative county of Roscommon except the portion comprised in the county constituency of Athlone-Longford. All of Sligo was in except the portion comprised in the county constituency of Leitrim. Leitrim consisted of itself and the portion taken out of Sligo. East Galway was comprised of the administrative county of Galway except the portion comprised in the county constituencies of Clare and West Galway. It shed a bit to Clare and West Galway and it was given four seats. Clare county constituency was made up of the administrative county of Clare and portion of Galway. Where is the honouring of administrative boundaries in that?

Listen to what they did with Carlow-Kildare. It comprised the administrative county of Kildare and the administrative county of Carlow except the portions thereof comprised in the county constituencies of Wicklow and Wexford. The carve-up of Wexford was not a case of the west being broken and bleeding, but a case of the east being broken and bleeding. Carlow county was divided up between Wicklow, Wexford and Carlow-Kildare. Wicklow—and this is something the Parliamentary Secretary at present with us should be interested in—consisted of itself and the portions taken out of Carlow. Wexford consisted of itself and the portions taken out of Carlow, while Waterford consisted of the County Borough of Waterford, the administrative county of Waterford and parts of County Cork.

This was the butchering that had gone on for the purpose, as was explained in the debate, of working out a system that would give them as near to 100 Deputies as possible. The best they could do at the time was 136. In those days there was not anything like the good roads and the number of cars or telephones now available to people if they wished to contact their Deputies. People could travel to any portion of these different constituencies and there was no concern whether they belonged to a particular county or not. That was the arrangement made.

When you look at that and see the way the Fianna Fáil Party in 1937 dealt with the provisions of the 1922 Constitution, it is impossible for the people to have respect for the judgment of Fianna Fáil when it comes to the devising of constituencies and the devising of means whereby the boundaries and limits of constituencies are to be drawn up. I understand there is an agreement to go on until 6.30 p.m.

If the Senator wishes to continue and finish before 6.30 p.m. that is all right. We can adjourn then.

At what time is it proposed to adjourn? Who is making these arrangements? We came in here on Tuesday and were told that the Seanad was sitting on Tuesday from 3 to 10 p.m.; on Wednesday, from 3 p.m. to 10 p.m. and on Thursday from 10.30 a.m. to 5 p.m. Now we are going on until 6.30 p.m. with no apologies. Can people make no arrangements? What kind of procedure is this?

I announced today that we would sit until the Second Stage was finished, or at least until all the speakers had finished and that, if necessary, we would sit tomorrow morning.

Does that mean that we are sitting until 10 o'clock tonight?

Acting Chairman

It is proposed that we adjourn then at half-past six.

Could we be told at what time the Minister is likely to being his speech?

As soon as the speech-making stops.

Are we adjourning then or will the Minister start, say, at 10 o'clock and go on until 11?

If he has not finished at 10 or 11 we would go on until midnight?

I am hopeful that if the Senators who desire to speak have finished by 9 p.m. the Minister will be able to get in at that hour.

And finish tonight?

And finish in the morning.

The arrangement was that we would finish tonight.

Yes, but I did not count on the extraordinary length of the speeches.

Acting Chairman

It is proposed to continue until 6.30. Senator O'Quigley on the Bill.

All this talk about county boundaries certainly had no place in the Fianna Fáil philosophy or thinking in 1935. What is more significant is that they continued with that system from 1935 right up to the next revision of constituencies 12 years later in 1947, even after the 1937 Constitution had been enacted.

In practice it does not very much matter where people live or by whom they are represented because what people want and what the country wants is good representation in Dáil Éireann and it does not matter to a person who his Deputy is, whether he lives in Dublin North Central or Dublin North East, if he is getting good government and good services. The same applies equally in respect of people living in rural Ireland. If the economy is prospering it does not matter to people how many or how few Deputies they have or how near they live to a Deputy. Ultimately, their concern is whether they are prospering, whether there is a good social system, good social services, good educational facilities and a reasonable cost of living and whether we have peace and order and tranquility within the bounds of the State. That is what matters.

I listened to Senator O'Kennedy with great respect because his speech was unusual coming from the opposite benches. It had a refreshing honesty and candour which does not characterise many speeches from that side of the House. When I listened to Senator Flanagan and heard him moaning and groaning and going on with the parish pump type of approach he adopted towards national affairs I began to despair of good coming out of the Fianna Fáil Party. The picture he painted of the west of Ireland and of its decrepit state was, perhaps, no exaggeration. The other day when I spoke of the decay and despondency in rural areas, there were shouts of "No" from the Fianna Fáil Party but Senator Flanagan told us the same thing today about the magnitude of the problems with which the people of south Mayo have to wrestle every day. Having extra Deputies is no use to them because even if Deputies visit, four or five times a year, every house in the constituency it will not bring more factories, more water supplies or help to remedy the decline in population or get better prices for cattle or pigs.

None of these things matters—how often people see a Deputy or how near they are to him. What utimately matters is the economic and social policy of the Government, or which the Government are compelled by the Opposition—which has been the case for the past seven years—to provide for the people. We have had to do this in respect of education, health, and social services and we are trying to do it in relation to other things. If anybody looks at our policy, our economic plan, in the publication, "Policy for a Just Society", he will find it spelled out there. There were no articles in the Irish Times saying that the economic policy of the Fine Gael Party was unintelligible as the Irish Times articles said the other day about the Minister for Finance, Mr. Haughey, when they said he was talking about a subject he was unable to explain.

That was well answered.

It shows how ignorant the Irish Times leading article can be at times and how malicious.

The political correspondent of the Irish Times, when commenting on our policy for a just society did not have to opine and infer what Fine Gael meant because it was spelled out quite clearly. In the last few years we, as an Opposition, have had to kick the Government into introducing some of the policies we have advocated while the Government were spending their time rowing with the farmers.

When Senator Flanagan asked me if I were going to vote against the tolerance Bill I could answer: "Yes, certainly" because the day that the west of Ireland votes for the tolerance Bill they sign the death warrant of rural Ireland in accepting the position that the population of rural Ireland is going to continue to decline because the tolerance Bill is based on the presumption and premises that that will happen and for that reason they must be given more representation than the population figures would entitle them to have.

That is what is contained in the so-called tolerance Bill for rural Ireland. That is why I say to them: "Tell the Government that in rural Ireland you are not prepared to accept a state of decline in the future." If the people do not do that the Government will be able to say in time, and no doubt their propagandists will be able to manipulate the wording so as to say that even the whole country recognised that there are certain counties where the population would continue to fall and that this was accepted by the people in the referendum of 1968. That is why I say to the people of the west of Ireland and of South Mayo, from which Senator Flanagan comes, that chief of all the things they must do is accept that they will continue in a state of decline. On the other hand, you have the Fianna Fáil Party recognising this and proposing to send down civil servants to Castlebar—against their will—in order to bolster up the local population.

Senator Yeats, of course, has inherited a poetical fancy and an innate sense of curiosity which obliges him to poke around in debates, pamphlets, documents——

What has the Senator been doing, going back to 1935 or even 1922? I did not go that far.

I am merely looking at the statutes.

The Senator misread the 1922 one.

Of course, he will find pronouncements by different members of the Fine Gael Party now and again about PR. Of course he will.

Fine Gael policy, Point 6.

He may find that, too. However, this is the significant thing, that Fine Gael as a Party have always kept in line with public opinion.

They never got 40 per cent of the votes.

I shall come to that in a minute. We have kept in line with public opinion, and we were wrong, let it be said, in the Thirties in suggesting the abolition of PR, because when that was put into the Constitution in 1937, it was accepted by the people. We were right in 1959, and we are right again today.

Is your Leader right?

Our Leader is always right.

He is in this case.

I am glad to have the acknowledgment from the Fianna Fáil Party that our Leader is sometimes right. As I say, we have always kept in line with public opinion, and if we had a proposal to make and if the people did not accept it, it was dropped. We did not seek to impose our views upon the people when the people indicated in 1937 that they wanted PR as it was used up to that time in this country.

It is interesting to recall the shift that has taken place in the debate on this Bill as compared with 1959. Fianna Fáil, of course, still talk about the evils of coalition government, but the main argument in 1959 was that PR led to a multiplicity of Parties. Time has proved Fianna Fáil wrong, because in 1968 there are only three political Parties in this country, and all their gloomy forecasts as to what would happen if PR was not abolished in 1959 have been belied with the passage of time. Not alone are there fewer political Parties but there are even fewer Independents. The reason is that the people have seen that these small Parties and these Independents do not, in the long run, or indeed in the very short run as in this case, have anything very constructive to offer, and that in our day what is wanted is organisation through Parties, and they have elected in favour of three.

It will always be so. There will always be three political Parties in this country, even without the straight vote or even if you are to abolish PR and replace it with the straight vote. History has so ordained that there was a Cumann na nGaedheal Government which set up the State and another Party which rebelled against that State. That is history and we cannot get away from it. There are not the same references in these days to what happened in 1922.

The Senator has raised that now.

The people who rebelled were the people who deserted their oath to the Republic.

The Minister for Agriculture went down to Limerick and wrote in red paint or directed his minions to write in red paint "77" under the name of O'Higgins. As I say, that is history. There was and there always will be a trade union movement, and there always will be a need for a trade union movement.

Thanks to Fianna Fáil, there is a big trade union movement here today. There was no trade union movement when Fine Gael were in office: 8,000 or 9,000 members in the whole country.

There always will be a trade union movement and the trade unions will always find among their members persons whom they would wish to see elected to Dáil Éireann. There are new trends developing in public affairs around the world that have not yet come to these shores, and I shall deal with those in a minute. The object of the Fianna Fáil exercise is to get rid of Fine Gael or Labour, one or the other. Deputy Lemass, when he was Taoiseach, said that Fine Gael was a redundant Party. The Minister for Agriculture, who was then Minister for Local Government, in 1959 said— and the press reported it and we saw it in our own typescripts here but he had it erased from the Official Report—that when PR was abolished, Fine Gael would have had it.

The Senator may not criticise in that fashion the proceedings of the Dáil or the Ceann Comhairle.

Quod dixi dixi.

The Senator may not indulge in remarks of that kind, and he knows very well that he should not.

That is what the Minister for Agriculture said in 1959, and that is what the then Taoiseach said, that Fine Gael was a redundant Party. They want to get rid of Fine Gael or Labour, a surplus Party. That is the whole object of this exercise. Then we have Senator O'Kennedy trying to tell us here today that this proposal is introduced for our benefit, that we ought to be able to see that in time we would become the alternative Party to Fianna Fáil.

And Senator Murphy said we have a plan to annihilate them.

Have you not?

Is that what your Leader tells you at the Party meetings?

These Parties have evolved through history. The people's preferences are cast in that mould and there is nothing very much Fianna Fáil can do about it. They would love to be able to squelch one or other, or both, because in keeping in with the megalomaniac view of the former Taoiseach, Deputy Lemass, they believe there will always be a Fianna Fáil Government.

So there will be so long as there is no alternative.

Consequently, they want to make quite sure it will be that much easier for them by abolishing one or other of those Parties. If the Fianna Fáil Party wanted to present the honest image that Senator O'Kennedy tried to present this morning, and if they really believed it was necessary in the interests of this country and the interests of our institutions and political stability to change the system of election, I would have expected that at some of the Fianna Fáil Ard-Fheiseanna, if the cumainn did not put down a resolution to abolish the system of PR from 1959 onwards, at least the National Executive would have done so or they would have prompted some cumann to put down such a resolution.

Look at the agenda for the past 15 years.

No such resolution appeared on the Fianna Fáil agenda until the last Ard-Fheis.

The Senator is wrong.

And none was adopted.

Year after year it has been there.

Bring them here and put them before the House. It is my information—and I am not making the statement without due inquiry——

The Senator has a lot of dopey informants. They do not read Irish.

Possibly they concealed it in Irish. At any rate, if the Fianna Fáil Government were interested in allowing a healthy discussion to take place on the matter, they would have produced a White Paper in the same way as they produced a report of the committee on the development centres; they would have produced a White Paper as the Minister for Finance produced one in connection with the added value tax or in regard to standard time; or in the same way as they did on a variety of other matters, like the decimal system. That is what a Government do when they believe they have a problem which affects the nation so that they can get the reactions of the press and of various people. They would have done it openly, and not in the dishonest way they attempted to do it by wedging the business of PR into this expansive report of the Committee which dealt with the Constitution. They would have done it openly and honestly if they believed it was a national problem. The views of all Parties would have been taken into consideration. They did not do that because they were not honest in their approach, and it is this dishonest approach which will be the undoing of Fianna Fáil in the referendum.

I want to just suppose that Fianna Fáil got 90 seats at the next election. I want to contemplate that frightening prospect.

Where did you get that figure?

Mr. O'Sullivan

From Senator O'Kennedy.

He said it would be 85 to 90.

I want the Seanad to consider that frightening prospect.

That is very encouraging.

In that hypothetical situation we would have 90 Fianna Fáil Deputies in 90 constituencies, with no Opposition TD in any of the 90 constituencies. The 90 Fianna Fáil Deputies would so cultivate that situation, and so dig themselves in, that it would take something like the foot and mouth disease to get rid of them. I know what I am talking about because I know the present methods used by Fianna Fáil under PR in order to win votes, and in order to intimidate people into continuing to vote for them.

The old age pensions. We heard that before.

They would carry on their present activities, what I regard as a kind of police State activities. They would tell the people that if they did not vote for So-and-So they would lose their jobs, as if they were not entitled to jobs in their own country. They would tell them they would not get grants for houses, or grants for sewerage, or that they would not get a licence for this or that, or that they would lose their pensions.

(Interruptions.)

It is easy to see from the interruptions that I have hit a sensitive point. This goes on all the time. When I say this to some decent people in Fianna Fáil, they say they do not believe it goes on, but it does.

That is not true.

When I tell them that is so, they say that they would not stand over it. These are the tactics that would be employed if Fianna Fáil had 90 seats. There would be no getting them out in the unlikely event of their getting 90 seats in 90 constituencies. These are the tactics by which they have continued in power and, on a grander scale and more blatantly in modern times, they have set up the Taca organisation which is a form of political blackmail in order to make people subscribe for benefits received and to be received. It is used to compel the support of people. Why is it that the Minister for Local Government would not surrender the power he has in regard to planning appeals under the 1963 Act? The reason, as we all know, and as Dundrum Enterprises found out to their cost——

That is a great phrase with you: "As we all know."

The public know and every builder, architect, engineer and quantity surveyor in the State knows——

"We all know."

——that there is corruption going on, and it is only once in a while that someone like Mr. Kelly as in the case of Dundrum Enterprises will sue for the money to which he said he was entitled for favours which he got from a planning appeal. We all know this. Every builder, architect, engineer and quantity surveyor in the country knows it. Getting planning permission is now regarded as one of those expenses one must incur if one wants to undertake a particular piece of development. These are the unscrupulous and unfair methods by which Fianna Fáil have continued in power. I regard it as an insult to the memory of the men who sacrificed their lives in 1916 to see unfortunate widows and fathers of large families afraid to express their preferences openly, because they are afraid it would get back to the Fianna Fáil Party. There are people who believe that there is no such thing as the secrecy of the ballot box, and this is cultivated by Fianna Fáil who say: "We will get to know how you voted."

The Senator is an expert in scurrility.

They are told that Fianna Fáil will find out how they voted.

You are contemptible.

What you regard as contemptible and scurrilous is a measure of the depths to which the people in Fianna Fáil descend in order to get political power.

The Senator is scurrilous.

Under the straight vote system, inevitably we would have one-Party rule. We hear talk about strong government and stable government. We have seen the result of the straight vote system in countries that have stable government. In the Dáil the Taoiseach referred to the stability they have in the ancient democracy of the United Kingdom and in Canada and the United States. Who will say there is fair representation for all the people in the United States or in Britain?

Or the Six Counties?

Are they dictatorships?

No, they are not dictatorships, but I want to illustrate how democracy can be misused. There is in France, the home of democracy, I suppose, or Republicanism—Senator FitzGerald would say Britain is the home of democracy——

Parliamentary democracy.

There is in France strong and stable government under a wise and great leader. That strong and stable government have brought about the kind of thing we have witnessed— damage done to the tune of £3,000 million in France. All is quiet at present but wait until the students return to the Latin Quarter in October and it will not be so peaceful. Do not forget that people have strong views and if they cannot find a vehicle for expressing their views in Parliament, there is the extra-parliamentary opposition which is now spoken about. We have seen that in France. They have the same in Japan, called zengakeran. That is a phonetic rendering. This is to be a new pattern for people to express themselves. Now, in this country, we did have a very strong and vocal minority in the form of the IRA. However, a number of remedial measures were taken to dampen down the strong views the IRA had in this country not the least of which was the removal of the king as the head of our country for the purposes of external representation.

It is now 6.30 p.m. I want to know if the Senator will move the adjournment. If not, I propose to move the adjournment until 7.30 p.m.

I will finish now but we shall resume at a later stage.

Business suspended at 6.30 p.m. and resumed at 7.30 p.m.

Before tea I was saying that one of the reasons the tolerance Bill must be opposed is because to agree that the population of the counties for which it is allegedly intended to be designed means that the populations of these counties would continue to decline and that is something which I for one will not ask the people of these counties or in other parts of Ireland to accept. An equally strong reason for opposing the Fourth Amendment Bill is that the abolition of PR would mean that all the people who believe they are entitled to start new Parties, who believe that the public are tired of the old Parties would find themselves completely frustrated by knowing that at the beginning at any rate they could never obtain any seat in the Dáil. It is of great significance that the people in certain constituencies in their wisdom elected four Sinn Féin candidates in the 1957 general election. These four candidates never took their seats but we never had any complaints from the Sinn Féin Party that they were being oppressed because they had the entitlement to seek representation in the Dáil and got it and did not use it. In the next general election the people in their wisdom and with a degree of political maturity wiped them off the map.

In catering for political minorities, for instance, the great numbers of people in the trade union movement who traditionally have had Dáil representation, it is equally important to bear in mind that we have a national problem which people are inclined to forget. One of the great national problems is Partition and it was very disquieting to note at the Orange celebrations this month that Mr. Craig and Mr. Faulkner were able to get up and say, as Senator O'Kennedy in his innocence said today, that the minority in the North have no cause in justice to complain about anything. What Senator O'Kennedy said was that minorities in this country should involve themselves in political Parties and should involve themselves in other activities and that they have no right to be minorities. That is the kind of attitude, the kind of cant and the kind of thinking that will be taken up in the North in the same way as Captain O'Neill speaking in his home town on Orange day said, as a result of what the Minister for Education had to say about 1916, that the people down South were now realising the wisdom of the North's stand in 1922. If we get rid of minorities and if the rights of minorities to have representation under proportional representation are got rid of, we are inviting the North to continue to say that the minorities up there have no right to be represented. That was the theme of Senator O'Kennedy's speech today.

It was not.

Read the Report when it comes out. It will be a while before it does come out but read it. The theme and the whole idea of abolishing proportional representation is a long way removed from what Mr. de Valera said to the Evening Standard in 1938. He said then that taking into account the prevailing sentiments in the North and of the majority of the whole island he would immediately have a single all-Ireland Party election under proportional representation in order to be fair to minorities. This, he said, might entail a different Executive but what he proposed in the existing situation would be to say to Belfast:

Keep all your present powers, we ask only one thing of you, we think the area you control is not the area in justice you could claim even for Parliament but we will make the concession if you guarantee fair play for the minority and consent to the transfer to an all-Irish Parliament of the powers now reserved to the Parliament of Westminster.

Inherent in that was the idea that the minority in the North was entitled to be treated fairly.

PR would make no difference to them.

So Senator Yeats, speaking on behalf of Fianna Fáil, says the minority in Derry are being treated fairly.

(Interruptions.)

Is the minority in Northern Ireland being treated fairly?

(Interruptions.)

We have come a long way from the statement made by the Taoiseach of the day, Deputy Éamon de Valera, to the Evening Standard in 1938.

(Interruptions.)

We are telling the Senators on that side also what the Fine Gael Party have done and said about proportional representation all over the years and what they say now.

(Interruptions.)

I want to refer now to another matter raised by Senator O'Kennedy. Mark you, his speech was referred to as a serious contribution to the debate. He was, I think, well worth listening to, but I gathered from him, from the Taoiseach and from all the other Fianna Fáil speakers, that the system of the straight vote and the single seat is designed to achieve a better type of candidate for the Dáil. I have no doubt in my mind but that, under the straight vote system, the Fianna Fáil Party will continue to select the same kind of candidate as they have selected under proportional representation. The theory may be all right but, in practice, this will not make the slightest difference and, if there was any sincerity whatever in Fianna Fáil's alleged anxiety to get good candidates and good representatives into Parliament, their Taoiseach would have exercised his discretion in relation to the selection of 11 members to the Seanad in such a fashion as to command the respect of the community.

(Interruptions.)

I will not go into the 11, but when that point was raised with Deputy Lemass in the Committee on the Constitution, he said: "What can you do?" The newspapers have time and time again condemned the Taoiseach's selection. When the Taoiseach had it in his power to bring into Parliament people of merit and people of quality, people who, if they were presented to the public would not be elected because they had no popular appeal, but who, because of their quality and merit, should be in Parliament, the Taoiseach declined time and time again to appoint such people. When one sees that in relation to a matter in which the Taoiseach has absolute discretion one can only conclude that no better candidates would be selected by Fianna Fáil under the straight vote system. The Taoiseach calls it the relative majority system.

Perhaps the Senator would cease reflecting offensively on Members of the House.

I am merely talking about what has gone wrong.

The Senator, to continue.

The whole purpose of any electoral system, the whole purpose of government, the whole purpose of a constitution, the whole purpose of all the money spent on the Army and the Garda Síochána, is to ensure domestic peace and order. What must be avoided is a situation in which discontent among certain sections of the community can erupt into violence. Proportional representation has led to such a situation. We have had in this country, especially since the repeal of the External Relations Act in 1949, order and tranquillity. The dissident, republican minority know that there is available to them a means by which they can get representation for their point of view. They have sought that representation and the fact is that we have had peace. There is fair representation for all points of view and that can only be achieved under proportional representation. The fact that people can get representation even for points of view that are not generally accepted has given us one of the greatest blessings any country can enjoy, internal peace; from that we can move on to peace among nations but we must, first of all, have domestic peace. We have had that. I venture to forecast—I do not mind forecasting because history teaches—that if we ever reach the stage at which we have a strong, arbitrary government here we will cease to have the peace and tranquillity we have enjoyed up to now.

When I see a government that can be so wide of the mark in interpreting public sentiment as the Fianna Fáil Government has been I am appalled at the prospect of a Fianna Fáil Government with an absolute overall majority. I see a Fianna Fáil Government so out of touch with the real needs of the people that a member of a Fianna Fáil Cabinet can produce and present to Parliament legislation prohibiting a man leaving £300 or £900 to his wife; that was the first Succession Bill introduced into the Dáil by Deputy Haughey when he was Minister for Justice. A man who died and left £300 would be compelled, had that legislation been enacted, to leave one-third of that to his children. That shows ignorance of affairs. When I see that sort of thing I wonder what would Fianna Fáil do if they had an absolute majority. Again, it was a strong Opposition and a vocal press, plus the chance of a general election, which resulted in Deputy Haughey being quietly dropped and that particular provision suitably amended.

Again, the Fisheries Bill is still lying in the Dáil. In that Bill Fianna Fáil propose that young lads fishing across the Moy, or over the Shannon, or in some mountain streams, must pay a licence in 1968. It will no longer be lawful for a young lad to take his rod and wet his line; he will have to pay a licence and, if he does not do so, he will commit an offence. That is the way Fianna Fáil govern and that is the way they will get taxation to finance the protection of fisheries. They will require everybody, irrespective of means, to pay a fishery licence.

Again, there is the Livestock Marts Bill which was being steamrolled through the Dáil. The debate was guillotined. It is working very satisfactorily. Nothing has been done for the livestock marts since they got their licences but it was absolutely urgent at that time. All that the Minister for Agriculture wanted was to get a hold over the livestock marts and, having done that, he has done nothing since. He has not introduced any regulation and it has made not the slightest difference to the manner in which these marts are functioning. The first thing he wanted was to get a hold and power and to be in a position to tell these people: "If you do not do what I want you to do, you will be closed down." He is less likely to do anything now after the beetgrowers' election. These are only random samples——

Random irrelevancies.

——of the Fianna Fáil approach to legislation when they have a majority. If they ever reach the stage where they have the large majority they hope they would get under the single-seat there would be literally no standing them.

We have enough now to do anything.

If you have, it is a great pity you do not do something about the economy of the country.

None of the dire prophecies the Senator has made have come true.

Of course, they have enough to do anything but the Fianna Fáil Party know that they are on the way out——

You have been saying that for 30 years.

——and they realise it behoves them to be of good behaviour and to try to curry favour with public opinion until the next general election but I have no doubt whatever that if they got into power with this majority the difference between life under a Fianna Fáil Government with an absolute majority of 90 and life in some of the eastern countries of Europe would be very difficult to detect.

What do you know about eastern countries in Europe? I did not intend to intervene unduly in this debate but I am prompted to do so by the vitriolic speech made by Senator O'Quigley. I was shocked and disgusted, in fact, to listen to his speech before tea. He was beginning to get equally objectionable after tea. I am inclined, for the record, to think that some things must be stated because of the continued misrepresentation of the facts of history which has gone unchallenged from year to year and from week to week. When opportunity like this occurs, I think the facts should be stated and the record put right.

Senator O'Quigley is supposed to be a man of some intelligence and his Party is supposed to have some patriotic outlook. He is supposed to have some interest in the peace and comfort and goodwill of the citizens of this country.

He has not the guts to wait. He is leaving the House.

He is supposed to want to see the people of this country living in harmony together. We all do.

He has scuttled out.

That is an unfair reference.

He ran like a rat.

That is unfair.

Senator Ó Maoláin to continue.

If there is one thing that I find deplorable it is this misrepresentation of the history of the period surrounding the Treaty and what followed. It is distasteful to have to remind Senators here in an Irish Parliament of the true facts of the situation that existed at that time but Senator O'Quigley has given the other side of the picture and I feel that it is right and proper that I should give the true facts as history will relate them.

Senator O'Quigley says that, because of expediency, Fianna Fáil changed the Constitution in 1937. He added to that that the 1937 Constitution was a reproduction of the 1922 Constitution and, then, that the 1922 Constitution was enacted by the people of Ireland and, finally, that the Fianna Fáil people rebelled against that State.

Let us take the facts of the situation as they are known to historians and as they will be seen in the light of history in the future and as they can be verified now by Senator FitzGerald or any other equally interested statistician or historian.

The 1922 Constitution, said Senator O'Quigley, was enacted by the people. It was a document, a draft of which was sent over to Great Britain for approval of the British Government. It was radically changed by the British Government. It was sent back to the Provisional Government of the Irish Free State and they were told that this was the document they would have to have as their governing fundamental law. It was concealed from the people until the morning of the poll in June, 1922, at the packed election, and on the morning of the poll, when newspapers were scarce in this country, when their circulation was minimal compared with what it is now, when very few people in rural Ireland even saw a newspaper until a couple of days after it was published, and many people had to rely on weekly newspapers—on that morning the terms of that abject, disgraceful document were published in the Irish Independent, the Cork Examiner, the Cork Constitution, the Freeman's Journal and a couple of the Belfast papers and that was all that the people of these 26 Counties who were free to vote on that Constitution knew about it. It could not, therefore, be said to be a Constitution enacted by the people of Ireland and, particularly, by the people of rural Ireland.

Senator O'Quigley says that the Constitution of 1937 was introduced because of expediency by Fianna Fáil. The Constitution of 1937 was introduced after a long period of tearing up inch by inch the disgraceful document which was forced down the throats of the Irish people in June, 1922 and inch by inch it was torn to bits after Fianna Fáil became the Government, in 1932, until there was nothing left but tatters and shreads and then the Constitution of 1937 was, first of all, presented to the Dáil and then to the people and there were six or seven weeks of debate and discussion throughout the country and, having passed through the Dáil and Seanad, it was then submitted to the people by way of referendum, a thing which the Fine Gael Party very much dislikes.

And now you are beginning to tear it up.

The referendum resulted in the enactment by the people by a free plebiscite of the Constitution of 1937.

Senator O'Quigley further tries to confuse those who do not know the facts by alleging that the 1937 Constitution under which we live was a reproduction of that disgraceful document of 1922. Senator O'Quigley knows damn well that there were 13 Articles in that 1922 Constitution which could not be changed by even 20 votes of the Irish people. He knows of the subservience of the so-called Irish Parliament to the Parliament of Great Britain. He knows of the allegiance which had to be sworn to the British Crown, its heirs and successors. He knows that, in fact, it was the Constitution of a very diminutive colony, not the Constitution even of a dominion, certainly not the Constitution of a free nation.

There is another one running out of the House.

This is the Constitution which Senator O'Quigley says was incorporated in the Constitution of 1937.

And another one is leaving.

There will not be one of them left. They are running.

The Constitution of 1937 was a republican Constitution which established a Republic, as proof of which, in 1949 when it was decided to name this State, no trouble was found. There was no impediment, there was nothing extraordinary in the declaration of this Republic. All that was required was a simple Act of Parliament because the 1937 Constitution, not being a reproduction of the Constitution of 1922, was capable of being used in that way as a Constitution of an independent Irish State. Senator O'Quigley, in spite of his knowledge— and he must know something; God knows he talks enough here to have read some books on history—says that on top of all that we have a national problem, Partition, ignoring the historical fact that the Constitution of 1922 was a partitionist Constitution based on a sell-out of the Irish nation by the Treaty of 1921 which assented to the partition of Ireland, and subsequently, in 1925, under the same Constitution, an Act was passed through the Dáil and Seanad of this Free State, as it then was called, through the British House of Commons and the House of Lords and through the House of Commons in Northern Ireland, ratifying the partition of Ireland, so far as it legally could be done, for all time, and the title deeds of partition, enshrined and embodied in the Treaty and in the Constitution of 1922, were solidified and ratified by the elected representatives of the people here and by the British Parliament and the Parliament of Northern Ireland.

That is a confounded misrepresentation of the facts.

You sold the country by treachery.

For years we have tried——

You know he is telling the truth.

——to minimise that objection by our whole policy which would put an end to that and we have got very little co-operation from Fine Gael as that goes, that is for the record and for historical accuracy. Senator O'Quigley says that reports coming in from Fianna Fáil around the country have left the Taoiseach dispirited. Where he gets the idea that these reports are coming in I do not know. He must have the Taoiseach's office bugged or the Fianna Fáil headquarters connected by a bugging machine to his house, or he must have a crystal ball into which he looks every morning, or he must be a soothsayer, but certainly if he is conning himself into believing that reports are coming in to make the Taoiseach dispirited he is barking up the wrong tree indeed.

Far from reports coming in and making the Taoiseach dispirited, the reports which we have got on the reaction of the public to the question of the straight vote and the single-seat constituency are so encouraging that I have no doubt whatsoever that if this Fine Gael-Labour Coalition will allow this question to be put to the people they will reverse the foolish decision they made in 1959 at the behest of both those Parties at that time. He says Fine Gael have always kept in line with public opinion. The most notable example of Fine Gael keeping in line with public opinion occurred in 1933. Many Senators will remember that time. In the previous April, 1932, the British Government, at the behest of Fine Gael, imposed a list of economic sanctions on Irish produce——

That is historical truth.

——and began to wage an economic war against the produce of the Irish. They began to wage that war with the fullest co-operation and with the collaboration of the quisling members of Fine Gael. They did it for nine months. At that time I read their organ every week and week by week what the British Government forgot to put a tariff on they suggested. That was the assistance Fine Gael gave to an Irish Government in January, 1933.

Despite it we survived, including yourself and your forebears.

In spite of the thugs.

In 1933, the Fianna Fáil Government decided the time had come to consult the people, and unlike Fine Gael and Labour they were not afraid to consult the people. They went to them any time and on any question on which they wished to get a mandate, and they got it.

Is this a mandate?

Take your medicine now. I have to sit here listening to Senator O'Quigley and you will listen to me now. In January, 1933, Fianna Fáil went to the people and at a general election in the cold of winter the Fianna Fáil Party were returned with 77 seats, an overall majority in Parliament, and they are the Party which Fine Gael say are out of touch with the people. They say that Fine Gael are in line with the people at all times. They opposed the stand taken at that time by the Government and they were decisively repudiated.

That is why you wrote "77" in the streets of Limerick.

Senator O'Quigley, of course, could not refrain from the usual personal sneers which he addresses to the Ministers for Local Government and Finance and he roped in the staid and respected Irish Times leader writer to bolster up his smear at the Minister for Finance. The leader writer of the Irish Times, if he had any sense of shame left, when he read the comments of readers in his letter columns must have felt at least that he had put his two feet into it, hook, line and sinker, and if Senator O'Quigley cannot find any other vehicle through which to throw mud at Deputy Haughey he should abandon the attempt because the attempt was killed at birth by the people who read the newspaper in which this smearing editorial appeared. In regard to the Minister for Local Government, I have no doubt his record, against that of Senator O'Quigley, will stand the test of any reliable investigation made. I have no doubt it will be found that the Minister for Local Government will be able to put Mr. O'Quigley in as good a box as I would be able to put him.

Members of the House must be addressed by their proper titles.

One is inclined to forget that he is a Senator. He does not conduct himself like one.

That is the way I am beginning to think.

Senator O'Quigley gave us an exhibition of the usual Fine Gael trua Muire banshee moans and wails about the awful thing which will happen if the people of Ireland vote for the tolerance Bill. He said they would be signing their death warrant, that this would be a police State, that corruption would be rampant. I thought Senator Quinlan had a monopoly but now I find Senator O'Quigley has imbibed the medicine closely on the heels of our scientific friend from Cork. What has happened in France, to which Senator O'Quigley referred, and what is happening in other countries is due to the fact that the mentality of anarchists is being spread as it is being slowly and surely spread here by Senators Quinlan and O'Quigley—the mentality of bringing the public institutions of this country into disrepute, of bringing the public representatives into contempt, of casting doubt on the integrity of the judges and the police, making sure there is a feeling of dissatisfaction around the country in the homes of the people. If this is the kind of stuff the Fine Gael Party are going to present to us as an excuse for depriving the people of the right to decide for themselves whether they want to change the electoral system or not, then God help the policy of Fine Gael for the future.

Senator O'Quigley also had the infernal impudence to refer to the late President Seán T. O'Kelly, whose boots, of course, he was not fit to lick and whose record he could never approach if he lived to 1,000 years. Senator O'Quigley, in his attempt to sneer at the late Seán T. O'Kelly and in his description of the former Taoiseach, Deputy Seán Lemass, as a man with a megalomaniac mind, shows how small-minded, how puerile and how fifthy are his own ideas. To describe people who did so much for their country in this way and whose records are well known and to try to besmirch them——

May I interrupt the Senator?

Senator Ó Maoláin is entitled to make his speech.

Who besmirched the record of Seán T. O'Kelly?

Senator O'Quigley is trying to do his damnedest to destroy not only the truth of history but to destroy the memory of men who have served this country well. The great housing schemes around this town are a monument to Seán T. O'Kelly and every factory is a monument to Seán Lemass.

Most of them are falling down.

He referred to the former Taoiseach as having addressed sarcastic remarks to Fine Gael in which he described them as a surplus Party. Has anyone any doubt that Fine Gael are a surplus Party and that they are going to be a surplus Party? Whether it is the straight vote or PR, inch by inch they are going down the drain. They have no future, no faith in themselves, no prospect of success. They reached their high-water mark and now they are sinking. The sooner they make up their minds to get out and let the country decide properly and fairly and without the propaganda they have been using, the better for the country. They should make up their minds that they have no prospects, no policy and that the type of policy they have, which is based on personal abuse, will never for long command the adherence of any section of the voters. I make no apology for saying that Fine Gael are a surplus Party and should get out. They should liquidate themselves before the electors liquidate them.

Senator O'Quigley also talked about the fate of small Parties which have disappeared, leaving now only three Parties. He said there would always be only three Parties in this country. There will certainly be two, whatever about the third. As for the small Parties, he ought to examine his records to find out why many of the small Parties disappeared. We all know about the lady from Bengal who went for a ride on a tiger. Many farmers' Parties went for a ride on the Fine Gael tiger and came back inside the tiger. Fine Gael gobbled them up. Indeed, the Labour Party gobbled up one or two in its time also.

The Farmers' Party?

No, the National Labour Party, otherwise camouflaged as the ITGWU. Senator O'Quigley referred to what the President said in 1937, that PR had worked fairly well here. Certainly, it had worked fairly well. There is no reason for anyone to hang his head because the President said that in 1937. But Senator O'Quigley failed to quote what the President said a few years afterwards when he gave a warning about indecisive elections, gave a warning about the dangers of PR and what would happen in the course of time. Senator O'Quigley, if he looks up the records, will find those references which might amaze him. He will not find that everything is as rosy in the garden in regard to that.

What were the dangers of PR?

Senator O'Quigley wound up by telling us that we were wasting public time and public money in debating a useless measure rejected in 1959. If this is a useless measure and if we are wasting public time and money, I do not know how the Senator interprets the word "democracy". These two measures are intended to give the people the opportunity (1) to institute the policy of one man, one vote and (2) to institute the policy of the single-seat and the straight vote. If he thinks that consulting the people as to whether that is wise, foolish, good, bad or indifferent is wrong, then I do not understand what he understands by the word "democracy". If he thinks that is a waste of time, I am afraid his idea of a waste of time and mine do not coincide.

Senator O'Quigley said he was telling us what the Fine Gael Party had said and done about PR, but he omitted very carefully to tell what the Fine Gael Party did about PR in certain years. Let us go back, for instance, to 1927 when Fianna Fáil entered the Dáil. I remember a series of full-page advertisements on the front page of the Irish Independent and among them was a wonderful advertisement from the Fine Gael Party, then camouflaged as Cumann na nGaedheal—they change their spots so often that sometimes I do not know what to call them—telling us all the awful things that were going to happen under PR if this Fianna Fáil Party and its allies succeeded in doing such-and-such a thing. Down at the bottom was that they intended to get rid of PR. We did not hear anything about that one. In the years that followed there was an organisation formed by Fine Gael called the Youth Movement. The Youth Movement had an organ called the Blue Flag and week after week in the Blue Flag——

Is this permitted?

I have a file of the thing. You will have to take your medicine. I find in the Blue Flag a most interesting article on why we should get rid of PR. In United Ireland, which was also an official organ of the Party, I also find an interesting article advocating the abolition of PR. Senator O'Quigley has not told us everything about what Fine Gael did and said about PR. I do not think it is worth wasting any more time dealing with him on that subject.

I would like to register my protest against the whole tone of his speech and his introduction of issues which should not be brought into public debate on a Bill like this, because when they are historically twisted and distorted, as they were twisted and distorted by him, they are bound to have reverberations and to rise answers from anybody present who knows the truth. I advise him in the future to be more careful. He should remember that we are not all simpletons. Some of us who have already been through this period have good memories and have tongues that can speak, thank God.

All that is in these two Bills before the Seanad at present——

Is the Senator coming to the Bills?

——is that the people are being given an opportunity to change the present defective system of election. All we want is to have these two Bills passed by the Oireachtas so that a referendum can be instituted to give the people that opportunity.

The decision to introduce these Bills was not taken overnight. The decision to have a referendum to decide the question of an electoral system was not a matter of fun and games. It was well thought out and was taken in response to many requests from the strongest political organisation in the country over many years advocating the abolition of PR and the introduction of single-seat constituencies. The Government, in their wisdom, decided that the time had come to try the people again as to whether they agreed with the Government's view or not. The fact that nine years have passed since the first decision was made on this issue is not relevant. As Deputy Sheldon pointed out and as I want to emphasise, more than 50 per cent of the present register are people who have not had the opportunity to vote and did not vote in the 1959 referendum.

It should be remembered in regard to the 1937 referendum that the people who enacted the Constitution and voted for or against it are now all over 52 years of age and nobody in this part of Ireland had an opportunity of voting for or against PR in that referendum unless he is now over 52. That means that there is a vast body of young people who have reached maturity and come on the register who are entitled to pronounce as to whether their country should be governed, or Parliament elected, under this system or a better system. If you are not prepared to give them that opportunity you should not talk about encouraging youth.

Then we should have a referendum every nine years.

Because Fine Gael is a dying Party it is anxious to hang on to the present system in the hope of regaining some semblance of the power it once had. One of the reasons many people in Fine Gael, I should say, would be anxious to hang on to this system is that under it we heard some talk from various speakers on the Coalition side about safe seats. There is nothing safer under heaven regarding parliamentary seats than the prominent member of the Party or Leader of the Party who goes up for election under PR. Once he is in, it would take TNT to get him out because the Leader of a Party, in a constituency with three or four seats, is almost certain to be elected.

Quite a number have been defeated.

I do not know whether that has in any way inspired Fine Gael or Labour decisions. The Labour Party is composed of a group of personalities all well known in their own areas and pretty popular and all bound to get a seat under this PR system of having three, four or five seats. Perhaps that is why they are anxious to hang on to the PR system.

It is because Fine Gael are a dying Party and the Labour Party have no faith in itself as a possible future Government, as successors to Fianna Fáil. They do not seem to have any faith and do not believe it can be done. They are not willing to take the big gamble of putting up candidates in a straight vote election in the belief that they could get a big majority of seats. If the people decided to give them that big majority, well and good. I hope Labour will get enough faith in itself some day, that they will see that nothing is gained by a timid approach and that they must have courage and go into battle believing the battle can be won. Their whole attitude up to now has been that if they get a few seats it will be enough to shout about. They do not seem to want more.

We also decided on this campaign in the knowledge that it would be no cakewalk, that it would be a tough, long drawn-out battle. We knew we would face the Fine Gael Party, small and dwindling as it is; that we would face the Labour Party with its powerful backing of the trade union movement now after it rallied them in 1957 at the last minute. We knew we had to face a comparatively hostile newspaper group all over the country because most of the country's newspapers are opposed to everything Fianna Fáil stands for. We had also to surmount the feeling people have that it is dangerous to change, the feeling of lassitude and letting things stand. In deciding to go ahead with this proposal we knew what we were up against and we are not afraid of the result. We believe the people will do what we ask them to do and that we shall secure their approval for these proposed amendments of the Constitution.

We took this decision not on the grounds of expediency, or selfishness or any other motive but because of a real honest-to-goodness belief that this would be good for the country's future, giving it stability of government and a system of election which would ensure that stability of government so that we would not be subject to the rise and fall of minority governments, small governments, dictation by small Parties and all the other crises that occur in many other countries as a consequence of peculiar systems. That is why we decided to go to the country with this proposition. It does not matter what Fine Gael believe or what they allege inspired us. This is the truth of the matter and this is why we are doing it.

I suppose it is not useful to say to Fine Gael and Labour that their arguments about this being a selfish action on our part do not stand up because we did so well under PR. We did very well under PR and are doing very well under PR.

The proof of it is that in 13 out of 14 elections since Fianna Fáil were first elected we have been the largest Party. We became the Government as a result of ten general elections. We secured more votes than all the other Parties put together in five general elections. Nobody can say that PR has treated us badly.

Nobody can say that we would do any better, possibly, under the straight vote. Nobody can say we have any ulterior motive because we can be the government of this part of Ireland for as long as we care to be——

With less than 46 per cent of the votes?

——because there is no possible alternative to us. Fine Gael is dying and Labour has no faith in itself and neither will ever become the Government. Fianna Fáil will be the largest Party under PR.

But not the Government with less than 46 per cent of the votes.

Under the straight vote there is the possibility of change. Certainly under PR, as admitted even by their own electoral experts, we shall never fall below 63 to 65 seats——

Who ever admitted that?

Your electoral expert. Go and read his speech.

I went to the trouble of reading his speech——

He now becomes an ex-expert. Downgrade him.

Under this present system Fianna Fáil have been in power for 36 years. Anybody who says we are making this new proposal because PR does not suit us or because we have any motives other than the future good of the country is saying something that is not grounded on facts. It is no harm to remind Senators that in 1965 we got a majority in Dáil Éireann as a result of a general election. That is only three years ago. That majority has been satisfactorily and progressively increased since by a series of wins in by-elections. Further evidence that the support, far from dwindling, is increasing is the fact that at the local government elections, we successfully held the number of seats which we held prior to the elections. There is no evidence whatsoever to show that there is any diminution in the strength of the public support for the Government or for the policy of Fianna Fáil.

Therefore, why should we try to get rid of PR unless we believe it would be detrimental to the future welfare and good government of the country? We are not getting rid of it, and we are not asking Fine Gael or Labour to get rid of it; we are asking the people to decide, and we want the Fine Gael and Labour Parties to give them a say. Labour have shown a degree of enthusiasm for getting this to the people, I am very pleased to record; they are anxious to get it out as fast as possible. They have said so in their speeches here. I did not hear anything like that from Senator O'Quigley. The sooner we get this matter to the people and let the people decide for themselves, the sooner will everybody be satisfied that the highest tribunal in the land has made its decision on the proposition. If the Government are turned down on it, well and good; that is the wish of the people. On the other hand, if the proposals are accepted, then that is satisfactory to us and proves that the Government were in line with public opinion at this time.

Senator Ó Maoláin referred to Senator Dooge's point. Senator Dooge said that, on the basis of the shares of the votes in the local election Fianna Fáil would secure, he thought, 64 seats under PR — column 1250.

On the basis of the local elections?

But 98 seats under the straight vote?

On the basis of the share of the votes in the local elections.

Ninety-eight seats under the straight vote?

The Senator denied that earlier today. I said 98 seats under the straight vote on the basis of less than 40 per cent of the vote, and he denied that.

I explained most clearly that, on the basis of the local election results, in which Fianna Fáil got just less than 40 per cent, it represented in a general election, where there would not be so many Independents, an equivalent of 44 per cent.

The Senators can argue that out between them later. I am not finished yet. Let me come to this motion put down by the Labour Party and its new-found colleague, Senator Sheehy Skeffington.

I think he is an old-found colleague.

I do not know which end of it he is in. The Labour Party motion reveals completely muddled thinking and a lack of appreciation of the meaning of the English language. In that connection it would be no harm to devote a little time to it. The motion says that the proposal to consult the people is dictatorial and undemocratic. All the time since I have been a baby and since I began to read papers and books and learned the meaning of words, I have understood that a democrat is one who accepts the verdict of the people at an election or at a plebiscite and accepts majority rule. I always understood that a dictator is one who is invested with absolute power and who disregards the wishes of the people.

Is this the history of 1922 again?

No, I am talking about the motion. Let the Senator keep his ears open and listen. I do not want to go back to 1922. A referendum according to my book, means the submission of any question at political issue to the people for a decision by them as to whether they like it or not. Having got these definitions right, let us see what we have here. Senator Murphy comes across with this one. He says the issue was decided already, that it was a clearcut decision when the people accepted the Constitution and again in 1959. They accepted the Constitution and PR, right enough, and they rejected the proposal to amend the Constitution in 1959. Fair enough. Is there any reason why they should not be given another opportunity in view of what I said, that over 50 per cent of the electorate did not vote or had not a vote at the time of the 1959 plebiscite? That argument is as much as saying we should not have a general election every four years because it is only a few years since we consulted the people. That would suit many people's book.

Why did you not include it in your policy?

It has nothing to do with the general election. It is a separate issue, and must be decided as a separate issue.

It has nothing to do with the general election. We hope that between the time these Bills are passed by the Seanad and the holding of the referendum, the people will have had ample opportunity to examine the proposals for themselves and to hear the case which we hope to put to them. Senator Murphy also says that the referendum proposals are due to the power-hungry people in Fianna Fáil. I wonder who they could be. I do not know what more the power-hungry people—if there are such people—could get than the power they have at the moment, and to allege that the referendum proposals are due to power-hungry people seems to me to be absurd. I do not know the reason for using a phrase like "power-hungry".

It means looking for 98 seats.

Anything that it is alleged power-hungry people want to do at the moment they can do; they have a majority in order to enable them to do it.

Until the next election.

After the next election under the straight vote they might be sitting in a different direction. One can never tell; it is not a guarantee of permanent victory. The Senator also said the proposals were unpatriotic. Patriotism to me means love of country, concern for the people, the desire to improve their lot. These proposals show concern for the people, the desire to improve their lot in the future by making certain they have stable government. I do not know how Senator Murphy could describe the proposition as unpatriotic. He said it was a plot by the Government who see the prospect of losing power. I can assure Senator Murphy there is no plot whatsoever by the Government against the Labour Party. We do not see the point of the argument. We had six by-elections and the county council elections, giving no evidence that we are losing strength, and the next general election will prove, whether under the straight vote or PR, that Fianna Fáil will be the Government again.

Then we come to the plot to annihilate the Labour Party at a critical time in its growth, and Senator Murphy congratulated Fine Gael on not joining the plot. What about the plot to annihilate Fianna Fáil that is being hatched by the two buckos, Fine Gael and Labour? What about the plot to organise this lovely Coalition that is going to arrange things in every constituency? What about the secret circulars and agreements being made from one end of the country to the other? They do not think we are all fools or that we are all asleep. Instead of talking about plots, Senator Murphy ought to consult Big Brother down there in Liberty Hall and see what he has got to say about it before coming along here with that sort of talk. I can assure him there is no plot except the plot hatched by Fine Gael and Labour.

Will you walk into my parlour?

They want to take them for a ride on the tiger.

Inside or outside?

Senator Murphy of course has the old banshee wail that there is no prospect of a third Party ever gaining power under the straight vote. I remember when I was a young lad I used to read a lot of socialist papers and a lot of labour papers printed in England. Among them was the New Leader. The New Leader used to tell the history of the early days There were two Labour Parties, as Deputy Murphy will know, the Independent Labour Party and the official Labour Party. I remember reading articles by George Lansbury, Bob Smyllie and Ramsay MacDonald on the prospect of a Labour Government in Britain.

In those days they used to write contradictory articles pointing out that with Liberal and Tory controlled banks and newspapers, and all organs of public opinion plus transport, there was no hope that the Labour Party would ever get anywhere in England. They began, and gradually they got a few Members into Parliament. Keir Hardy kept preaching the gospel and bit by bit they increased. They had faith in themselves, and they preached the gospel. They were the crusaders. I remember Ramsay MacDonald fighting a by-election as a peace candidate in Keighley in Yorkshire. He got about 2,000 votes out of a total of 65,000 votes. He was run off the streets and stoned and everything else, but he did not give up and neither did the Labour Party in Keighley. It became a Labour stronghold.

Bit by bit the Labour Party grew and got bigger. They kept on preaching and crusading. They preached socialism and they believed in it. The three-Party system in Britain was supposed to keep the Labour Party out because the Liberals and Tories had everything, but the Labour Party gradually found themselves in the position of being the new challenger. I think it must have been the hunger marches of the 30s and the stories of desolation and starvation in the Rhonnda Valley when people like Ellen Wilkinson were writing books about "The town that was Murdered" which started the big swing, because from 1931 on things improved.

Have we to go through this again?

Now they are the Government in Great Britain and they had a much harder row to furrow than the Labour Party here. They became the Government with an overall majority. Let no one say to me that it cannot be done, and that a third Party can never become the Government. A third Party can, provided they have faith in themselves, work hard, believe in themselves, and stick to their guns. Let us hear no more arguments that a third Party can never be the Government. It could be done in England, and it can be done here— not for a long time though, unless they pin their colours to the mast and get going.

The Senator is very nervous about our getting together.

I am afraid Fine Gael might eat them up.

He is trying to protect us from the Fine Gael tiger.

By bringing in this Bill, they are saving Labour from the tiger.

Senator Murphy also said that it was doubtful if a majority in Fianna Fáil were satisfied with the proposal, and that it was pushed through by a certain clique. I do not know what clique, or what was pushed through. All I know is that the Fianna Fáil Ard-Fheis were enthusiastic about it, the Fianna Fáil National Executive, elected by the Ard-Fheis were enthusiastic about it, and that Fianna Fáil discussed it at length, and completely and decidedly voted in favour of it, and we will go to the country as a united team.

Some Ministers and some Members were not in favour of it.

It was also said that Fianna Fáil had fallen into the hands of Taca. I knew that would come at some time. Let us get the record straight about Taca, which seems to have become a dirty word in the minds of Fine Gael and Labour. They are trying to put the story across that there is something sinister in it and something of which we should be ashamed.

It was a mistake to give it a four-letter word name.

There is nothing sinister, nothing hidden and nothing to be ashamed about in Taca. Fianna Fáil supporters come together——

It is voluntary, and it is not stolen money.

If the people in Taca are good enough and generous enough to devote their time and money to a political Party to fight elections and carry on campaigns, in my book they are good citizens. Those critics outside the Party, and outside any Party, who stand on the ditch and throw sneers and mud are the most reprehensible, the most distasteful, and the most nauseating characters I know. There is nothing whatever wrong with Taca. It is an organisation pledged to raise money for Fianna Fáil. In every country in the world where there is political democracy, political Parties have to get money. In every country in the world there is a Taca. Even the Labour Party have a Taca now, in the big building down there with big brother John watching and dictating what they will do and how much he will give them to do it. I can tell you our Taca "aint" anything like what that Taca will be before he is finished with the Labour Party. He will exact his pound of flesh. There is no doubt in the world about that. We are not worried about Taca and others should stop talking about it, because it does not pull any rabbits out of the hole.

We also heard from Senator Murphy that this proposal was an attempt to take from us our democratic rights. God, the idea of going to consult the people is an attempt to take from us our democratic rights! I do not know who "us" means. It certainly does not mean the people, because the people are being consulted. They are being given the final voice. They are being asked what do they think about it. How in the name of goodness can you take away democratic rights by asking the people to decide on the system of election? If the people want to take away their so-called democratic rights, is that not their business? They are the bosses. You accept that, do you not? If you accept the people's verdict, let us get these Bills to hell out of here and get voting on them.

I heard from Senator Murphy a few nice little phrases of which I took particular note. He said these Bills were a retreat from democracy, an attack on democracy, and they would lead to the complete destruction of democracy. Imagine that! If you consult the people at an election or a plebiscite you have a retreat from democracy, an attack on democracy, and you destroy democracy. It is not worth talking about.

Why not give them a choice of three?

What do I hear? Listen, go and play with your rattle, sonny. You had two hours and ten minutes.

Why not consult them properly?

It is like Senator Quinlan up there. Senator Murphy is talking about imposing "the British system". I think Senator Quinlan went back to the 1959 slogan of "The Belfast system". Anyhow, we are going to impose the British system, according to Senator Murphy, but the fact is that we are not. We are trying to remove the British-imposed system of proportional representation which was foisted on us here by the British Government. If there is any system——

Try it out on the dog.

It was copper-fastened in the 1937 Constitution.

Let Senator Quinlan keep quiet and not tempt me, now. I am in excellent humour at the moment. I might not be that way long.

Hurry up, I am dying for a smoke.

So am I, Dominick. I shall be with you in a moment. Another little thing strikes me about this democracy business. I should like to see a little more democracy from the self-styled custodians of the said democratic tradition, to wit, the Labour Party. I do not think Fine Gael have any use for democracy any more. The Labour Party make a big noise about it. I should like to see a little more democracy from them.

For instance, there is a thing operated called the "political levy". Trade unions get various and sundry semi-Government agencies to collect for them and it is collected in various factories and shops. That trade union levy—granted it is only small but it is the principle I am after—is collected and it is handed over to the treasurers. Now, I find from my experience that if a person does not want to pay that levy he has the utmost difficulty with the democratic trade union secretary of his branch in getting the form which it is necessary for him to get in order to opt out of paying it. The British Trade Disputes Act was repealed by the British Government.

It is taken, anyhow, even if——

There is the utmost difficulty in getting these forms. I have complaints from all over the country that branch officials have refused to give them in some cases. They said they are not available. They put all sorts of obstacles in the way of applicants for these forms.

If the Labour Party are the custodians of democracy, as they say they are, they should do something about that before more trouble is created as a consequence. The political levy is not an evidence of democracy. It is an evidence of where men who support one Party are obliged to pay into the funds of another Party.

Yes. Blackmail: intimidation.

And it is governed by law.

And rigged branch meetings.

I do not know about all this talk about Fianna Fáil and all the inside information that Senator Murphy has about us and what we are doing but a few little incidents happened recently at the Labour Party Committees and at the Labour Party Conference that tickled my palate for further information. I am naturally inquisitive. I was inclined to question this democracy business and this respect for democracy that we are charged with running away from and with trying to destroy. If I remember rightly, there have been three or four incidents recently in the Labour Party in which otherwise worthy Members of the Labour Party were sacked, suspended, railroaded or liquidated and no evidence was given, no trial, nothing. It does not come so well then from representatives of the Party to speak about democracy and to charge us with running away from it and with destroying it and to say that we are creating chaos as a consequence.

With regard to the trade union intervention in this proportional representation business, granted they have massive funds, granted they will institute a tremendous campaign by advertisement—they have the money and they will do it—but I hope they will not do what they did in 1959——

The £1 million building.

——when, at the last moment, they started a campaign of terror and lies around the city of Dublin, in every bus depot and milk depot and in every CIE railway station where men were working. There were whispers and leaflets that if the proposal to abolish proportional representation was carried those men would be out of work and they would never get a job again.

It is news to me.

You organised it.

There were 30,000 votes cast that time in Dublin city that defeated the proposal to abolish proportional representation and it was due to that last-minute intervention of the leaflet campaign——

What leaflet?

——48 hours before the poll. Inquire about that. It is reminiscent of what happened in 1937 when the Labour Party and the Fine Gael Party mounted the most scandalous campaign in Irish political history against the enactment of the Irish Republican Constitution—the two combined. There was no——

It was not Republican then.

Are you back, too? Conduct yourself until I come to you.

It was and is—and it was brought in.

Senator Ó Maoláin has forgotten the meaning of the word "republican".

Let Senator Sheehy Skeffington keep quiet until I come to him.

It was enacted in spite of you.

I am not unmindful of Mao and these Chinese Communists you are sponsoring in Trinity. Mark you, they are not Russian Communists: they are Chinese Communists.

Ó Mao-láin: "lán" means "full" and Mao is Mao.

As I was about to say before I was interrupted, Senator Dooge also had a few nice things to say. One thing that tickled me, however, was that, all through his speech, he refused to describe the proposed system, as other Fine Gael and Labour speakers described it, as the "straight vote". Every time he used the expression "relative majority system". He was determined that under no circumstances would he slip into the expression "straight vote". I was making a bet with myself that, in the course of his speech, which took two hours and 15 minutes, he would at some time slip up and say "straight vote" but he did not. I compliment him on not saying those two words "straight vote".

It is not a straight vote.

Surely it is nonsense to refuse to describe it in the way in which it will officially be described?

On the ballot paper stimulated by you people.

Senator Dooge had a little story, like Senator Murphy, about seats safe for the Labour Party no matter how unpopular they became—this was England: in other words, that they could not be defeated. Once they got a hold on a seat, the argument was that they could not be defeated. Surely Senator Dooge and the other Senators who swallowed that bit of gospel must be aware of what happened at recent by-elections in Scotland and Wales? Let us start with the two sensational victories by the Scottish and Welsh Nationalists. In Wales, the British Labour Party majority of 16,000 was turned into a Nationalist win of 18,000 and in Scotland the Labour Party majority was turned into a very fine Scottish Nationalist majority. Then a series of by-elections took place in Labour Party strongholds and, one by one, the Tories won them.

To say there is such a thing as a safe seat for all time under the straight vote system is nonsense. There is no such thing as a safe-seat for all time. There may be a safe seat for a little while but there is no such thing as a safe seat. You can be defeated in a safe seat just the same as in the other——

When was the last time the Opposition in Britain was reduced to below 24 per cent?

The Senator will not enter into an argument with the master satistician. Let Senator FitzGerald mind his statistics and not interrupt me. Senator Dooge also agreed with the Minister that it was not possible to predict the result of any general election. He said that the results of local elections are not an infallible guide. But he proceeded forthwith to predict that Fianna Fáil on the basis of whatever calculations he made were going to get 98 seats. Senator Murphy was going to give us 90 to 100 seats. Well, it was all grist to the mill but somehow or other I do not agree with those predictions.

Senator O'Kennedy gave you 85.

All grist to the mill. I am quite satisfied. Now we come to the new expert on betting and the totalisator. The way he is using his newly-found ill-gotten gains shocked me—these accumulators and doubles and cross doubles had me mesmerised the other night. Senator Sheehy Skeffington was so bad on this occasion that I am not going to devote very much time to him. I have to have regard to the possibility of my blood pressure increasing. He referred to the tribunal of the people and asked why did we refuse to accept their verdict. We did, of course, accept the verdict but verdicts are always open to change in matters submitted to the electorate. If the electorate like to change their government they get the opportunity every four or five years and they can throw out one government and put in another.

If the electorate feel that they want a different system of electing that government surely they are entitled to get it as they are the highest tribunal in the land? I do not see any reason why we should be ashamed of giving them the opportunity of doing this. Senator Sheehy Skeffington being an outsider like Senator Quinlan, a hurler on the ditch, was talking about the Party bosses. Senator Quinlan said that the Party bosses will dictate who is going to be a TD. If Senator Quinlan had the slightest idea of what goes on in a Party he would know that the Party bosses are very circumspect about trying to dictate anything of that nature to a country or even to a city convention. They would want to have very good insurance policies payable on death if they tried it out. I cannot stand these non-politicals like Senator Quinlan who presided at the meeting addressed by the ex-leader of the Fine Gael Party, Deputy Dillon, at University College, Cork, which is soon to be a separate and independent university, and who has not got the guts to join the Fine Gael Party but pontificates——

It was a nonpolitical meeting and it was addressed the following week by the Taoiseach.

Sit down. I have no time for people like Senator Quinlan who can see wrong in everything, who can see the faults in all political Parties and who can correct all the faults at a distance but has not the moral guts to go into a Party and be subjected to discipline, have his views examined and if unpalatable have them rejected and accept that rejection like a man. He is an expert on everything, he knows a little about everything and my summing up of him is that while he is a very estimable gentleman in his profession no doubt, has a high education and plenty of ability and is an eminent scientist, as a politician he is tripe, a dud and knows about it.

He gets elected.

He should keep off subjects about which he is abysmally ignorant. Senator Sheehy Skeffington said that Fianna Fáil were a disastrous failure——

I was quoting Mr. de Valera. Those are his words.

The failure radically to alter the whole system of credit finance, distribution and production.

No, your comment was that Fianna Fáil were a disastrous failure. We will see it on the record. Why do you run away from it? The Senator has more intelligence politically than Senator Quinlan but he has the "Thoughts of Mao" in his pocket——

I was quoting the thoughts of Mr. de Valera: "If we shirk any item... we shall have failed in our duty and failed cruelly and disastrously."

(Interruptions.)

The Irish Times is not going to print that stuff for you. Senator Sheehy Skeffington said that the first Coalition did a lot of good and that they worked loyally together. Do not believe anybody on this side of the House about how they worked loyally together but go to my most estimable friend, James Larkin, and read what he said about working with that Coalition. Read what he said about how they worked so loyally together and then come back with your sackcloth and ashes and tell me the truth. I am afraid Senator Sheehy Skeffington would do better at betting than dealing with political Parties. He is not so hot on that subject. Senator Stanford also was very upset about the idea that we were going to consult the people in such a short-time. Why are all the university people so worried about consulting the people? Is it because this magnificent merger is going to bring them all together? I should love to hear some of the conversations that are going on in the universities about the merger. Senator O'Sullivan had something to say about how the electorate have shown diminishing support for Fianna Fáil and I have dealt with that matter.

Do not worry, I have a four gallon mug for you.

Nobody knows what the Senator said.

Senator Quinlan said that the people were highly critical of our Parliamentary institutions and suspected that they were not working properly. He wound up on that magnificent anarchic note which was worthy of Comrade Danny the Red in Paris and he said that if Parnell came back he would find nothing changed. Imagine that from Senator Patrick F. Quinlan.

In the Parliament.

Surely that rules him out from all serious consideration. The Senator had to get in a few jibes about the North of Ireland system of voting and the English system of voting. I was shocked to find last week, or the week before, when the Minister for Agriculture had a Wool Bill here, that Senator Quinlan was loud and long in his admiration of the way they did things in the Six Counties and in Britain. We could not do anything right, but up there and over there everything was perfect and the Wool Bill they had up there and over there was the cat's pyjamas. But we here were so ignorant we could do nothing right. These professors with inferiority complexes make me sick.

The Senator does not understand the independent approach.

I will put Fidel Castro on to the Senator, if he is not careful. The Senator used to have a great admiration for him at one time, but he has changed his tune a bit.

Admiration for Castro? The Senator is really confused now.

I forgot the most relevant part when I was discussing history with Senator O'Quigley. I understand now why Fine Gael do not like referenda and why they are running away from this one. I forgot there was a provision for a referendum in the old Free State Constitution. Some poor chaps, who took the thing seriously, started going around the country collecting signatures to present to the Ceann Comhairle of Dáil Éireann to have a referendum on whether the elected representatives of the Irish people should be obliged to swear an oath of allegiance to George V, his heirs and successors, and the Cumann na nGaedheal Government removed the referendum provision by an Act passed overnight in the Dáil and all our bundle of signatures was of no use. That is a historical fact with regard to that Constitution. When there was a chance of a referendum doing any good, Cumann na nGaedheal took it out of the Constitution rather than let the people pronounce. We do not do that sort of thing.

We go to the people at every opportunity to ask them whether they want us and, the day they say they do not, we will bow out.

The BGA election, for instance.

What was wrong with that? It was the straight vote. A group of people were linked up in a combination. I suspect some of the Fine Gael people suffered equally but, whoever did, it was a straight vote.

Two left out of 60 as an opposition. Is that what the Senator wants in the Dáil?

I am not worried about the beet growers election.

Faith, Martin Corry is.

Martin is well able to worry. The main thing is that this system of voting which we have here is a tribal system. We want to substitute it with the honest man's system of election, the decent, peaceful citizen's way of electing a Member of Parliament, in a single-seat constituency of reasonable size, where that Member of Parliament will know his constituents and be able to give them proper service. We want to ensure the people in remote parts are not hijacked out of their right of representation in the Dáil by any judgment given on a previous Bill some years ago. We want to make certain that, under this tolerance provision, there will be representation for remote parts of the country and I cannot see any reason why Fine Gael and Labour should waste so much time discussing trivialities. If they have any concrete proposition to put up, well and good.

I put a proposition to the Minister.

The sooner they make up their minds to allow us to get the Bill through, get it signed by the President, let the regulations be made, the order circulated, the voters brought to the polls and the verdict given, the sooner we will all be peaceful, happy and content for Christmas.

This Bill transcends both Party and person. Ireland, as a nation, is not just the people of the present day. It derives its traditions from men who are long dead. Part of the Irish nation lies in the traditions derived from such men as Parnell, Daniel O'Connell, the men of '98, Wolfe Tone, the men of 1916, and so on. Just as the nation is not delimited by the present generation and includes the past, so also we of today must look beyond the present and provide for the future.

It seems to me that this Bill can have serious and important repercussions on the future. There may be a difference of opinion as to which course should be adopted, but there can be no doubt about its importance. The fact that a referendum was held nine years ago is no reason why the matter should not again be submitted to the people because, since then, the views of the people may have changed. No sensible person would suggest that a government should not submit its policy to the people, or submit themselves and their Party to the people, and to the people's decision after very much shorter periods.

I think, therefore, that it is most regrettable that the opposition to this Bill is to a great extent based on what seemed to me to be pro-Party arguments: what will it do to this Party and what will it do to that Party? I believe these arguments are completely irrelevant. It is most regrettable that the issue cannot be discussed on its merits instead of suggesting that the Government has introduced it to make a majority safe for themselves. I have no doubt that, when this Bill was introduced some nine years ago, the very same arguments were advanced. No doubt it was urged then that because the Leader of the Fianna Fáil Party would be leaving the Party—he was going up for election as President— the Party would dissolve without his leadership. The straight vote was, therefore, being introduced to hold the Party together and keep it in power. The very same arguments are being advanced today.

Since then, in all the interim, the Fianna Fáil Party has remained in power. I have grave doubts whether that would have been possible under a system of straight voting. Possibly it would. It might, therefore, have been a benefit to the country or it might have been a loss to the country that the straight vote system was beaten then. That is a matter of opinion according to which political Party one believes in but I do feel that the matter should be considered fairly, objectively and reasonably because it is a most important matter.

I have heard democracy and democratic principles defined during the last few days with completely conflicting meanings. It is just like the word "love": you can attach almost any meaning you like to it. You can actually prostitute the word. It does seem to me that in some of the meanings given to democracy in the last few days it has been practically prostituted. Democracy, for each speaker, was something he was in favour of and something the other Party were against but democracy, of course, has a very strict scientific meaning.

Aristotle, the Greek philosopher of old, was, I think, the first person who gave colour to the idea. He contended that there was something fundamentally equal in all human beings. Christianity gave, so to speak, flesh and blood to that abstract idea. Democracy, then, began to mean that all men had a fundamental equality, a fundamental common dignity, because all men were created to the image and likeness of their Creator; all men had a common right to happiness; all men had a common right to equal opportunity. Democracy, like every other form of society, is something that grows, that expands. It is also something that could get sickly and could die.

It is, in my view, going to have a very important bearing on whether democracy in this country will grow and will expand or whether it will get sickly and lose its vitality, whether there is the passage or the rejection of the type of vote, whether the straight vote or proportional representation. No one, I am sure, would deny that democracy, to a greater or lesser extent, has existed in England for many generations. England is treated as the oldest of the democracies but its meaning has been changing down through the years because democracy has been expanding and improving. Today it means that every human being, no matter what his colour, no matter what he works at, no matter what his beliefs, has a fundamental human dignity and if he lives in a democratic State, is entitled to equal opportunity and an equal chance of of happiness and an equal chance of advancing himself.

Rousseau said that democracy was fit only for the angels because the ideal was too high; it was man's human attempt to attain the Divine. I do feel that in the free world and in this nation if it is to progress and to advance, it is most important that democracy in its true sense should get every opportunity of growing and being vital. The issue for us, therefore, is whether democracy as truly understood will grow and develop better under a straight vote and single-seat constituency or will grow and develop better under proportional representation.

In the old days in England during the Whigs and Tories, we had democracy, but in those days no one was entitled to sit in Parliament except the landed proprietors. Yet, England was probably one of the most liberal countries in Europe, if not in the world for many centuries, but it was only in 1862, by the Reform Act, that the middle classes got a vote for the first time in England. It was some 20 years later when votes were given to the working classes and almost 20 years later again when votes were given to all male members of the population other than paupers, criminals and lunatics. Down to 1919, both in this country and in England, 50 per cent of the population were disenfranchised; as women had no vote whatsoever. So voting in itself, while it is a sign of democracy, is not an essential of democracy.

I heard people speak here of majorities as if there was a divine right of majorities as the old Stuart kings claimed to have a divine right of kings. Of course, majorities can go wrong as anybody else can. We were informed here of what was done in Germany, of what was done in Italy. I have no doubt whatsoever that for very many years, certainly for some years prior to 1939, Hitler would have got more than 50 per cent of the votes in Italy, but you still would not have had democracy either in Germany or in Italy.

Some of the most important political functionaries in any State are not elected at all. There are no Members of this Parliament other than the Ministers who have a more important bearing on the State and who represent the State more intimately than our ambassadors but they are not elected. Our judges also perform a very important political function but they are not elected. In some countries they are. Even where they are elected, it is found that the system of appointment is far more satisfactory. Our juries, if we come before them in a civil action, can decide whether we get property, whether we do without property. If we come before them in a criminal action, they can decide whether we are to be allowed our liberty or are to be deprived of our liberty. They perform a most important political function but they are not elected.

I, therefore, want to make the point clear once and for all that while voting may be an important thing, it is not a fundamental principle of democracy; even though it is in many cases a sign of democracy. So all this argument about a Government being elected without a 50 per cent majority of the people has absolutely nothing whatsoever to say to democracy. Democracy is an ideal that lives in the hearts and souls of the people and unless the people themselves are educated to discipline themselves, to live with their fellow men, to make sacrifices for their fellow men, to be satisfied with their share, or their fair share, of the public cake you can never have a democracy.

But the Government of a country, as the trustees for the people of the country, can guide and help democracy. They can create the institutions on which it can grow and develop and become vital and robust and strong. The Government of a country must have, therefore, so to speak, their fingers on the pulse of the people on broad issues. Most of the political questions and most of the political principles are rather foreign to many people. They are not concerned with the details of politics except in so far as they can affect them personally. Therefore, if democracy is to work at all, it must work on a representative basis, and parliamentary democracy on a representative basis is the only effective way in which democracy can be successful. But a parliamentary representative must be something more than a mere delegate.

The strange feature about proportional representation is that it was introduced because of the fear of clear majorities, the direct opposite of what has been said here during all these days. Thomas Hare was the architect of PR in Britain. His idea was taken up by the political philosopher, John Stuart Mill. Mill was a complete individualist. He had a grave distrust of political Parties and a still graver distrust of majorities, and when the franchise was extended to the ordinary common people in England, he felt that once a majority got into power, even for a limited period, they would prove to be a tyranny on the minority, and it was for that reason that he advocated PR.

PR is not something which grew naturally in the hearts and the feelings of men. It is something devised in the brains of certain mathematicians like Hare and of political philosophers like Mill. It was not, therefore, a natural growth. I know of no two sciences which merge so badly as the science of mathematics and political science.

What about President de Valera?

Political science is something which deals with the psychology of the people, that considers people as they are, how they should be at their best, how their may be at their worst. It has to take into account their feelings, their reactions, their traditions, their hopes, their ambitions. Mathematics, on the other hand, is an abstract science which deals with ciphers, figures, calculations, and you might as well endeavour to measure colour by weight as to measure political science by mathematics.

There is no such thing as psephology, then?

I bow to the wisdom of my friends.

You had better ask the Irish Times leader writer.

I am an amateur psephologist. The Senator did not know that?

This principle was first put into practice for the most part following the 1914-18 war and I must say I was surprised that Senator FitzGerald, who knows so much about —what is the word? —psephology should be the one to tell us it has been accepted and was a success in most European countries.

I never said anything of the kind. It does not exist in any other country in Western Europe. What I said was that the spot vote, the first past the post principle in single-seat constituencies, has proved unworkable in any country in Europe except Britain.

Am I to assume the Senator did not say that PR, in some form or another, was the system of election adopted in most of the countries of Western Europe?

In none of them.

He does not know what he is saying.

Let me tell the House that PR was tried and failed in the following countries: Italy, Germany, Austria, Poland, Bulgaria, Greece, Yugoslavia, Lithuania, Estonia, Latvia, Czechoslovakia, Rumania.

Would the Senator say what he means by PR? In the other House it became clear——

Will Senator FitzGerald restrict himself to one speech on the Second Stage?

I was asking a question, which it has been the practice to allow.

Acting Chairman

The Senator is not entitled to ask questions in the middle of a debate. I do not know if it comes into psephology but it certainly comes into Standing Orders.

In seven countries the break-down of democracy was caused by the use of PR.

He cannot take it.

Those seven countries were Italy, Germany, Austria, Poland, Bulgaria, Greece and Yugoslavia and the true cause of the break-down of democracy in those countries was the adoption of PR.

They never had the system.

That is a very simplified view of European history.

It is a factual one. Ireland appears to be one of the first countries where PR did not cause a collapse of democracy, but let me say, without hurting the feelings of any Party in the House, that I believe future historians will allege that democracy in this country came very near to the point of collapse twice in the history of the State, in 1932 and in 1937, and the fundamental cause then, too, in this country was the use of PR. Democracy is not something we can take for granted. It is not something we can leave to thrive on its own. It is a rather delicate growth which, once lost, can never be recovered, particularly in these days of mass media and all the other technologies which tyranny can control.

One of the big defects of PR is that it not only represents minorities but it creates minorities and creates minorities outside the political Parties. It is therefore inimical to democracy because the only basis on which democracy can flourish is through political Parties. I define a political Party as a Party who have as its main aim the common good, rather than the good of a narrow section of the community. If any Party confine their programme to the good of a certain section of the community, that is a pressure group and is not a political Party in the true sense. Proportional representation has caused trouble in so many countries because it gives rise to pressure groups, so that in Italy they came to the conclusion that there was no further point in having political Parties and that what they should have was economic groups. They said they would avoid political Parties altogether. That was the cause of the corporate State in Italy which provided the cloak for totalitarian despotism in Italy.

We must not forget that at the time of the polls the people elect not only representatives but also a Government. You cannot treat the two matters not only as distinct but as conflicting. You cannot, on the one hand, elect a Government to guide and direct the people and, on the other hand, elect representatives to frustrate the Government, to stop them, to break them and to prevent them. It is here I see the first big difference between proportional representation and the direct vote.

In a direct vote, for the most part it is impossible to get elected unless you are a political Party as distinct from a pressure group. Not only must the Party be a political Party in the true sense of the word, but it must in advance let the general public know what are its principles and what is its policy for the common good. Let there be two, three or four Parties—I do not care how many—under a direct vote what happens then is that the general public decide which of the policies submitted to them is the most attractive and adopt that policy.

The Party with that policy are going to be the Government for the next three or four years. They are going to be a true political Party in the best sense, not in the sense that has been spoken of here for the past few days, where we have been denigrating politicians and one another, as if there were something shameful and disgraceful in being a member of a political Party, and implying motives of distrust and dishonesty to everyone else. It was most humiliating to listen to some of the speeches made. I find it hard to know why some people must believe that everybody who is not of their political view is a rogue, is selfish and is dishonest.

Surely that is a bad headline for the general public? I can assure the people who say and think those things that, with complete honesty, most of the people about whom they say them could answer with absolute truth: "I am just a man. I am just like you. I have done some things I never should, perhaps like you, but, thank the Lord, I have sense to see the rest of men with charity. They are good enough, as good as me—just men like you." I feel that one thing besides the direct vote that is going to be essential in the Parliament of this country if democracy is to grow and flourish is that members of opposite political Parties should try to exercise towards each other a little Christian charity and not dishonestly create an atmosphere of distrust of Members of Parliament and of parliamentary institutions.

Another cause of the downfall of democracies where PR is adopted has been the coalitions of various Parties. Coalitions are invariably dishonest. I have no hesitation in saying this. When Parties go to the polls, they stress the differences between their policies and everybody else's policy. Thereby they hope to get votes. Then, when they are elected, there is no Party able to take over Government, no Party able to govern the country. When the general public have no further voice in the matter, these Parties go behind closed doors and decide between themselves what principles each Party will renege and what promises each Party will forget. The general public can no longer do anything whatever about it. Therefore, a Coalition Government, by and large, is a fraud on the general public. It does not represent the common interest. If there is any negation of democracy in its true sense, it is a negation of democracy.

I see nothing wrong whatever if people who get only 40 per cent of the votes of the general public become the Government of the country, unless some other Party have a greater percentage. These people put before the electorate a policy on a broad basis. They must understand the feelings of the people and the temperament of the people. If their policy is not a success, the people can throw them out the next time. That is a far cry from the fraud on the general public created by coalitions.

We have heard suggestions here that it would be a great thing if in the next general election no Party got more than 66 seats. Fifty per cent of the seats is 77 seats. What would then happen? If the largest Party got only 66 seats in the next election, I do not care what Party it is, a Government could not be formed other than a Coalition Government, which, as I said, would be a deliberate fraud. Otherwise, that Party of 66 would move into Government, appoint their Ministers, endeavour to carry out their policy, and at any time at the whim of any four or five Independents—who represent nothing or nobody but themselves, or who perhaps represent a pressure party—that Government could be thrown out of office. The whole common good of the country and the people at large would be forgotten.

Proportional representation is something that breeds greed, discontent and factions in the public. That is fundamental and inherent in it. It breeds greed and discontent above all in those people who have less claim on the public purse and on the national cake. Your cottage tenants because they are poor cannot form a pressure party. Your old age pensioners may be large in number, but they cannot form a pressure group or pressure party. Your pressure party will be formed by well-to-do, well-organised sections of the community who already, perhaps, enjoy more than their fair share of the national cake. They can hold any Government up to ransom.

If we would just once realise that the average politician in this House is a fundamentally decent man, that fundamentally he is at least as good as the average cross-section of the country— and in most cases very much better, because people do not elect a political Party from the worst types in the community. In most cases a Member of our Parliament of any Party is dedicated and hardworking. If the Taoiseach appoints him a Minister, he is usually unselfish and dedicated to his cause and his work. Surely, if such a political Party have put their policy before the people and that has been accepted, nothing can go very far wrong—I do not care what Party is concerned. Such a Government can display imagination. At present most people complain that there is a dead centre of mediocrity in the country, with no progress, no ideas, no imagination. Surely, it is stultifying to imagination and progress if you hamstring a Government at every attempt. Give them a chance, whatever Party it is. Let them try their ideas; experiment, if you will. They cannot go far wrong in three or four years. If their ideas do not prove successful, fling them out. Quite a small swing in votes will be sufficient to do that and put another political Party into power.

You cannot be in Opposition under a direct vote unless you have a definite policy because you must submit it in advance to the people and the people vote on policy rather than personality. They vote for something rather than against something. PR is completely negative: under PR they do not vote for a Government or for a Party; they really vote against it. In 19 cases out of 20, that is how votes are cast.

Another grave danger, if the Government are not strong, is that the Taoiseach has not a completely free hand in the appointement of Ministers. It is all very well to say that Ministers of a Government have joint and several responsibilities but each man must have his own personal pride and responsibility and the country needs leadership. A Government must suggest things. It is completely degrading in this House that we should be told that the Government have gone beyond their duty because they suggest to the people that now, after nine years, the people should have an opportunity of deciding whether, in their view, it is more advantageous to the country, whether it will help to expand the economy, help democracy and help to have new ideas if the people get an opportunity of voting on the electoral system. To suggest that a Government cannot have that amount of initiative is completely degrading because it assumes that the representatives in Parliament are merely delegates, that the Government are composed merely of delegates. The Government are there as leaders to inspire, suggest and direct, and if the people want it otherwise, they can have it.

On the question of whether and Member of Parliament is a delegate or a representative, I read some weeks ago a speech by Deputy Cosgrave at, I think, a dinner or celebration for him. I admired him for his sentiments; he showed himself a true parliamentarian. His speech was a quotation from the speech of Edmund Burke after the Bristol election where he sets out how proud and happy he was to be the representative of the people and points out that being a representative was very different from being a mere delegate. Deputy Cosgrave's speech struck a chord in my memory when I read it and I looked up the speeches of Edmund Burke and this is it, so far as I can recollect:

It ought to be the happiness and glory of a representative to live in the strictest union, the closest correspondence and the most unreserved communication with his constituents. Their wishes ought to have great weight with him, their opinion high respect; their business his unremitting attention. It is his duty to sacrifice his repose, his pleasure, his satisfactions to theirs and above all, ever, and in all cases to prefer their interests to his own. But, his unbiased opinion, his mature judgment, his enlightened conscience he ought not to sacrifice to you, to any man, or to any set of men living. These he does not derive from your pleasure; no, nor from the law and the Constitution. They are a trust from Providence for the abuse of which he is deeply answerable.

That is an expression one can expect, as a rule, only under the direct vote, not the sort of expression of one elected to Parliament as a member of a pressure group. I admire Deputy Cosgrave for it. He showed the courage of his convictions in thus expressing his views. Only under a straight vote system can parliamentarians with the sentiments of Burke hope to exist. Therefore, I feel absolutely and unreservedly committed to supporting any steps that may be taken for the introduction of the straight vote, single-member constituency because I feel that otherwise I would be false to my own conscience. That I believe it to be essential for the progress of true democracy is the only reason prompting me to do so. PR frustrates government, mitigates or removes imagination and stultifies opposition.

I see nothing wrong or strange in the situation that Senator Garret FitzGerald points out, of an Opposition being sometimes considerably reduced or reduced much more substantially than it would be otherwise. May I indicate to Senator FitzGerald that what is more important than the quantity of the Opposition is its quality? Under proportional representation you will not get an Opposition of the proper quality because at no time have they to submit their policy to the test of public opinion in the assurance that if it be accepted they must put it into practice.

I think that every argument possible for and against the two Amendments have been made, and I do not intend to keep the House very long at this late hour. However, there is one argument that deserves repetition, that is, that it is the duty of a Government to do the right thing at the right point in time. Carlyle once said that a word spoken in season may be the matter of ages, and indeed the right thing done by a Government at the right time is certainly the most important thing in its history. I believe this point in time has come to get rid of PR. All the other speakers on this side of the House have adequately proved why this should be done.

The main reason is, as Senator Nash has said, that if we do not get rid of PR, the only alternative facing the people is a Coalition Government, if they ever wish to change horses. We all know the horrors and the disasters of coalitions not only in our own country but in other countries. I certainly do not wish to go into the disasters of this type of government, but that is the one and only reason that has motivated our Taoiseach, our Minister and our Government to put this issue before the people once again. As I said, if there is to be a change of Government we do not mind if it is a Fine Gael Government or a Labour Government, but we do not want to inflict a Coalition Government on the people of Ireland ever again or to be responsible for leaving a system of election in this country which would produce it.

When the Fianna Fáil Government formulated our wonderful Constitution, against which the two Parties opposite fought tooth and nail, they enshrined in it provision for a referendum, and for that we should be very grateful to the Fianna Fáil Party. We know, and it has gone down in history, that even though Fine Gael and Labour knew this was an ideal Constitution, they did everything humanly possible to defeat it, and the only reason they worked so hard to defeat it was that it was introduced by Fianna Fáil.

The very same kind of opposition is taking place this time against these two Amendments. The only reason they have for opposing the two Amendments is that they have been brought in by the Fianna Fáil Government. They are not a bit concerned whether it is good or bad for the country. Their one and only aim is to defeat Fianna Fáil in the referendum. Those are the lowest motives any Opposition Party could have.

Several other points have been raised already, but I think I should refer to the tolerance. Senator Ryan has amply proved with facts and figures that the value of a country vote is by no means equal to that of a city vote. We believe we should have a representative on the number of electors in an area and not on the size of the population. In our cities and urban areas we have not a true representation at all. We want the rural vote to have at least the same value as the city vote, which it has not today. We also want our county boundaries to be kept intact, if possible.

I do not like the many suggestions that under the straight vote there would be a better type of Deputy. It would be more true to say there would be more honesty in our Deputies. They would not be claiming to get for our people grants and other things to which they are entitled and which they would get if the Deputies were never there. I do not know about securing a better type of Deputy, but I do believe there would be more honesty.

There were many references to the value of votes, to A being equal to B plus C, and that has already been ably explained. If the second preference votes of one section are counted, the second preference votes of everybody else deserve to get the same value. Backbencher has said we have too many hind-tit Deputies in every Party, and I thoroughly agree with him. Any man would surely prefer to be elected on his own merits in a small area than to go riding in on the tail of somebody else. There is one thing which has not been quoted here in this House. It is an objective opinion by Father O'Connor, Lecturer on Politics in UCD. This was an article which was in the Irish Press, and it looks as if the Opposition Deputies here have not read that article. He said:

Let us suppose that Fianna Fáil gets 120 seats in the next election. This would simply mean that Fianna Fáil policy appealed to the people in the constituencies and that they wanted it. This is what politics is about. Fianna Fáil is not a homogeneous Party after all, and if they happen to get a majority of Deputies, there will be different opinions emerging within the Party and helping to shape policy. These different views may not emerge under the Party Whip inside the Dáil but they will appear in terms of ironing out policy in the Party rooms. If Fianna Fáil can maintain unity in this sort of monolithic structure, this will be because the leadership is presenting a policy which finds a response among the local representatives. If Fianna Fáil wins more seats and more power, then it speaks very poorly for the other two Parties. Personally I have more faith in their capacity to meet the challenge.

I think that explains, as Senator Ó Maoláin said, the fear and trembling of the two parties in the Opposition, and that is the reason they want to cling on to PR. When history comes to be written, whether we win or lose this referendum, we will go down to future generations as having done the right thing at the right time, and I know history will prove me right.

I was intrigued last week when Senator Yeats was speaking, because I believe Senator Yeats, like myself, is a man of simple political faith.

Not perhaps the same faith.

No. His simple faith is very obvious, and I presume that mine is also obvious. Mine can be simply expressed. I believe that everything Fianna Fáil say is intended to deceive, and everything they do is intended to better themselves. I am fortified and buttressed in that simple belief by profound conviction that I am right. As I said, the other evening I was intrigued to hear a man who has the same simple faith as mine quoting Herbert Morrison away back in 1924 in the House of Commons. I asked myself what was the Senator's preoccupation with a dead man.

The truth lives on.

That is quite true, as I intend to show the Senator, but I wondered to myself why should the Senator quote a man who as he said last Thursday was no friend of Ireland. The Senator is a simple politician like myself and I take that to mean that he was an enemy of Ireland. Yet I found Senator Yeats quoting him. I decided that I myself would do a little digging into the past too to see why Senator Yeats picked that particular gentleman to quote, and why Senator Yeats should pay so much attention to what an enemy of Ireland had to say.

All our enemies do not tell lies all the time.

I am prepared to concede to the Senator that all our enemies do not tell lies—not all of them. I might not include the Senator, but if he would allow me to make my own speech, I would be much obliged. I wondered why he picked this enemy of Ireland and why he went back so far—almost a lifetime. In spite of my best efforts, I could not find any friend of Ireland around that time, in the same company as Herbert Morrison, who had anything good to say about Ireland. Neither could I find anyone else, friend or enemy of that man in the British Parliament, who had anything good to say about Ireland.

I was very puzzled, but while I was delving into the past—and I freely admit I have not the Senator's capacity for delving—I discovered someone the Senator might also accept as an authority, and as telling the truth about PR, and about what he and his friends call the straight vote. I discovered that a former Leader of the Senator's now Deputy Seán Lemass, is on record in the Official Report of the Dáil debates of 21st March, 1934, at column 1288, Volume 51, as saying:

It is not possible to gerrymander in this country. One reason is because proportional representation operates...

He went on to say:

... so long as you have the principle of proportional representation, it does not matter how you divide the country...

When this attempt to abolish PR has finished and failed, the position will be as it is, but if by any chance—and it is hardly conceivable that the people will allow Fianna Fáil to do away with PR, but since it is being put to the people, and since we cannot know in advance exactly what the people will do, we must concede to the Senator that there is a small chance, a slight chance, that PR will be abolished—it is abolished then Deputy Lemass's Party will seek straight away to alter the constituencies.

No. There will be an independent Commission.

An independent Commission. We have seen so many independent Fianna Fáil commissions.

There will be a High Court judge. The Senator should read the Fourth Amendment of the Constitution Bill.

The Senator should shut up. He has been at it for three days. Do not be like a budgie all the time. If PR does not exist, Fianna Fáil will attempt to gerrymander the constituencies. Then perhaps Deputy Lemass's Party will see their chance. I presume that since they are coupling the abolition of PR with what, in my opinion, will be an attempt to gerrymander, Deputy Lemass will be an authority whom the Senator and his Party will consult, when they come to gerrymander the constituencies.

I also discovered another friend of the Senator's, indeed, a friend of all the Senator's Party, a man whom Senator Ó Maoláin defended here very strongly tonight and, since he was such a good friend of the Senator's, I should like to quote him. The late Mr. Seán T. O'Kelly, then Deputy O'Kelly, is reported at column 1324, Volume 51, of the Official Report as saying:

There are many ideas as to what is the best form of proportional representation and the best area to select as a constituency. I have taken a great interest in proportional representation. I was a member of a proportional representation society in this country long before the idea was definitely adopted as a guiding principle in elections.

This I presume was long before the British stuffed it down our necks. He went on:

I still stand for proportional representation. I believe in this country it is suited to the needs of the people and I would vote against any Bill that proposed to abolish the system.

That was Mr. S. T. O'Kelly, a man for whom the Senator and his Leader have a great admiration, a man for whom I have a great admiration, believe it or not.

He was entitled to his view.

He was also entitled to admiration.

(Longford): In what year was that said? That is important.

It was said in the course of the present century.

(Longford): That is a long time ago.

It is not as far back as 1924.

It is not as far back as 1927 and the Fine Gael advertisement which was referred to earlier.

It is not as far back as the 1922 Constitution which was also referred to.

With less relevance.

I thought you wanted the Minister to get in before 11 o'clock. I am prepared to stay here all night.

I said before 10 o'clock. We do not care now how long you stay.

The Minister was quick to point out that he could not hear someone because of a conversation here. If Senators want to interrupt me, they should address me through the Chair and the Chair will deal with them. Those were the views of the late Mr. S.T. O'Kelly. He was entitled to his views, as Senator Ó Maoláin said. No one will take those views from him.

There was another great friend of the Senator's, I discovered, who had a great admiration for the system of PR also. Mind you, if I bore the Senator and his Party, I think he has to take the blame on his own head. He intrigued me so much with what he had to say about Herbert Morrison that I had to go back to what his old friend said. This old friend was Deputy Éamon de Valera, the then Taoiseach. As reported in Volume 171 of the Official Report of Dáil Éireann, column 1959, he is reported as saying:

The system we have we know; the people know it. On the whole it has worked out pretty well. I think that we have a good deal to be thankful for in this country; we have to be very grateful that we have had a system of PR here. It gives a certain amount of stability, and on the system of the single transferable vote you have fair representation of Parties. I understood when I was in opposition that this whole principle of PR was being threatened and I was rather anxious here that we would ensure in the Constitution a reasonable basis for PR.

Further, in the same speech, the then Taoiseach said:

I think we get, probably, in this country more than any other country, better balanced results from the system we have. If you take the countries where PR exists you get better balanced results than you get in other countries.

That is the opinion of a responsible man when he was Taoiseach of this country and which they would have defended at one time to the death. Because Mr. Éamon de Valera is beyond criticism in his present position, we can only criticise him as he was then. He has now left active politics and all his friends and his cohorts and the famous rearguard which he had can now say his opinions are worth nothing: I will go that far with them, I had not a great deal of regard for his opinions but, when they are put on record and when we find that the people across the way, who had such a high regard for him, are now acting in disregard of the opinions he expressed, I think we are entitled to remind them of what he said. Further, again, in the same speech, Deputy Éamon de Valera, as he then was, is reported as saying:

I think we get the benefits of PR in reasonably balanced legislation here better than in any other country I have read about or know anything about.

I am sure Senators will state that Mr. Éamon de Valera is knowledgeable: at least he claims to be such.

I have quoted the opinions expressed by Deputy Seán Lemass, the late Deputy. Seán T. O'Kelly and Deputy Éamon de Valera, as he was then. I did a bit of further research into another source and I discovered that a great friend of Senator Yeats, one might say, apart from the fact that he was also an enemy of——

Senator Yeats is an Anglophobe.

I have a note here of what Hermann Goering said on 13th March, 1946, at the Nuremburg trial:

If the German election had been held on the British system the Nazi Party would have won every seat in the Reichstage.

Now, there is the position. We have friends of the Fianna Fáil Party and former Leaders of the Party praising proportional representation and then we have some of their soulmates, perhaps, praising proportional representation also.

Did the Nazi Party not get in through proportional representation?

Forty-three per cent in a free election. That is all they got.

Do not mind the percentage.

No. The other side of the House do not know what proportional representation is.

Did Hitler not take over the Reichstage in 1932 as a result of the proportional representation election? Look it up again, boy: the oracle who knows everything.

I thoroughly agree with Mr. Éamon de Valera's judgment here. His knowledge of history at that period could not be disputed. He knew about Germany and Italy, first hand.

Your tribute will be conveyed personally.

It is the first time I have paid a tribute to him. I hope it will not be the last time.

By God, it is. Tell the truth, anyway. Do not be a hypocrite.

Might we have Senator McHugh, without interruption, please?

As reported at column 1953 of the Official Report of Dáil Éireann, Volume 232, the Taoiseach, Deputy Jack Lynch, is reported as saying that all of these eminent authorities in Western Europe and North America who support the straight vote have done so on the basis that it is the system most likely to produce stable Government. All of those people who support the straight vote in Western Europe and in North America are eminent authorities, according to the Taoiseach. I do not see any analogy at all between the system they have in North America and the system they have in Western Europe. We must remember that the enormous population of those countries makes the position completely different from the position we have here.

If we look at Annex 5 of the Report of the Committee on the Constitution, December, 1967, we can see, straight away, the position obtaining in some of those countries the Taoiseach spoke about. He referred to Canada as one of the countries in North America. On average, each Member of the Lower House there represents 64,000 inhabitants. It takes four representatives in my constituency to represent far fewer people. In Britain, it takes one Member of the Lower House to represent 80,000 people. In Italy, it takes one Member to represent 80,000 persons. In France, there is one representative for 93,000 people. I do not know what the Taoiseach meant when he said that eminent authorities in North America and Western Europe support the straight vote and consider it the system most likely to produce stable Government. One must compare like with like. Take an area in this country where four Members represent, roughly, 80,000 to 84,000 people.

Each of them represent 80,000 people.

The Taoiseach was talking about each of the constituencies in those places.

Each of the four Clare Members represents 80,000 people.

He has two colleagues or three. The Taoiseach asks us to accept his proposition but I cannot see the sense of it. Perhaps the Taoiseach knows more about these things than I do: I am prepared to concede him that.

You can say that again, anyhow.

Frankly, however, I cannot see it. The Taoiseach further said, as reported in the same debate, that the people have already given their answer and their verdict. I agree. The people gave their verdict whenever they were consulted and their verdict was quite clear. PR was in the 1922 Constitution and the people accepted that.

They never saw it until after the election.

They never saw it: we will accept that. They accepted it in every successive general election. They accepted it in 1937 also. We had a referendum in 1957 and the people accepted the system of PR then. Now we find the Fianna Fáil Party coming in during the middle of a Dáil term, with a majority in both Houses, seeking something for which they never sought a mandate from the people, the abolition of PR. When they were seeking election, they never told the people that if they secured a majority, they would abolish PR. Now they steamroll it through. That is exactly what is happening. They want to give their faithful supporters an opportunity of saying "yes" again and once again we will hear the slogan "Vote yes" only on this occasion they will be asked to vote "yes" twice. They believe they can bulldoze this across the people as they bulldozed it through the Dáil and as they are bulldozing it through this House because if we were talking until Doomsday, not one comma in these Bills would be altered. They are enabled to do it because they have a majority granted by providence.

They got it with 47½ per cent of the votes.

Then we hear talk about coalitions and intrigues and decisions being made without consulting the people and talk about coalitions or inter-Party Governments being formed without the people being consulted. The people were asked to vote for candidates and those elected were sent in here as representatives and not as delegates, as Senator Nash said. They decided to form a Coalition Government and they were quite entitled to do so. I am sorry that Senator Nash has left the House. He spoke about people in coalitions masquerading under different guises, as Labour and supporting Fine Gael or masquerading as Independents and supporting Fine Gael. When he said that he stirred my memory. I have a clear recollection of people now in Fianna Fáil who were masquerading as Independents in one area with one card and as Fianna Fáil cumann members in another area with another card. If the Senator were here, that might stir his recollection also.

I thought Senator Nash spoke rather well and he gave the impression to anybody who had not heard him before that he was sincere because he spoke very sincerely. He talked about the dangers of PR and about the results which sprang from it. He spoke about those dishonest coalition governments, those terrible people who come together as representatives of the people and decide for themselves what they should do. Any reasonable person would prefer a Deputy who after being elected says openly that he will support any form of government, let it be inter-Party, coalition or minority government, who says that this is what he is going to do as long as he is the representative of the people. He is entitled to do that. We saw how Senator Nash shuddered when he referred to the terrible coalitionists and he gave the impression that he was glad there were seats between him and us but I wonder did he hear the cock crowing behind him in an empty seat.

A Senator

What?

It will come to you some time. We can look around and see some of the people who coalesced with Fianna Fáil and who did not tell the people who elected them that they were going to do that and who afterwards were paid for their work by being returned to this House as the Taoiseach's nominees. We are entitled to say that we disbelieve the people who talk about coalition intrigue with this sanctimonious outlook. Once the representatives of the people are elected, they are perfectly entitled to decide for themselves what they will opt for and as long as they retain the confidence of the people, they are entitled to act in that fashion but the people who acted as Mr. Leneghan acted and a few more Independents and went for a ride on the Fianna Fáil tiger, we know what——

Now, now, that is my story.

I know it is but I thought it was too nice a turn of phrase to miss. Certainly he has wound up on something, whether it is a tiger or not. I would say that he and people like him will think again before they go for a ride on that particular tiger. Proportional representation has been objected to on so many grounds and so many arguments have been advanced against it that it is almost impossible to remember every one of them. Some of them were not even worth writing down. One or two were so fatuous that they are not worth rebutting.

One objection voiced was the long counts. Politically, I have a fairly long memory and I only remember two long counts in one general election in two constituencies. Apparently, because there were two long counts in two constituencies, the whole system must now be thrown overboard. Everything must be scrapped because a couple of people were inconvenienced and because the Taoiseach did not know for a little while whether or not he would have a majority. The whole system must now be scrapped to satisfy the people who think it takes too long to count the votes.

The computer will revolutionise that.

It takes three weeks to fight a general election and one whole day to cast the votes. There is no talk about the long delay in fighting the election. Why not have voting on two successive days? That should speed up the counting. It should satisfy those who advance fatuous arguments for abolishing proportional representation. Of course, the real reason for the proposed abolition is not the long count; the real reason is the anxiety of Fianna Fáil to ensure that Fianna Fáil will remain in office as the Government. Assuming we go over to the straight vote and the single-seat constituency—it is a foolish assumption—we shall then have here the type of thing to which Senator Quinlan referred yesterday, the safe seat, the seat the Party in power nurse for the faithful few, and no contest. It is not often one sees such simple faith. People have a right to vote and the risk involved in having safe seats is, to me, the paramount reason why there should be no such thing as the single-seat constituency. There are too many safe seats in Northern Ireland. There are quite a number of safe seats across the water, though that does not concern us.

I have here an interesting editorial which appeared in Irish News on 2nd February last. This paper could not be described as a friend of the Government in the North of Ireland. It is the Nationalist paper, the paper the members of Fianna Fáil would carry in their pockets. The editorial says:

Fianna Fáil cannot point to any volume of public opinion that the 1959 decision should be reconsidered. The abolition of proportional representation in favour of the British electoral system will certainly benefit Fianna Fáil and make serious inroads in the present strength in Dáil Éireann of Fine Gael and Labour. Leinster House will then be offered the nearest approach to a one-Party system of government, such as we have at Stormont, as it is possible to achieve.

The Fianna Fáil arguments in favour of the straight vote with single-seat constituencies and the non-transferable vote, so far, have been singularly unconvincing. Apart from the absence of public demand for any change, the PR system, so often lauded by Mr. de Valera when he led the Party, can hardly be said to have resulted in unstable government from Leinster House.

When we talk about unstable government and look at the situation here and the type of Government we have had since 1922, then, anyone who says we have had unstable government is talking through his hat. We have had only two Parties producing two Leaders of Governments in Dáil Éireann—Fianna Fáil, Cumann na nGaedheal and Fine Gael, which is really Cumann na nGaedheal. There have been only two Heads of Government from a Party point of view in the past 40 years and those two Heads represented two Parties, I do not think there is a country in Western Europe with such a long history of stable government, of strong government, and to come along at this stage and say that the straight vote will give us stable government as against unstable government under the PR system is just sheer nonsense.

The leader goes on to say:

If, as Fianna Fáil claims, there are many disabilities in the form of government which PR produces, they must be attached to the party in power, not to the electoral system.

That is the opinion of the Nationalist paper in Northern Ireland. It has no axe to grind.

They are not infallible and the Senator should not quote them as he would the Bible.

The Senator is very funny, but he is not infallible. I do not pretend to be infallible either, but I claim to be pretty accurate in matters political. The editorial concludes:

Mr. Lynch is a forward-looking Taoiseach;

They can say that again——

but if he is offering the people a straight choice between PR and the British electoral formula (which produces governments on a minority vote), he is also seeking to concentrate power, in perpetuity, in the hands of Fianna Fáil. The people will doubtless give him his answer, as they did in 1959.

That is a Fine Gael organ.

That is typical Fine Gael; it is what we would expect.

We know what is typical. The Senators on the other side forget that someone who comes from a county like County Clare is quite used to this sort of thing. One gets accustomed to it. Another argument for the single-seat constituency is that there would be less work for civil servants and Ministers. They would not have to write to several Deputies on the one footy matter. They would not have to write to every Deputy in a constituency about an old age pension claim or some land division. The position is that one Deputy in a constituency writes in and, the following week, his colleague in the same Party writes in, and eventually all the Deputies write in, then the Senators, then the county councillors, the town commissioners and, finally, the lowest rank of all, the Fianna Fáil peace commissioners. The argument is that this is a waste of time for civil servants and for Ministers.

There are very few listening tonight.

This is an absolutely crazy argument. Elections are not fought on the basis of going before the people and saying: "If you give us your votes we will make the work of civil servants easy and will ensure that they will not have to write more than one letter to one Deputy on any given subject". It is crazy to come before the House with this kind of silly argument, that it is too difficult for civil servants to keep up with their work. I have no idea what that means. Senator O'Kennedy made an excellent speech, but I heard him talking about writing to five Deputies and five Senators on footling matters and I said to myself that Senator O'Kennedy is slipping; there must be something wrong.

When the Fianna Fáil Party decided that they were going to abolish the system of proportional representation, I am sure they brought all the men of simple faith, all the true blues, together, including Senator Yeats, and had long consultation deep into the night and then evolved this idea that they would appoint a Committee on the Constitution and that then they would attempt to blind the people into believing that this Committee suggested that the Constitution should be amended and that the system of PR should be abolished. This Committee, as everybody knows, made no such report. I am not saying that Fianna Fáil are alleging that they made any such report but I am quite certain that they must have been disappointed, because of the way the Committee was constituted, that they were able to bring out this report.

Did Cumann na nGaedheal try that in 1929?

Have we to compete with the Senator or am I to be allowed to make my speech? I can see the Chair's difficulty but surely the Whip has no such difficulty? As I have said, the Fianna Fáil Party must have been greatly disappointed because the Committee did not produce a recommendation that the system of proportional representation be abolished. They made no such recommendation. They just set out the arguments for. I am sure they were put by Fianna Fáil. It has been put on record in this House that the then Taoiseach who set up this Committee and who afterwards became a member of the Committee stated that there was no intention and that it would be completely foolish to attempt to go to the people again with another proposition to abolish proportional representation. That has been put on the record here and on the record of the other House. If Deputy Seán Lemass thought fit to deny that, I am sure he would have denied it. The mere fact that he does not think fit to deny it would give reason to any normal person to believe that that is what he said.

Of course it is.

(Interruptions.)

I lost my train of thought when I was interrupted. There is one point I wanted to make. There is the suggestion that the PR system was in some way too complicated for our people to use properly. It has been used to good effect since 1922. It has been used in every election. The fact that it takes a long time to count the votes indicates that the electorate must be exercising their votes very carefully and, to use the words of Senator Honan, very decisively. I fail to see how you can use a preference vote any less decisively than a No. 1 vote.

If we refer again to this Report on the Constitution we see, in Annex 13, how the people voted since 1922. The percentage of spoiled votes in 1922 was 3.48. The percentage of the total electorate who voted was 62. In 1923 the percentage of spoiled votes increased slightly to 3.66 and from 1923 t has decreased until, in the election of 65, the percentage of spoiled votes as 0.91—not even one per cent—out a total vote of 75.1 per cent.

(Interruptions.)

Anybody who says, therefore, that the system is too complex for us, that the Irish people cannot use this system, is talking nonsense.

Who is saying "Hear, hear"?

Am I to appeal directly to the Whips? If you have not respect for this House and allow this type of thing, the Leader of the House should show respect and remove this person. I know he is doing his best. He was doing his best today, too.

It will becomes anybody from that side to talk about respect for the House.

This report has shown clearly——

Will Senator Ahern conduct himself or leave the House?

I will leave the House.

As I was saying, this report has shown conclusively that our people can and do use the system of PR intelligently. Then, when we find the Fianna Fáil Party producing the argument that the system is too complex, it is time we sat up and examined that argument carefully. If these are the only reasons, the stupid reasons, Fianna Fáil have for their attempt to change the system of election, there is no doubt as to the verdict the people will give because, to my mind, there is a clear obligation on the people who want to change the system of election, and consequently to change our Constitution, to give not merely valid but compelling reasons.

It is now 11 o'clock. Does the House wish to adjourn or to proceed?

The House will adjourn until 10.30 a.m. tomorrow.

Could I inquire what the arrangements are? The arrangement for tomorrow was that business would conclude between 1 p.m. and 1.30 p.m.

The Senator is trying to be funny.

All the agreements go by the board—they have been broken by those over there.

Senator FitzGerald could not keep any agreement. He has no word.

I did not hear what the Leader of the House said because of the Minister's mumbling interruptions.

Tá an Seanad ar athló.

I appeal to you, Sir, to ask the Leader of the House to repeat what he said and which could not be heard through the Minister's mumbles.

There was an arrangement——

I propose that the Seanad meet at 10.30 a.m. tomorrow and continue until it has done what I was foolish enough to believe would be done today—conclude the Second Stage of this Bill.

Debate adjourned.
The Seanad adjourned at 11.5 p.m. until 10.30 a.m. on Friday, 19th July, 1968.
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